🔍 OpenStax's free sociology textbook provides comprehensive coverage of sociological theories, research methods, and real-world applications across 21 chapters, designed to make sociology accessible and relevant to students' lives
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🌐 Diverse perspectives examine social phenomena at both micro and macro levels, analyzing everything from individual interactions to large-scale societal patterns
👥 Cultural patterns and social structures reveal how individual choices are shaped by broader social forces, demonstrating the inseparable connection between people and their societies
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ess culture , social me dia emplo yment conse quenc es, and sp orts te ams with N ative Americ an names /masc ots. •Big Picture: Present so ciologic al concepts a t a na tional or interna tional lev el, including the mos t rec ent mas s migra tion crises , the rise o f e-waste, and glob al diff erenc es in e duc ation p athways. •Social P olicy and Deb ate: Discus ses p olitic al is sues tha t rela te to chapter c ontent , such as “ The Leg alese of Sex and Gender ” and “Is the U .S. Bilingual? ” Section Summaries Section summaries dis till the inf orma tion in e ach section f or b oth s tudents and ins tructors do wn to k ey, concise p oints addres sed in the section . Key T erms Key terms are b old and are f ollowed by a definition in c onte xt. Definitions o f key terms are also lis ted in the Glos sary, which app ears a t the end o f the chapter . Section Quizz es Section quizz es pro vide opp ortunities to apply and tes t the inf orma tion s tudents le arn throughout e ach section . Both multiple -choic e and shor t-resp onse ques tions f eature a v ariety o f ques tion typ es and rang e of difficulty . Further R esear ch This f eature helps s tudents fur ther e xplore the section topic through links to other inf orma tion sourc es or discus sions . Acknowledgements Intro duction to So ciolog y 3e is based on the w ork o f numerous pro fessors , writers , editors , and review ers who are a ble to bring topics to s tudents in the mos t eng aging w ay. We would lik e to thank all those lis ted below as w ell as man y others who ha ve contribute d their time and energ y to review and pro vide f eedback on the manuscript . Their input has b een critic al in maintaining the pedagogic al integrity and ac curacy o f the te xt. About the A uthors Senior Contributing A uthors Tonja R . Conerly , San J acinto C olleg e Kathleen Holmes , Northern Es sex Community C olleg e Asha Lal T amang , Minne apolis C ommunity and T echnic al Colleg e and N orth Hennepin C ommunity C olleg e Contributing A uthors Heather Griffiths , Fayetteville Sta te Univ ersity Jennif er Hensle y, Vincennes Univ ersity Jennif er L. T rost, Univ ersity o f St. Thomas Pamela A lcasey, Central T exas C olleg e Kate McGonig al, Fort Ha ys Sta te Univ ersityPrefac e3 Nathan K eirns , Zane Sta te C olleg e Eric Stra yer, Har tnell C olleg e Susan C ody-Rydzewski, Georgia P erimeter C olleg e Gail Sc aramuzz o, Lacka wanna C olleg e Tomm y Sadler , Union Univ ersity Sally V yain, Ivy Tech C ommunity C olleg e Jeff Br y, Minnesota Sta te C ommunity and T echnic al Colleg e at Mo orhe ad Faye Jones , Mis sissippi Gulf C oast Community C olleg e Reviewers Karen Sa bbah, Los Ang eles Pierc e Colleg e Nikitah Imani , Univ ersity o f Nebraska - Omaha Vera K enne dy, West Hills C olleg e Kathryn Kik endall , John J ay Colleg e of Criminal J ustice Anna P enner , Pepp erdine Univ ersity Patricia J ohnson C oxx, John J ay Colleg e of Criminal J ustice Mitchell Mackinem , Wingate Univ ersity Rick Biesanz, C orning C ommunity C olleg e Cynthia He ddles ten, Metrop olitan C ommunity C olleg e Janet Hund , Long Be ach City C olleg e The a Alvarado , Colleg e of the C anyons Daysha La wrenc e, Stark Sta te C olleg e Sally V yain, Ivy Tech C ommunity C olleg e Natashia W illmot t, Stark Sta te C olleg e Ang ela M. A dkins , Stark Sta te C olleg e Carol J enkins , Glendale C ommunity C olleg e Lillian Marie W allac e, Pima C ommunity C olleg e J. Brandon W allac e, Middle T ennes see Sta te Univ ersity Gerr y R. Cox, pro fessor emeritus a t the Univ ersity o f Wisconsin-La C rosse David Hunt , Augus ta Sta te Univ ersity Jennif er L. N ewman-Sho emak e, Ang elo Sta te Univ ersity , and Cisc o Colleg e Matthew Morrison , Univ ersity o f Virginia Sue Greer -Pitt, Southe ast Kentucky C ommunity and T echnic al Colleg e Faye Jones , Mis sissippi Gulf C oast Community C olleg e Athena Smith , Hillsb orough C ommunity C olleg e Kim W inford, Blinn C olleg e Kevin K eating , Bro ward C olleg e Russell Da vis, Univ ersity o f West Alabama Kimb erly Bo yd, Pie dmont V irginia C ommunity C olleg e Lynn N ewhar t, Rockford C olleg e Russell C . Ward, Ma ysville C ommunity and T echnic al Colleg e Xuemei Hu , Union C ounty C olleg e Marg aret A . Choka, P ellis sippi Sta te C ommunity C olleg e Cindy Minton , Clark Sta te C ommunity C olleg e Nili Kirschner , Woodland C ommunity C olleg e Shonda Whets tone , Blinn C olleg e Eliza beth Arre aga, ins tructor emerita a t Long Be ach City C olleg e Florencio R . Riguera, C atholic Univ ersity o f Americ a John B . Gannon , Colleg e of Southern N evada4 Prefac e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Gerald Titchener , Des Moines Are a Community C olleg e Rahime -Malik Ho ward, El C entro C olleg e, and C ollin C olleg e Jeff Br y, Minnesota Sta te C ommunity and T echnic al Colleg e at Mo orhe ad Cynthia T ooley, Metrop olitan C ommunity C olleg e at Blue Riv er Carol Sebilia, Dia blo V alley Colleg e Marian Mo ore, Owens C ommunity C olleg e John Bar tkowski, Univ ersity o f Texas a t San Antonio Shelly Dutchin , Western T echnic al Colleg e Additional R esour ces Student and Ins truct or R esour ces We’ve compile d additional resourc es for b oth s tudents and ins tructors , including Get ting Star ted Guides , a tes t bank , and lecture slides . Ins tructor resourc es re quire a v erifie d ins tructor ac count , which y ou c an apply f or when y ou log in or cre ate your ac count on op enstax.org. Take adv anta ge of these resourc es to supplement y our OpenStax b ook. 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To ac cess the technolog y options f or y our te xt, visit y our b ook page on op enstax.org.Prefac e5 6 Prefac e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 1.1 Every day, 7.5 million people use the railways around Mumbai, India. The vast majority of them don’t know each other, but they share much in common as they move together. (Credit: Rajarshi MITRA/flickr) CHAPTER OUTLINE 1.1 What Is Sociology? 1.2 The History of Sociology 1.3 Theoretical Perspectives in Sociology 1.4 Why Study Sociology? INTRODUCTION A busy commuter train station might seem like a very individualized place. Tens of thousands or hundreds of thousands of strangers flow through with a singular purpose: to get where they need to go. Whether walking through main doors at a pace of a dozen people each second, or arriving by train hundreds at a time, the station can feel a bit like a balloon being pumped too full. Throngs of people cluster in tight bottlenecks until they burst through corridors and stairways and tunnels to reach the next stage of their journey. In some stations, walking against the crowd can be a tedious, nearly impossible process. And cutting across a river of determined commuters can be almost dangerous. Things are fast, relentless, and necessary. But are those hundred thousand or half a million or, in the case of Tokyo’s Shinjuku station, 3.5 million people really acting individually? It may seem surprising, but even with those numbers, strangers from across cities can synch up on the same schedules, use the same doors, take one leg of the trip together every day before separating into different directions. After just a few months, faces can become familia r, and senses can be tuned. An experienced commuter can tell where another person is going according to their pace and whatever announcement just went out; they may slow up a bit to let the other person pass, or hold a door open just a bit1 An Introduction to Sociology long er than usual , certain tha t someone will gra b the handle b ehind them . Man y regulars don ’t nee d to check the sche dule b oard; the y sense whether a train is r unning la te or whether a track has chang ed simply b y the movement o f the cro wd. And then the cus toms dev elop: Which side to w alk on , how fas t to g o, where to s tand , how much sp ace to le ave between p eople on the esc alator. When y ou b oard e arly , which se at should y ou tak e? When y ou see someone running f or the train , do y ou jam the closing do or with y our f oot? Ho w do es the cro wd tre at people who ask f or food or mone y? Wha t’s the risk lev el in telling someone to b e quiet? Very few o f these b ehaviors are ta ught . None are writ ten do wn. But the transit hub , tha t pocket of constant flo w, is an echo o f its so ciety . It tak es on some asp ects o f the city and c ountr y around it , but its p eople also f orm an informal group o f their o wn. Sociologis ts, as y ou will le arn, ma y study these p eople . Sociologis ts ma y seek to unders tand ho w the y feel a bout their trip , be it proud or anno yed or jus t plain e xhausted. Sociologis ts might study ho w length o f commute rela tes to job sa tisfaction or family rela tionships . The y ma y study the w ays tha t conditions o f a train s tation a ffect a ttitudes a bout g overnment , or ho w the difficulty o f commuting ma y lead people to relo cate. This unders tanding isn ’t jus t a c ollection o f interes ting facts; it c an influenc e government policy and sp ending decisions , emplo yer inter ventions , and he althc are practic es. The w ork so ciologis ts do to unders tand our so ciety , and the w ork y ou will do in le arning a bout it , is me aningful to our liv es and our futures . 1.1 What Is Sociology? LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain c oncepts centr al to sociolog y. •Describe ho w diff erent sociological perspectiv es ha ve de veloped. What Ar e Society and Cultur e? FIGURE 1.2 Sociologis ts learn about society while s tudying one -to-one and gr oup int eractions . (Cr edit: GlacierNPS / Flickr) Sociolog yis the scientific and s ystema tic s tudy o f groups and group interactions , societies and so cial interactions , from small and p ersonal groups to v ery larg e groups . A group o f people who liv e in a define d geographic are a, who interact with one another , and who share a c ommon culture is wha t sociologis ts call a societ y. Sociologis ts study all asp ects and lev els o f society . Sociologis ts w orking from the micro -levelstudy small groups and individual interactions , while those using macro -levelanaly sis lo ok a t trends among and b etween8 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. larg e groups and so cieties . For e xample , a micro -lev el study might lo ok a t the ac cepte d rules o f conversa tion in various groups such as among teena gers or busines s pro fessionals . In c ontras t, a macro -lev el analy sis might rese arch the w ays tha t langua ge use has chang ed over time or in so cial me dia outlets . The term culture refers to the group ’s share d practic es, values , and b eliefs . Culture enc omp asses a group ’s way of life, from routine , everyday interactions to the mos t imp ortant p arts of group memb ers’ liv es. It includes ev erything pro duced by a so ciety , including all the so cial r ules . Sociologis ts often s tudy culture using the sociologic al ima ginat ion, which pioneer so ciologis t C. Wright Mills describ ed as an a warenes s of the rela tionship b etween a p erson ’s behavior and e xperienc e and the wider culture tha t shap ed the p erson ’s choic es and p erceptions . It’s a w ay of seeing our o wn and other p eople ’s behavior in rela tionship to his tory and so cial s tructure (1959). One illus tration o f this is a p erson ’s decision to marr y. In the Unite d Sta tes, this choic e is he avily influenc ed by individual f eelings . Ho wever, the so cial accepta bility o f marria ge rela tive to the p erson ’s circums tanc es also pla ys a p art. Rememb er, though , tha t culture is a pro duct o f the p eople in a so ciety . Sociologis ts tak e care not to tre at the concept o f “culture ” as though it w ere aliv e and re al. The error o f tre ating an a bstract c oncept as though it has a re al, ma terial e xistenc e is kno wn as reific ation (Sahn , 2013). Studying P atterns: How Sociologists View Society All so ciologis ts are interes ted in the e xperienc es o f individuals and ho w those e xperienc es are shap ed by interactions with so cial groups and so ciety . To a so ciologis t, the p ersonal decisions an individual mak es do not exist in a v acuum .Cultural p atterns , social f orces and influenc es put pres sure on p eople to select one choic e over another . Sociologis ts tr y to identif y these g eneral p atterns b y examining the b ehavior o f larg e groups o f people living in the same so ciety and e xperiencing the same so cietal pres sures . Consider the chang es in U .S. families . The “ typic al” family in p ast dec ades c onsis ted of marrie d parents living in a home with their unmarrie d children . Today, the p ercent o f unmarrie d couples , same -sex couples , single - parent and single -adult households is incre asing , as w ell as is the numb er o f expande d households , in which extende d family memb ers such as grandp arents , cousins , or adult children liv e tog ether in the family home . While 15 million mothers s till mak e up the majority o f single p arents , 3.5 million fa thers are also raising their children alone (U .S. C ensus B ureau, 2020). Incre asingly , single p eople and c ohabita ting c ouples are cho osing to raise children outside o f marria ge through surrog ates or adoption . FIGURE 1.3 Modern U .S. families ma y be v ery diff erent in mak eup fr om what w as his torical ly typical . (Cr edit A: P aul Brody/flickr; B: T ony Alter/Wikimedia Commons) Some so ciologis ts study social f acts —the la ws, morals , values , religious b eliefs , cus toms , fashions , rituals , and cultural r ules tha t govern so cial lif e—tha t ma y contribute to these chang es in the family . Do p eople in the1.1 • Wha t Is Sociolog y? 9 Unite d Sta tes view marria ge and family diff erently o ver the y ears? Do the y view them diff erently than Peruvians? Do emplo yment and ec onomic c onditions pla y a role in families? Other so ciologis ts are s tudying the c onse quenc es o f these new p atterns , such as the w ays children influenc e and are influenc ed by them and/ or the changing nee ds for e ducation , housing , and he althc are. Sociologis ts identif y and s tudy p atterns rela ted to all kinds o f contemp orar y so cial is sues . The “ Stop and F risk ” policy , the emerg ence of new p olitic al factions , how Twit ter influenc es ev eryday communic ation—these are all examples o f topics tha t sociologis ts might e xplore . Studying P art and Whole: How Sociologists View Social Structur es A key comp onent o f the so ciologic al persp ectiv e is the ide a tha t the individual and so ciety are insep arable. It is imp ossible to s tudy one without the other . German so ciologis t Norbert Elias c alled the pro cess of simultaneously analyzing the b ehavior o f individuals and the so ciety tha t shap es tha t behavior figurat ion. Consider religion . While p eople e xperienc e religion in a dis tinctly individual manner , religion e xists in a larg er social c onte xt as a social ins titution. For ins tanc e, an individual ’s religious practic e ma y be influenc ed by wha t government dicta tes, holida ys, teachers , plac es o f worship , rituals , and so on . These influenc es undersc ore the imp ortant rela tionship b etween individual practic es o f religion and so cial pres sures tha t influenc e tha t religious e xperienc e (Elias , 1978). In simpler terms , figura tion me ans tha t as one analyz es the so cial institutions in a so ciety , the individuals using tha t ins titution in an y fashion nee d to b e ‘figure d’ in to the analy sis. Individual-Society Connections When sociologis t Nathan Kierns spok e to his friend Ashle y (a pseudon ym) about the mo ve she and her par tner had made fr om an urban c enter to a smal l Midw estern t own, he w as curious about ho w the social pr essures plac ed on a lesbian c ouple diff ered fr om one c ommunity t o the other . Ashle y said that in the city the y had been ac customed t o getting look s and hearing c omments when she and her par tner w alked hand in hand. Other wise , she f elt that the y were at leas t being t olerated. Ther e had been lit tle to no outright discrimination. Things chang ed when the y mo ved to the smal l town f or her par tner ’s job . For the firs t time , Ashle y found herself experiencing dir ect discrimination because o f her se xual orientation. Some o f it w as par ticularl y hur tful. Landlor ds would not r ent t o them. Ashle y, who is a highl y trained pr ofessional , had a gr eat deal o f difficul ty finding a ne w job . When Nathan ask ed Ashle y if she and her par tner became disc ouraged or bit ter about this ne w situation, Ashle y said that r ather than let ting it g et to them, the y decided t o do something about it. Ashle y appr oached gr oups at a local c ollege and se veral chur ches in the ar ea. Together the y decided t o form the t own's firs t Ga y-Straight Al lianc e. The al lianc e has w orked suc cessfully to educat e their c ommunity about same -sex couples . It also w orked to raise awarenes s about the kinds o f discrimination that Ashle y and her par tner e xperienc ed in the t own and ho w those could be eliminat ed. The al lianc e has bec ome a s trong adv ocacy gr oup, and it is w orking t o attain equal rights f or lesbian, g ay, bise xual , and tr ansgender , or L GBTQ individuals . Kierns obser ved that this is an e xcellent e xample o f how neg ative social f orces can r esul t in a positiv e response from individuals t o bring about social chang e (Kierns , 2011). 1.2 The History of Sociology LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain wh y sociolog y emer ged when it did •Describe ho w sociolog y became a separ ate academic disciplineSOCIOL OGY IN THE
🔍 Sociology's Historical Foundations
🌱 Ancient philosophers across cultures explored social relationships for millennia, examining social conflict, economics, cohesion, and power structures long before sociology became a formal discipline
🧠 European pioneers like Comte, Martineau, Marx, Spencer, Simmel, Durkheim, and Weber established sociology's theoretical foundations through diverse perspectives on scientific methods, capitalism, class struggle, and cultural influences
🔬 Methodological approaches evolved from Comte's positivism (applying natural science methods to society) to Weber's verstehen (deep understanding), creating the foundation for today's quantitative and qualitative research traditions
🌎 American sociologists transformed European theories into practical applications, with figures like Du Bois pioneering rigorous empirical methodologies and addressing real social problems through research
🔄 Social reform remained central to sociology's mission, with many early sociologists examining inequality, women's rights, economic systems, and other issues with the goal of improving society
🧩 Public sociology continues this tradition by bringing sociological perspectives to contemporary debates like minimum wage policy, analyzing both economic impacts and social consequences
REAL W ORLD10 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 1.4 People ha ve been thinking lik e sociologis ts long bef ore sociolog y became a dis tinct academic discipline: Plat o and Aris totle, Confucius , Khaldun, V oltaire, and Mar y Wollenscr aft set the s tage for modern sociolog y. (Cr edit: A , B, C, and E Wikimedia Commons; D: public domainfiles .com.) For millennia, p eople ha ve been fascina ted by the rela tionships b etween individuals and so cieties . Man y topics studie d by ancient philosophers in their desire to describ e an ide al so ciety are s till s tudie d in mo dern sociolog y, including theories o f social c onflict , economics , social c ohesion , and p ower in a c ontinue d attempt to describ e an ide al so ciety (Hannoum , 2003). A lthough w e are more familiar with w estern philosophers lik e Plato and his s tudent , Aris totle , eastern philosophers also thought a bout so cial is sues . Until rec ently , we ha ve very few te xts tha t are non-religious in na ture tha t theoriz e about so cial lif e. From 4th centur y through the 19thcentur y, the C atholic Church w as the se at of power from to day’s Turkey in the e ast to western and nor thern Europ e, including the British Isles . Only monks who w ere charg ed with rewriting holy texts b y hand and the aris tocracy w ere litera te. Moreo ver, the Church c onsolida ted power. In the y ear 800, P ope Leo III name d Charlema gne, the king o f Francia (to day’s Franc e, Belgium , Netherlands and German y) emp eror of the Holy R oman Empire , giving one individual c ontrol o ver mos t of Europ e. Doing so g ave the C atholic Church the p ower to maintain its o wn traditions sa feguard them from the influenc e of people practicing other religions . If an y so cial p atterns challeng ed an y belief o f the Church , those practitioners w ere mas sacre d, burne d at the s take, or la beled heretics . As a result , the rec ords tha t we ha ve are e xtremely subjectiv e and do not o ffer an unbiase d view o f social practic e. In the 13thcentur y, Ma T uan-Lin , a Chinese his torian , was the firs t to rec ord, in his seminal ency clop edia title d General Study o f Literar y Remains , the so cial dynamics underlying and g enera ting his toric al dev elopment . In the 14thcentur y, the T unisian his torian Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406) set the f ounda tion f or b oth mo dern sociolog y and ec onomics . Khaldun prop osed a theor y of social c onflict and pro vide d a c omp arison o f nomadic and se dentar y life, an analy sis o f politic al ec onom y, and a s tudy c onnecting a trib e’s so cial c ohesion to its capacity f or p ower (Hannoum , 2003). Khaldun o ften challeng ed authorities . As so ciologis ts continue to s tudy and rep ort on so cial is sues and problems , the y often find themselv es in the c enter o f contro versy. From 1347 to 1522, the bub onic pla gue ra vaged Europ e, killing up to 35% o f popula tion (Arms trong , 2019). The pla gue de alt a major blo w to the cre dibility o f the C atholic Church . Out o f this chaos emerg ed the the w ork of Copernicus , Galileo , Leonardo , Newton , Linnaeus , and other philosophers whose w ork sometimes contradicte d church te achings . Events onc e held to b e the pro duct o f the divine hand c ould b e analyz ed by human re ason and obser vation and c ould b e explaine d by scientific , tes table, and retes table h ypotheses . As literacy spre ad through c onques ts and c oloniza tion , more rec ords and litera ture b ecame a vailable f or sociologis ts and his torians to put so cial puzzles tog ether . In the 18thcentur y, Enlightenment philosophers dev elop ed general principles tha t could b e use d to e xplain social lif e. Think ers such as J ohn Lo cke, Franç ois-Marie Arouet ( Voltaire), Immanuel K ant, and Thomas Hobb es resp onde d to wha t the y sa w as so cial ills b y writing on topics tha t the y hop ed would le ad to so cial reform . Mar y Wollstonecra ft (1759–1797) wrote a bout w omen ’s conditions in so ciety . Lik e Harriet Mar tine au and J ane A ddams , her w orks w ere long ignore d by the male ac ademic s tructure , but sinc e the 1970s , Wollstonecra ft has b een widely c onsidere d the firs t feminis t think er o f conse quenc e. Ide as a bout ec onomic1.2 • The His tory of Sociolog y11 systems , the family , health and h ygiene , national o ffense and def ense , were among the man y concerns o f social life. The e arly 19thcentur y sa w gre at chang es with the Indus trial R evolution , incre ased mobility , and new kinds o f emplo yment . It w as also a p erio d of incre ased trade , tra vel, and glob aliza tion tha t exposed man y people — f or the firs t time —to so cieties and cultures other than their o wn. Millions o f people mo ved into cities and man y people turne d away from their traditional religious b eliefs . Ide as spre ad rapidly , groups w ere cre ated, politic al decisions b ecame public decisions . Among a new g enera tion o f philosophers , there w ere some who b eliev ed they could mak e sense o f it all . Creating a Discipline: Eur opean Theorists FIGURE 1.5 Early major Eur opean theoris ts. Top row, left t o right: Aug uste Comt e, Harriet Mar tineau, and Herber t Spenc er. Bot tom r ow, left t o right: Goer g Simmel , Émile Durkheim, and Max W eber . (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons; Julius Cornelius Schaar wächt er/Public domain.) Auguste Comte (1798 – 1857 ) The term so ciolog y was firs t coine d in 1780 b y the F rench es sayist Emmanuel-J oseph Sie yès (1748–1836) in an unpublishe d manuscript (F auré et al . 1999). In 1838, the term w as reintro duced by Augus te C omte (1798–1857). C omte originally s tudie d to b e an engineer , but la ter b ecame a pupil o f social philosopher Cla ude Henri de R ouvro y Comte de Saint -Simon (1760–1825). The y both thought tha t social scientis ts could s tudy society using the same scientific metho ds utiliz ed in na tural scienc es. Comte also b eliev ed in the p otential o f social scientis ts to w ork to ward the b etterment o f society . He held tha t onc e scholars identifie d the la ws tha t governe d so ciety , sociologis ts could addres s problems such as p oor e duc ation and p overty (Ab ercrombie et al . 2000). Comte name d the scientific s tudy o f social p atterns posit ivism . He describ ed his philosoph y in a series o f12 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. books c alledThe C ourse in P ositiv e Philosoph y(1830–1842) and A General V iew o f Positivism (1848). He believ ed tha t rev ealing the la ws by which so cieties and individuals interact w ould usher in a new “p ositivis t” age of his tory. While the field and its terminolog y ha ve gro wn, sociologis ts still b eliev e in the p ositiv e imp act o f their w ork. Harriet Martineau (1802 – 1876) Harriet Mar tine au intro duced so ciolog y to English sp eaking scholars through her transla tion o f Comte ’s writing from F rench to English . She w as an e arly analy st of social practic es, including ec onomics , social clas s, religion , suicide , government , and w omen ’s rights . Her c areer b egan with Illus trations o f Politic al Econom y, a work e ducating ordinar y people a bout the principles o f economics (J ohnson , 2003). She la ter dev elop ed the first systema tic metho dologic al interna tional c omp arisons o f social ins titutions in tw o of her mos t famous sociologic al w orks: Society in Americ a(1837) and Retrosp ect o f Western T ravel(1838). Mar tine au found the w orkings o f capitalism a t odds with the pro fessed moral principles o f people in the Unite d States. She p ointe d out the fa ults with the free enterprise s ystem in which w orkers w ere e xploite d and imp overishe d while busines s owners b ecame w ealth y. She fur ther note d tha t the b elief tha t all are cre ated equal w as inc onsis tent with the lack o f women ’s rights . Much lik e Mar y Wollstonecra ft, Mar tine au was o ften disc ounte d in her o wn time b ecause ac ademic so ciolog y was a male -domina ted pro fession . Karl Marx (1818 -1883) Karl Marx w as a German philosopher and ec onomis t. In 1848, he and F riedrich Eng els (1820–1895) coauthore d the Communis t Manif esto. This b ook is one o f the mos t influential p olitic al manuscripts in his tory. It also presents Marx ’s theor y of society , which diff ered from wha t Comte prop osed. Marx rejecte d Comte ’s positivism . He b eliev ed tha t societies grew and chang ed as a result o f the s truggles o f different so cial clas ses o ver the me ans o f pro duction . At the time he w as dev eloping his theories , the Indus trial Revolution and the rise o f capitalism le d to gre at disp arities in w ealth b etween the o wners o f the factories and workers. Capitalism , an ec onomic s ystem characteriz ed by priv ate or c orporate ownership o f goods and the means to pro duce them , had dev elop ed in man y na tions . Marx pre dicte d tha t ine qualities o f capitalism w ould b ecome so e xtreme tha t workers w ould ev entually rev olt. This w ould le ad to the c ollapse o f capitalism , which w ould b e replac ed by communism . Communism is an economic s ystem under which there is no priv ate or c orporate ownership: ev erything is o wne d communally and dis tribute d as nee ded. Marx b eliev ed tha t communism w as a more e quita ble s ystem than c apitalism . While his ec onomic pre dictions did not ma terializ e in the time frame he pre dicte d, Marx ’s ide a tha t social conflict le ads to chang e in so ciety is s till one o f the major theories use d in mo dern so ciolog y. Herbert Spencer (1820 –1903) In 1873, the English philosopher Herb ert Spencer publishe dThe Study o f Sociolog y, the firs t book with the term “ sociolog y” in the title . Spencer rejecte d much o f Comte ’s philosoph y as w ell as Marx ’s theor y of clas s struggle and his supp ort of communism . Ins tead, he fa vored a f orm o f government tha t allo wed mark et forces to control c apitalism . His w ork influenc ed man y early so ciologis ts including Émile Durkheim (1858–1917). Spencer, using Charles Dar win’s work as a c omp arison said , “This sur vival of the fit test, which I ha ve here sought to e xpres s in mechanic al terms , is tha t which Mr . Dar win has c alled ‘na tural selection ,’ or the preser vation o f favoure d rac es in the s truggle f or lif e.” (Spencer, 1864) The s tatement is o ften misinterprete d and adopte d by those who b eliev e in the sup eriority o f one rac e over another . Georg Simmel (1858 –1918) Georg Simmel w as a German ar t critic who wrote widely on so cial and p olitic al is sues as w ell. Simmel to ok an anti-p ositivism s tanc e and addres sed topics such as so cial c onflict , the function o f mone y, individual identity in city lif e, and the Europ ean f ear o f outsiders (Staple y 2010). Much o f his w ork f ocuse d on micro -lev el theories1.2 • The His tory of Sociolog y13 and analyz ed the dynamics o f two-person and three -person groups . His w ork also emphasiz ed individual culture as the cre ative capacities o f individuals (Ritz er and Go odman 2004). Émile Durkheim (1858 –1917 ) Émile Durkheim help ed es tablish so ciolog y as a f ormal ac ademic discipline b y es tablishing the firs t Europ ean dep artment o f sociolog y at the Univ ersity o f Borde aux in 1895 and b y publishing his Rules o f the So ciologic al Metho din 1895. In Division o f Labour in So ciety (1893), Durkheim fur ther laid out his theor y on ho w so cieties trans forme d from a primitiv e state into a c apitalis t, indus trial so ciety . According to Durkheim , people rise to their prop er lev els in so ciety b ased on merit . Durkheim b eliev ed tha t sociologis ts could s tudy objectiv e so cial facts (P oggi , 2000). He also b eliev ed tha t through such s tudies it w ould b e possible to determine if a so ciety w as “he alth y” or “p athologic al.” He alth y societies w ere s table while p athologic al so cieties e xperienc ed a bre akdown in so cial norms . In 1897, Durkheim a ttempte d to demons trate the eff ectiv enes s of his r ules o f social rese arch when he publishe d a w ork title dSuicide . Durkheim e xamine d suicide s tatistics in diff erent p olice dis tricts to rese arch differenc es b etween C atholic and P rotes tant c ommunities . He a ttribute d the diff erenc es to so cio-religious forces ra ther than to individual or ps ychologic al causes . Max W eber (1864 –1920) Prominent so ciologis t Max W eber es tablishe d a so ciolog y dep artment in German y at the L udwig Maximilians Univ ersity o f Munich in 1919. W eber wrote on man y topics rela ted to so ciolog y including p olitic al chang e in Russia and so cial f orces tha t affect factor y workers. He is kno wn b est for his 1904 b ook,The P rotes tant Ethic and the S pirit o f Capitalism . The theor y tha t Weber sets f orth in this b ook is s till c ontro versial . Some b eliev e that Weber argue d tha t the b eliefs o f man y Protes tants , esp ecially C alvinis ts, led to the rise o f capitalism . Others interpret it as simply claiming tha t the ideologies o f capitalism and P rotes tantism are c omplementar y. Weber b eliev ed tha t it w as difficult , if not imp ossible , to use s tandard scientific metho ds to ac cura tely pre dict the b ehavior o f groups as some so ciologis ts hop ed to do . Weber argue d tha t the influenc e of culture on human behavior had to b e tak en into ac count . This ev en applie d to the rese archers themselv es, who should b e aware of ho w their o wn cultural biases c ould influenc e their rese arch . To de al with this problem , Weber and W ilhelm Dilthe y intro duced the c oncept o fverstehen , a German w ord tha t me ans to unders tand in a deep w ay. In seeking verstehen , outside obser vers o f a so cial w orld—an entire culture or a small set ting—a ttempt to unders tand it from an insider ’s point o f view . InThe N ature o f Social A ction , Weber describ ed so ciolog y as s triving to “ … interpret the me aning o f social action and thereb y giv e a c ausal e xplana tion o f the w ay in which action pro ceeds and the eff ects it pro duces.” He and other lik e-minde d so ciologis ts prop osed a philosoph y of anti-p ositivism whereb y so cial rese archers would s trive for subjectivity as the y worked to represent so cial pro cesses, cultural norms , and so cietal v alues . This appro ach le d to some rese arch metho ds whose aim w as not to g eneraliz e or pre dict (traditional in scienc e), but to s ystema tically g ain an in-depth unders tanding o f social w orlds . The diff erent appro aches to rese arch b ased on p ositivism or anti-p ositivism are o ften c onsidere d the founda tion f or the diff erenc es found to day between quantita tive so ciolog y and qualita tive so ciolog y. Quantita tive so ciolog y uses s tatistical metho ds such as sur veys with larg e numb ers o f particip ants . Researchers analyz e da ta using s tatistical techniques to see if the y can unc over p atterns o f human b ehavior . Qualita tive so ciolog y seeks to unders tand human b ehavior b y learning a bout it through in-depth inter view s, focus groups , and analy sis o f content sourc es (like books, ma gazines , journals , and p opular me dia).14 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Should W e Raise the Minimum W age? During his har d-fought 2020 campaign, P resident Joe Biden pr omised Americans that he w ould r aise the f eder al minimum w age. Opponents o f raising the minimum w age argue that some w orkers w ould g et lar ger pa ycheck s while others w ould lose their jobs , and c ompanies w ould be les s likely to hir e ne w workers because o f the incr eased c ost of paying them. Biden and other pr oponents o f raising the minimum w age contend that some job los s would be greatly offset b y the positiv e eff ects on the s tandar d of living o f low-wage workers and r educing the inc ome g ap betw een the rich and poor . Sociologis ts ma y consider the minimum w age issue fr om diff ering perspectiv es as w ell. Ho w much o f an impact would a minimum w age raise ha ve for a single mother? Some might s tudy the ec onomic eff ects , such as her ability to pa y bil ls and k eep f ood on the table . Others might look at ho w reduc ed ec onomic s tress could impr ove famil y relationships . Some sociologis ts might r esear ch the impact on the s tatus o f smal l busines s owners . These c ould al l be e xamples o f public sociolog y, a br anch o f sociolog y that s trives to bring sociological dialog ue to public f orums . The g oals o f public sociolog y are to incr ease unders tanding o f the social fact ors that underlie social pr oblems and assist in finding solutions . According t o Michael Bur awoy (2005), the chal leng e of public sociolog y is t o eng age multiple publics in mul tiple w ays. Applying the Discipline: American Theorists and Pr actitioners FIGURE 1.6 From left t o right, Wil liam Sumner , W.E.B. Du Bois , and Jane Adams . (Cr edit A , B, and C: Wikimedia Commons .) In the e arly 1900s , sociolog y re ache d univ ersities in the Unite d Sta tes. William Sumner held the firs t professorship in so ciolog y (Yale Univ ersity ), Franklin Giddings w as the firs t full pro fessor o f Sociolog y (Columbia Univ ersity ), and A lbion Small wrote the firs t sociolog y textbook. Early Americ an so ciologis ts tes ted and applie d the theories o f the Europ eans and b ecame le aders in so cial rese arch . Les ter W ard (1841 – 1913) develop ed so cial rese arch metho ds and argue d for the use o f the scientific metho d and quantita tive da ta (Chapter 2) to sho w the eff ectiv enes s of policies . In order f or so ciolog y to g ain resp ecta bility in Americ an academia, so cial rese archers unders tood tha t the y mus t adopt empiric al appro aches . W.E.B. Du Bois (1868 -1963) William E dward B urghardt ( W.E.B .) Du Bois , a Har vard-traine d his torian , pioneere d the use o f rig orous empiric al metho dolog y into so ciolog y. His groundbre aking 1896-1897 s tudy o f the Afric an Americ an community in Philadelphia inc orporated hundre ds o f inter view s Du Bois c onducte d in order to do cument the familial and emplo yment s tructures and as sess the chief challeng es o f the c ommunity . These new , comprehensiv e
🔍 Du Bois's Sociological Legacy
🧪 Scientific methodology transformed sociology through Du Bois's rigorous empirical research, challenging the casual "window of a moving car" approaches and providing evidence against biological racism
👥 Social activism and academic work merged in Du Bois's career as he co-founded the NAACP and led the Niagara Movement, demanding immediate political, economic, and social equality
🔄 Theoretical frameworks like functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism emerged as competing paradigms to explain social phenomena at macro and micro levels
🌐 Social interactions shape individual identity according to theorists like Cooley and Mead, who developed concepts such as the "looking-glass self" and the influence of "significant others"
🏙️ Environmental factors rather than individual characteristics determine social outcomes according to Park's social ecology research, which demonstrated how inner city environments create social chaos regardless of residents
🔮 Global culture emergence represents an unprecedented sociological phenomenon as communication technology connects people across traditional boundaries, creating new communities and challenging local cultures
rese arch metho ds s tood in s tark c ontras t to the les s scientific practic es o f the time , which DuSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE1.2 • The His tory of Sociolog y15 Bois critique d as b eing similar to doing rese arch as if through the windo w of a mo ving c ar. His scientific appro ach b ecame highly influential to entire scho ols o f sociologic al study , and is c onsidere d a f orer unner to contemp orar y practic es. Additionally , Du Bois’ 1899 public ation pro vide d empiric al evidenc e to challeng e pseudoscientific ide as o f biologic al racism (Morris , 2015; Green & W ortham , 2018), which had b een use d as justific ation to oppres s people o f diff erent rac es. Du Bois also pla yed a prominent role in the eff ort to incre ase rights f or Black p eople . Concerne d at the slo w pace of progres s and advic e from some Black le aders to b e more ac commo dating o f racism , Du Bois b ecame a leader in wha t would la ter b e kno wn as the Nia gara Mo vement . In 1905, he and others dra fted a declara tion that called for imme diate p olitic al, economic , and so cial e quality f or Afric an Americ ans. A f ew y ears la ter, he help ed found the N ational As sociation f or the A dvancement o f Colore d People (N AACP) and ser ved as its director o f public ations . Thorstein V eblen (1857 – 1929) After a brief s tint as an unemplo yed colleg e gradua te, Thors tein V eblen b egan to s tudy the ec onom y through a social lens , writing a bout the leisure clas s, the busines s clas s, and other are as tha t touche d on the ide a of ‘working ’ itself. He rese arche d the chronic ally unemplo yed, the currently unemplo yed, the w orking clas ses, and the w orking clas ses. Jane Addams (1860 -1935) Jane A ddams f ounde dHull House , a c enter tha t ser ved nee dy immigrants through so cial and e duc ational programs while pro viding e xtensiv e opp ortunities f or so ciologic al rese arch . Founde d in Chic ago, Addams worked closely with Univ ersity o f Chic ago’s Chic ago Scho ol of Sociolog y. This scho ol of thought plac es much imp ortanc e on en vironment in which rela tionships and b ehaviors dev elop . Research c onducte d at Hull House informe d child la bor, immigra tion , health c are, and other are as o f public p olicy . Charles Herbert Cooley (1864 -1929) Charles Herb ert Cooley posite d tha t individuals c omp are themselv es to others in order to check themselv es agains t social s tandards and remain p art of the group . Calling this ide a ‘the lo oking-glas s self, ’ Cooley argue d that we ‘see’ ourselv es b y the re actions o f others with whom w e interact . If someone re acts p ositiv ely to our behavior , theoretic ally w e will c ontinue tha t behavior . He wrote subs tantially on wha t he sa w as the order o f life inHuman N ature and the So cial Order (1902) f ollowed bySocial Org aniza tion in 1909. He w as v ery concerne d with the incre asing individualism and c omp etitiv enes s of US so ciety , fearing it w ould disr upt families as primar y groups los t their imp ortanc e. George Herbert Mead (1863 –1931) Georg e Herb ert Me ad w as a philosopher and so ciologis t whose w ork f ocuse d on the w ays in which the mind and the self w ere dev elop ed as a result o f social pro cesses (C ronk , n.d.). He argue d tha t ho w an individual comes to view himself or herself is b ased to a v ery larg e extent on interactions with others . Though Me ad adopte d Cooley’s concept o f ‘looking-glas ses,’ Me ad felt tha t an individual ’s reaction to a p ositiv e or neg ative reflection dep ende d on who the ‘ other ’ was. Individuals tha t had the gre atest imp act on a p erson ’s life were signific ant others while generaliz ed others were the org aniz ed and g eneraliz ed attitude o f a so cial group . Mead o ften shares the title o f father o f symb olic interactionism with C ooley and Er ving Go ffman . Robert E. P ark (1864 -1944) Robert E. P ark is b est kno wn as the f ounder o f social ec olog y. Attache d to the Chic ago Scho ol, Park f ocuse d on how individuals liv ed within their en vironment . One o f the firs t sociologis ts to f ocus on ethnic minorities , he wrote on the Belgian oppres sion o f the C ong olese . When he returne d to the US, he and Ernes t Burgess rese arche d the inner city to sho w tha t no ma tter who liv ed there , social chaos w as prev alent . As such , it w as not the residents who c aused the chaos but the en vironment .16 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 1.3 Theor etical P erspectives in Sociology LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section y ou should be able t o: •Describe the w ays that sociological theories ar e used t o explain social ins titutions . •Differentiat e betw een functionalism, c onflict theor y, and s ymbolic int eractionism. FIGURE 1.7 Sociologis ts de velop theories t o explain social oc curr ences such as pr otest rallies. (Cr edit: Da vid Shankbone/flickr) Sociologis ts study so cial ev ents , interactions , and p atterns , and the y dev elop theories to e xplain wh y things work as the y do . In so ciolog y, a theor y is a w ay to e xplain diff erent asp ects o f social interactions and to cre ate a testable prop osition , called ahypothesis , about so ciety (A llan 2006). For e xample , although suicide is g enerally c onsidere d an individual phenomenon , Émile Durkheim w as interes ted in s tudying the so cial factors tha t affect it . He s tudie dsocial solidarit y, social ties within a group , and h ypothesiz ed tha t diff erenc es in suicide ra tes might b e explaine d by religious diff erenc es. Durkheim gathere d a larg e amount o f data about Europ eans and f ound tha t Protes tants w ere more lik ely to c ommit suicide than C atholics . His w ork supp orts the utility o f theor y in so ciologic al rese arch . Theories v ary in sc ope dep ending on the sc ale o f the is sues tha t the y are me ant to e xplain . Macro -lev el theories rela te to larg e-scale is sues and larg e groups o f people , while micro -lev el theories lo ok a t very sp ecific rela tionships b etween individuals or small groups .Grand theories attempt to e xplain larg e-scale rela tionships and ans wer fundamental ques tions such as wh y so cieties f orm and wh y the y chang e. Sociologic al theor y is c onstantly ev olving and should nev er b e considere d complete . Clas sic so ciologic al theories are s till c onsidere d imp ortant and current , but new so ciologic al theories build up on the w ork o f their predecessors and add to them (C alhoun , 2002). In so ciolog y, a few theories pro vide bro ad p ersp ectiv es tha t help e xplain man y diff erent asp ects o f social lif e, and these are c alledparadigms . Paradigms are philosophic al and theoretic al framew orks use d within a discipline to f ormula te theories , generaliza tions , and the e xperiments p erforme d in supp ort of them . Three paradigms ha ve come to domina te so ciologic al thinking b ecause the y pro vide useful e xplana tions: s tructural functionalism , conflict theor y, and s ymb olic interactionism .1.3 • Theor etical P erspectiv es in Sociolog y17 Sociological Theories/ ParadigmsLevel of Anal ysisFocus Analogies Ques tions tha t might be ask ed Structur al FunctionalismMacr o or MidThe w ay each par t of society functions t ogether t o contribut e to the functioning o f the whole .How each or gan w orks to keep y our body heal thy (or not.)How does education w ork to transmit culture? Conflict Theor yMacr oThe w ay inequities and inequalities c ontribut e to social , political , and po wer diff erences and ho w the y perpetuat e po wer.The ones with the mos t toys wins and the y wil l chang e the rules t o the games t o keep winning .Does education transmit onl y the dominant certain cultures? Symbolic InteractionismMicr oThe w ay one -on-one int eractions and c ommunications beha ve.What ’s it mean t o be an X?How do students r eact to cul tural mes sages in school? TABLE 1.1Sociological Theories or P erspectiv esDifferent sociological perspectiv es enable sociologis ts to vie w social is sues thr ough a v ariety o f useful lenses . Functionalism Funct ionalism , also c alled structural-functional theor y, sees so ciety as a s tructure with interrela ted parts designe d to meet the biologic al and so cial nee ds o f the individuals in tha t society . Functionalism grew out o f the writings o f English philosopher and biologis t, Herb ert Spencer, who sa w similarities b etween so ciety and the human b ody. He argue d tha t jus t as the v arious org ans o f the b ody w ork tog ether to k eep the b ody functioning , the v arious p arts of society w ork tog ether to k eep so ciety functioning (S pencer, 1898). The p arts of society tha t Spencer ref erre d to w ere the social ins titutions , or p atterns o f beliefs and b ehaviors f ocuse d on meeting so cial nee ds, such as g overnment , educ ation , family , healthc are, religion , and the ec onom y. Émile Durkheim applie d Spencer’s theor y to e xplain ho w so cieties chang e and sur vive over time . Durkheim believ ed tha t society is a c omple x system o f interrela ted and interdep endent p arts tha t work tog ether to maintain s tability (Durkheim , 1893), and tha t society is held tog ether b y share d values , langua ges, and symb ols. He b eliev ed tha t to s tudy so ciety , a so ciologis t mus t look b eyond individuals to so cial facts such as laws, morals , values , religious b eliefs , cus toms , fashion , and rituals , which all ser ve to g overn so cial lif e (Durkheim , 1895). A lfred Radcliff -Bro wn (1881–1955) define d the funct ion of an y recurrent activity as the part it pla yed in so cial lif e as a whole , and theref ore the c ontribution it mak es to so cial s tability and c ontinuity (Radcliff -Bro wn 1952). In a he alth y so ciety , all p arts w ork tog ether to maintain s tability , a s tate calleddynamic equilibrium by later so ciologis ts such as P arsons (1961). Durkheim b eliev ed tha t individuals ma y mak e up so ciety , but in order to s tudy so ciety , sociologis ts ha ve to look b eyond individuals to so cial facts . . Each o f these so cial facts ser ves one or more functions within a society . For e xample , one function o f a so ciety ’s laws ma y be to protect so ciety from violenc e, while another is to punish criminal b ehavior , while another is to preser ve public he alth . Another note d structural functionalis t, Robert Mer ton (1910–2003), p ointe d out tha t social pro cesses o ften have man y functions .Manif est funct ions are the c onse quenc es o f a so cial pro cess tha t are sought or18 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. anticip ated, while latent funct ions are the unsought c onse quenc es o f a so cial pro cess. A manif est function o f a colleg e education , for e xample , includes g aining kno wledge, prep aring f or a c areer , and finding a g ood job tha t utiliz es tha t education . Latent functions o f your c olleg e years include meeting new p eople , particip ating in extracurricular activities , or ev en finding a sp ouse or p artner . Another la tent function o f educ ation is cre ating a hierarch y of emplo yment b ased on the lev el of educ ation a ttaine d. Latent functions c an b e beneficial , neutral , or harmful . Social pro cesses tha t ha ve undesira ble c onse quenc es for the op eration o f society are calleddysfunct ions . In e ducation , examples o f dysfunction include g etting b ad grades , truancy , dropping out , not gradua ting , and not finding suita ble emplo yment . Criticism One criticism o f the s tructural-functional theor y is tha t it c an’t ade qua tely e xplain so cial chang e ev en though the functions are pro cesses. Also problema tic is the somewha t circular na ture o f this theor y: rep etitiv e behavior p atterns are as sume d to ha ve a function , yet w e pro fess to kno w tha t the y ha ve a function only because the y are rep eated. Furthermore , dysfunctions ma y continue , even though the y don ’t ser ve a function , which seemingly c ontradicts the b asic premise o f the theor y. Man y so ciologis ts no w believ e tha t functionalism is no long er useful as a macro -lev el theor y, but tha t it do es ser ve a useful purp ose in some mid-lev el analy ses. A Global Cultur e? FIGURE 1.8 Some sociologis ts see the online w orld c ontributing t o the cr eation o f an emer ging global cul ture. Are you a par t of any global c ommunities? This Indiana r abbi is par ticipating in what w as recogniz ed as the long est Zoom meeting , which s tarted in Aus tralia aft er the Sabbath and pr oceeded thr ough each o f the w orld’ s time z ones , effectiv ely las ting much long er than a da y. (Cr edit: Chabad L ubavitch/flickr) Sociologis ts ar ound the w orld look closel y for signs o f what w ould be an unpr ecedent ed e vent: the emer gence of a global cul ture. In the pas t, empir es such as those that e xisted in China , Eur ope, Africa , and Centr al and South America link ed people fr om man y diff erent c ountries , but those people r arely became par t of a c ommon cul ture. They lived too far fr om each other , spok e diff erent lang uages, practic ed diff erent r eligions , and tr aded f ew goods . Today, incr eases in c ommunication, tr avel, and tr ade ha ve made the w orld a much smal ler plac e. Mor e and mor e people ar e able t o communicat e with each other ins tantl y—wher ever the y are locat ed—b y telephone , video , andBIG PICTURE1.3 • Theor etical P erspectiv es in Sociolog y19 text. The y shar e mo vies , television sho ws, music, g ames , and inf ormation o ver the Int ernet. Students can s tudy with t eachers and pupils fr om the other side o f the globe . Governments find it har der t o hide c onditions inside their c ountries fr om the r est of the w orld. Sociologis ts resear ch man y diff erent aspects o f this pot ential global cul ture. Some e xplor e the dynamics in volved in the social int eractions o f global online c ommunities , such as when members f eel a closer kinship t o other group members than t o people r esiding in their o wn c ountries . Other sociologis ts study the impact this gr owing international cul ture has on smal ler, les s-powerful local cul tures. Yet other r esear chers e xplor e ho w int ernational mark ets and the outsour cing o f labor impact social inequalities . Sociolog y can pla y a k ey role in people ’s abilities to unders tand the natur e of this emer ging global cul ture and ho w to respond t o it. Conflict Theory Conflict theor ylooks a t society as a c omp etition f or limite d resourc es. This p ersp ectiv e is a macro -lev el appro ach mos t identifie d with the writings o f German philosopher and so ciologis t Karl Marx , who sa w so ciety as b eing made up o f individuals in diff erent so cial clas ses who mus t comp ete f or so cial, ma terial , and p olitic al resourc es such as f ood and housing , emplo yment , educ ation , and leisure time . Social ins titutions lik e government , education , and religion reflect this c omp etition in their inherent ine qualities and help maintain the une qual so cial s tructure . Some individuals and org aniza tions are a ble to obtain and k eep more resourc es than others , and these “ winners” use their p ower and influenc e to maintain so cial ins titutions . The perpetua tion o f power results in the p erpetua tion o f oppres sion . Several theoris ts sugg ested varia tions on this b asic theme lik e Polish-A ustrian so ciologis t Ludwig Gumplo wicz (1838–1909) who e xpande d on Marx ’s ide as b y arguing tha t war and c onques t are the b ases o f civiliza tions . He believ ed tha t cultural and ethnic c onflicts le d to s tates b eing identifie d and define d by a dominant group tha t had p ower o ver other groups (Ir ving , 2007). German so ciologis t Max W eber a gree d with Marx but also b eliev ed tha t, in addition to ec onomic ine qualities , inequalities o f politic al power and so cial s tructure c ause c onflict . Weber note d tha t diff erent groups w ere affecte d diff erently b ased on e ducation , rac e, and g ender , and tha t people ’s reactions to ine quality w ere modera ted by clas s diff erenc es and ra tes o f social mobility , as w ell as b y perceptions a bout the legitimacy o f those in p ower. A re ader o f Marx , Georg Simmel b eliev ed tha t conflict c an help integra te and s tabiliz e a so ciety . He said tha t the intensity o f the c onflict v aries dep ending on the emotional in volvement o f the p arties, the degree o f solidarity within the opp osing groups , and the clarity and limite d na ture o f the g oals. Simmel also showed tha t groups w ork to cre ate internal solidarity , centraliz e power, and re duce dis sent . The s trong er the bond , the w eaker the disc ord. Resolving c onflicts c an re duce tension and hos tility and c an p ave the w ay for future a greements . In the 1930s and 1940s , German philosophers , kno wn as the F rankfur t Scho ol, dev elop edcrit ical theor yas an elaboration on Marxis t principles . Critic al theor y is an e xpansion o f conflict theor y and is bro ader than jus t sociolog y, inc orporating other so cial scienc es and philosoph y. A critic al theor y is a holis tic theor y and attempts to addres s structural is sues c ausing ine quality . It mus t explain wha t’s wrong in current so cial re ality , identif y the p eople who c an mak e chang es, and pro vide practic al goals f or so cial trans forma tion (Hork eimer , 1982). More rec ently , ine quality b ased on g ender or rac e has b een e xplaine d in a similar manner and has identifie d institutionaliz ed power structures tha t help to maintain ine quality b etween groups . Janet Saltzman Cha fetz (1941–2006) presente d a mo del o f feminis t theor y tha t attempts to e xplain the f orces tha t maintain g ender inequality as w ell as a theor y of ho w such a s ystem c an b e chang ed (Turner , 2003). Similarly , critic al rac e theor y grew out o f a critic al analy sis o f rac e and racism from a leg al point o f view . Critic al rac e theor y looks a t structural ine quality b ased on white privileg e and as sociated wealth , power, and pres tige.20 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Farming and Locav ores: Ho w Sociological P erspectiv es Might View F ood Consumption The c onsump tion o f food is a c ommonplac e, dail
🔍 Sociological Perspectives Unpacked
🏛️ Theoretical frameworks in sociology—structural-functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism—offer distinct lenses for analyzing social phenomena from food consumption to protest movements
🔄 Structural-functionalism examines society as interconnected parts working together, while ⚔️ conflict theory focuses on power differentials and inequality, and 🗣️ symbolic interactionism explores how meaning is created through everyday interactions
🧩 Constructivism extends symbolic interactionism by proposing that reality is socially constructed, with concepts like deviance varying significantly across different societies and cultures
🎓 Sociology has driven significant social reforms including school desegregation, gender equality, and disability rights, demonstrating its practical impact beyond academic study
💼 Studying sociology develops valuable transferable skills including research methods, critical thinking, and understanding social systems—assets in careers from social services to marketing
📱 Social media behavior has real-world consequences, as sociologists study how online interactions affect college admissions, employment opportunities, and social dynamics
y oc curr ence. Yet, it can also be as sociat ed with impor tant moments in our liv es. Eating can be an individual or a gr oup action, and eating habits and cus toms ar e influenc ed b y our cul tures. In the c ontext of society , our nation ’s food s ystem is at the c ore of numer ous social mo vements , political is sues , and ec onomic debat es. Any of these fact ors might bec ome a t opic o f sociological s tudy . A structur al-functional appr oach t o the t opic o f food c onsump tion might anal yze the r ole o f the agricul ture indus try within the nation ’s econom y and ho w this has chang ed fr om the earl y da ys of manual -labor farming t o modern mechaniz ed pr oduction. Another might s tudy the diff erent functions o f processes in f ood pr oduction, fr om farming and har vesting t o flash y pack aging and mas s consumerism. A conflict theoris t might be int erested in the po wer diff erentials pr esent in the r egulation o f food, b y exploring wher e people ’s right t o inf ormation int ersects with c orpor ations’ driv e for pr ofit and ho w the g overnment mediat es those interests. Or a c onflict theoris t might e xamine the po wer and po werles snes s experienc ed b y local farmers v ersus large farming c onglomer ates, such as the documentar y Food Inc., which depicts as r esul ting fr om Monsant o’s patenting o f seed t echnolog y. Another t opic o f study might be ho w nutrition v aries betw een diff erent social clas ses. A sociologis t vie wing f ood c onsump tion thr ough a s ymbolic int eractionis t lens w ould be mor e int erested in micr olevel topics , such as the s ymbolic use o f food in r eligious rituals , or the r ole it pla ys in the social int eraction o f a famil y dinner . This perspectiv e might also e xplor e the int eractions among gr oup members who identif y themsel ves based on their sharing a par ticular diet, such as v egetarians (people who don ’t eat meat) or loca vores (people who strive to eat local ly produc ed food). Criticism Just as s tructural functionalism w as criticiz ed for focusing to o much on the s tability o f societies , conflict theor y has b een criticiz ed because it tends to f ocus on c onflict to the e xclusion o f rec ognizing s tability . Man y social s tructures are e xtremely s table or ha ve gradually progres sed over time ra ther than changing a bruptly as conflict theor y would sugg est. Symbolic Inter actionist Theory Symb olic interactionism is a micro -lev el theor y tha t focuses on the rela tionships among individuals within a society . Communic ation—the e xchang e of me aning through langua ge and s ymb ols—is b eliev ed to b e the w ay in which p eople mak e sense o f their so cial w orlds . Theoris ts Herman and R eynolds (1994) note tha t this persp ectiv e sees p eople as b eing activ e in shaping the so cial w orld ra ther than simply b eing acte d up on. Georg e Herb ert Me ad is c onsidere d a f ounder o f symb olic interactionism though he nev er publishe d his w ork on it (LaR ossa and R eitzes, 1993). Me ad’s student , Herb ert Blumer (1900-1987), c oine d the term “ symb olic interactionism ” and outline d these b asic premises: humans interact with things b ased on me anings ascrib ed to those things; the ascrib ed me aning o f things c omes from our interactions with others and so ciety; the meanings o f things are interprete d by a p erson when de aling with things in sp ecific circums tanc es (Blumer 1969). If y ou lo ve books, for e xample , a s ymb olic interactionis t might prop ose tha t you le arne d tha t books are good or imp ortant in the interactions y ou had with family , friends , scho ol, or church . Ma ybe your family had a special re ading time e ach w eek, getting y our librar y card w as tre ated as a sp ecial ev ent, or b edtime s tories were as sociated with w armth and c omf ort. Social scientis ts who apply s ymb olic-interactionis t thinking lo ok for p atterns o f interaction b etween individuals . Their s tudies o ften in volve obser vation o f one -on-one interactions . For e xample , while a c onflict theoris t studying a p olitic al protes t might f ocus on clas s diff erenc e, a s ymb olic interactionis t would b e more interes ted in ho w individuals in the protes ting group interact , as w ell as the signs and s ymb ols protes ters useSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD1.3 • Theor etical P erspectiv es in Sociolog y21 to communic ate their mes sage. The f ocus on the imp ortanc e of symb ols in building a so ciety le d so ciologis ts lik e Er ving Go ffman (1922-1982) to dev elop a technique c alleddramatur gical analy sis. Go ffman use d the ater as an analog y for so cial interaction and rec ogniz ed tha t people ’s interactions sho wed patterns o f cultural “ scripts .” He argue d tha t individuals w ere actors in a pla y. We switche d roles , sometimes minute to minute —for e xample , from s tudent or da ughter to dog w alker. Bec ause it c an b e uncle ar wha t part a p erson ma y pla y in a giv en situa tion , he or she has to impro vise his or her role as the situa tion unf olds (Go ffman , 1958). Studies tha t use the s ymb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e are more lik ely to use qualita tive rese arch metho ds, such as in-depth inter view s or p articip ant obser vation , because the y seek to unders tand the s ymb olic w orlds in which rese arch subjects liv e. Cons tructivism is an e xtension o f symb olic interaction theor y which prop oses tha t reality is wha t humans cognitiv ely c onstruct it to b e. We dev elop so cial c onstructs b ased on interactions with others , and those constructs tha t las t over time are those tha t ha ve me anings which are widely a gree d-up on or g enerally accepte d by mos t within the so ciety . This appro ach is o ften use d to e xamine wha t’s define d as deviant within a society . There is no a bsolute definition o f devianc e, and diff erent so cieties ha ve constructe d diff erent meanings f or devianc e, as w ell as as sociating diff erent b ehaviors with devianc e. One situa tion tha t illus trates this is wha t you b eliev e you’re to do if y ou find a w allet in the s treet . In the Unite d States, turning the w allet in to lo cal authorities w ould b e considere d the appropria te action , and to k eep the wallet w ould b e seen as deviant . In c ontras t, man y Eas tern so cieties w ould c onsider it much more appropria te to keep the w allet and se arch f or the o wner y ourself. T urning it o ver to someone else , even the a uthorities , would b e considere d deviant b ehavior . Criticism Research done from this p ersp ectiv e is o ften scr utiniz ed because o f the difficulty o f remaining objectiv e. Others criticiz e the e xtremely narro w focus on s ymb olic interaction . Proponents , of course , consider this one of its gre atest strengths . Sociological Theory T oday These three appro aches s till pro vide the main f ounda tion o f mo dern so ciologic al theor y though the y ha ve evolved. Str uctural-functionalism w as a dominant f orce after W orld W ar II and until the 1960s and 1970s . At that time , sociologis ts began to f eel tha t structural-functionalism did not sufficiently e xplain the rapid so cial chang es happ ening in the Unite d Sta tes a t tha t time . The w omen ’s mo vement and the Civil Rights mo vement forced ac ademics to dev elop appro aches to s tudy these emerging so cial practic es. Conflict theor y then g aine d prominenc e, with its emphasis on ins titutionaliz ed so cial ine quality . Critic al theor y, and the p articular asp ects o f feminis t theor y and critic al rac e theor y, focuse d on cre ating so cial chang e through the applic ation o f sociologic al principles . The field sa w a renew ed emphasis on helping ordinar y people unders tand so ciolog y principles , in the f orm o f public so ciolog y. Gaining prominenc e in the w ake of Me ad’s work in the 1920s and 1930s , symb olic interactionism decline d in influenc e during the 1960s and 1970s only to b e revitaliz ed at the turn o f the tw enty -firs t centur y (Str yker, 1987). P ostmo dern so cial theor y dev elop ed in the 1980s to lo ok a t society through an entirely new lens b y rejecting previous macro -lev el attempts to e xplain so cial phenomena. Its gro wth in p opularity c oincides with the rise o f constructivis t view s of symb olic interactionism .22 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 1.4 Why Study Sociology? LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain wh y it is w orthwhile t o study sociolog y. •Identif y ways sociolog y is applied in the r eal w orld. FIGURE 1.9 The r esear ch o f Kenneth and Mamie Clark helped the Supr eme Cour t decide t o end “ separ ate but equal ” racial segr egation in schools in the Unit ed Stat es. (Cr edit: Univ ersity o f Texas) When Eliza beth E ckford trie d to enter C entral High Scho ol in Lit tle R ock, Arkansas , in Septemb er 1957, she was met b y an angr y cro wd and w as turne d away by authorities . But she knew she had the la w on her side . Three y ears e arlier in the landmark Brown vs . the Bo ard o f Educ ation decision , the U .S. Supreme C ourt had overturne d tw enty -one s tate la ws tha t allo wed Black and White p eople to b e taught in sep arate scho ol systems as long as the scho ol systems w ere “ equal .” The decision w as nothing shor t of momentous , not only f or education , but f or a numb er o f other segreg ation and discrimina tion is sues tha t ha ve las ted into this dec ade. And in tha t momentous decision , the Supreme C ourt cite d the rese arch o f the husb and-and-wif e team o f social scientis ts, Kenneth and Mamie Clark , as evidenc e tha t segreg ation g enera tes in minority s tudents a f eeling o f inferiority . In the ‘ doll tes t,’ for e xample , the Clarks sho wed children f our dolls , two with white skin and y ellow hair and tw o with bro wn skin and black hair . When ask ed which doll the y pref erre d, the majority o f Black children chose the doll with the light skin doll , and the y as signe d positiv e characteris tics to it . Mos t of the Black children disc arde d the doll with the bro wn skin—the one tha t had a closer resemblanc e to themselv es. When ask ed to cho ose the doll tha t looked lik e them , man y children left the ro om, started to cr y, and/or became depres sed. The Clarks’ rese arch c ontribute d to the Supreme C ourt’s conclusion tha t sep arate but equal w as dama ging to s tudents , and tha t sep arate facilities are une qual . Sociology and a Better Society Sinc e it w as firs t founde d, man y people interes ted in so ciolog y ha ve been driv en b y the scholarly desire to contribute kno wledge to this field , while others ha ve seen it as w ay not only to s tudy so ciety but also to impro ve it. Besides desegreg ation , sociolog y has pla yed a cr ucial role in man y imp ortant so cial ref orms , such as e qual opp ortunity f or w omen in the w orkplac e, impro ved tre atment f or individuals with mental handic aps or learning disa bilities , incre ased ac cessibility and ac commo dation f or p eople with ph ysical handic aps, the right of na tive popula tions to preser ve their land and culture , and prison s ystem ref orms . The pre dominant Americ an so ciologis t, the la te Peter L. Berg er (1929–2017), in his 1963 b ook,Invitation to Sociolog y: A Humanis tic P ersp ectiv e, describ es a so ciologis t as “ someone c oncerne d with unders tanding society in a discipline d way.” He as serts tha t sociologis ts ha ve a na tural interes t in the monumental moments of people ’s liv es, as w ell as a fascina tion with b anal , everyday occurrenc es. Berg er also describ es the “ aha”1.4 • Wh y Study Sociolog y? 23 moment when a so ciologic al theor y becomes applic able and unders tood: [T]here is a dec eptiv e simplicity and ob viousnes s about some so ciologic al in vestigations . One re ads them , nods a t the familiar sc ene, remarks tha t one has he ard all this b efore and don ’t people ha ve better things to do than to w aste their time on tr uisms —until one is suddenly brought up a gains t an insight tha t radic ally ques tions ev erything one had previously as sume d about this familiar sc ene. This is the p oint a t which one b egins to sense the e xcitement o f sociolog y. (Berg er, 1963) Sociolog y can b e exciting b ecause it te aches p eople w ays to rec ogniz e ho w the y fit into the w orld and ho w others p erceive them . Looking a t themselv es and so ciety from a so ciologic al persp ectiv e helps p eople see where the y connect to diff erent groups b ased on the man y diff erent w ays the y clas sify themselv es and ho w society clas sifies them in turn . It raises a warenes s of ho w those clas sific ations —such as ec onomic and s tatus levels, education , ethnicity , or se xual orienta tion—a ffect p erceptions . Sociolog y teaches p eople not to ac cept e asy explana tions . It te aches them a w ay to org aniz e their thinking so that the y can ask b etter ques tions and f ormula te better ans wers. It mak es p eople more a ware tha t there are man y diff erent kinds o f people in the w orld who do not nec essarily think the w ay the y do . It incre ases their willingnes s and a bility to tr y to see the w orld from other p eople ’s persp ectiv es. This prep ares them to liv e and work in an incre asingly div erse and integra ted world . Sociology in the W orkplace Emplo yers c ontinue to seek p eople with wha t are c alled “trans ferable skills .” This me ans tha t the y want to hire people whose kno wledge and e ducation c an b e applie d in a v ariety o f set tings and whose skills will c ontribute to various tasks . Studying so ciolog y can pro vide p eople with this wide kno wledge and a skill set tha t can c ontribute to man y workplac es, including •an unders tanding o f social s ystems and larg e bure aucracies; •the a bility to devise and c arry out rese arch projects to as sess whether a program or p olicy is w orking; •the a bility to c ollect , read, and analyz e statistical inf orma tion from p olls or sur veys; •the a bility to rec ogniz e imp ortant diff erenc es in p eople ’s so cial, cultural , and ec onomic b ackgrounds; •skills in prep aring rep orts and c ommunic ating c omple x ide as; and •the c apacity f or critic al thinking a bout so cial is sues and problems tha t confront mo dern so ciety . (Dep artment o f Sociolog y, Univ ersity o f Alabama-Hunts ville) Sociolog y prep ares p eople f or a wide v ariety o f careers . Besides actually c onducting so cial rese arch or training others in the field , people who gradua te from c olleg e with a degree in so ciolog y are hire d by government agencies and c orporations in fields such as so cial ser vices, counseling (e .g., family planning , career , subs tanc e abuse), c ommunity planning , health ser vices, mark eting , mark et rese arch , and human resourc es. Even a small amount o f training in so ciolog y can b e an as set in c areers lik e sales , public rela tions , journalism , teaching , law, and criminal jus tice. Social Netw orking Consequences You’ve probabl y hear d a cautionar y story that g oes something lik e this: A high school s tudent spent y ears w orking hard, eng aging in their c ommunity , helping others , and g ener ally growing int o a positiv e and pr omising y oung adul t. During senior y ear, the y start the c ollege application pr ocess, and aft er a c ouple o f interviews and other int eractions , things ar e looking bright at se veral of their t op choic es. But when the time arriv es for those fat eful notifications about ac ceptanc e or r ejection, the s tudent and their famil y are shock ed to get reject ed fr om al l schools but one . Inquiries fr om famil y members and g uidanc e counselors had no r esul ts. The onl y ne ws came in the f orm o f a let terSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD24 1 • An Intr oduction t o Sociolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. three w eeks lat er fr om the one school that had ac cepted the s tudent. “...After an initial in vestigation, the Univ ersity has det ermined that se veral pos ts at tribut ed to you violat e our policies , and ar e offensiv e and tr oubling ...” The let ter’s remaining tw o pag es detailed the ong oing in vestigation and outlined the pot ential out comes . But that one s tatement said it al l: The s tudent had pos ted something o ffensiv e on social media , and their pr ospectiv e colleges had f ound it. Two years earlier , at the beginning o f sophomor e year, the s tudent had pos ted tw o comments and a meme that mock ed a clas smat e who had been as saul ted at a par ty. Even thought the s tudent had r emo ved them within a f ew days, the pos ts liv ed on in other f orums and on a f ew friends’ pag es; ther e was also the pos sibility that someone had screen-gr abbed them. While social media pos ts ar e protected forms o f speech in r elation t o the g overnment, colleges can r eview them as the y evaluat e applicants . Emplo yers can do the same , as can r omantic par tners or e ven volunt eer or ganizations . You ma y belie ve that a 15- year-old’ s social media c omments should not impact them y ears lat er. Or y ou ma y feel that someone who jok es about as saul t ma y be a risk t o commit a similar act or fail t o stop or r epor t one . Sociologis ts may consider al l of those as sump tions , and ma y seek ans wers or inf ormation thr ough r esear ch to unc over the impacts , risk s, tendencies , and out comes on the diff erent gr oups in volved. F or example , a sociologis t might w ork t o disc over ans wers t o the f ollowing ques tions: •Is abusiv e speech or as saul t les s likely to oc cur at c olleges that scr een applicants’ social media pos ts? •Do sensitivity tr ainings or cul tural compet ency pr ograms ha ve an eff ect on online speech? •Do c olleges tr eat al l community members equal ly when the y disc over someone has pos ted o ffensiv e comments or other c ontent? •Are alg orithms and ar tificial int elligence used t o det ect pr oblematic c omments biased ag ains t certain people or communities? None o f these ques tions c ould be ans wered b y a single s tudy or e ven a gr oup o f them. But lik e the
🔍 Sociological Perspectives Explained
🧩 Sociology examines society and social interactions through systematic study, helping people understand how cultural patterns and social forces shape individual and group behavior
🏛️ Theoretical frameworks include macro-level approaches (structural functionalism, conflict theory) that analyze society as a whole and micro-level perspectives (symbolic interactionism) that focus on individual interactions
📊 Research methodologies span both quantitative (statistical surveys) and qualitative (interviews, observation) approaches, reflecting ongoing debates about objectivity versus interpretive understanding
🔄 Historical development traces from early thinkers like Marx, Durkheim, and Weber to contemporary applications, showing how the discipline evolved to address changing social conditions
🎓 Studying sociology develops critical thinking skills, prepares individuals for diverse careers, and equips them to make informed decisions about social issues and implement effective solutions
🌐 Sociological imagination connects personal experiences to broader social structures, helping people see how their individual lives are shaped by historical and societal forces
Supr eme Cour t’s use o f Mamie and K enneth Clark e’s resear ch, c ollege adminis trators, high school c ounselors , and t echnolog y companies can use the out comes o f resear ch and anal ysis t o mak e decisions or implement pr ograms .1.4 • Wh y Study Sociolog y? 25 Key T erms antiposit ivism the view tha t social rese archers should s trive for subjectivity as the y worked to represent social pro cesses, cultural norms , and so cietal v alues conflict theor y a theor y tha t looks a t society as a c omp etition f or limite d resourc es cons tructivism an e xtension o f symb olic interaction theor y which prop oses tha t reality is wha t humans cognitiv ely c onstruct it to b e culture a group 's share d practic es, values , and b eliefs dramatur gical analy sis a technique so ciologis ts use in which the y view so ciety through the metaphor o f theatrical performanc e dynamic e quilibrium a stable s tate in which all p arts of a he alth y so ciety w ork tog ether prop erly dysfunct ions social p atterns tha t ha ve undesira ble c onse quenc es for the op eration o f society figurat ion the pro cess of simultaneously analyzing the b ehavior o f an individual and the so ciety tha t shap es that behavior funct ion the p art a recurrent activity pla ys in the so cial lif e as a whole and the c ontribution it mak es to structural c ontinuity funct ionalism a theoretic al appro ach tha t sees so ciety as a s tructure with interrela ted parts designe d to meet the biologic al and so cial nee ds o f individuals tha t mak e up tha t society generaliz ed others the org aniz ed and g eneraliz ed attitude o f a so cial group grand theories an a ttempt to e xplain larg e-scale rela tionships and ans wer fundamental ques tions such as why so cieties f orm and wh y the y chang e hypothesis a tes table prop osition latent funct ions the unrec ogniz ed or unintende d conse quenc es o f a so cial pro cess macro -level a wide -scale view o f the role o f social s tructures within a so ciety manif est funct ions sought c onse quenc es o f a so cial pro cess micro -level theories the s tudy o f specific rela tionships b etween individuals or small groups paradigms philosophic al and theoretic al framew orks use d within a discipline to f ormula te theories , generaliza tions , and the e xperiments p erforme d in supp ort of them posit ivism the scientific s tudy o f social p atterns qualitat ive so ciolog y in-depth inter view s, focus groups , and/or analy sis o f content sourc es as the sourc e of its da ta quant itative so ciolog y statistical metho ds such as sur veys with larg e numb ers o f particip ants reific ation an error o f tre ating an a bstract c oncept as though it has a re al, ma terial e xistenc e signific ant others specific individuals tha t imp act a p erson 's lif e social f acts the la ws, morals , values , religious b eliefs , cus toms , fashions , rituals , and all o f the cultural r ules that govern so cial lif e social ins titutions patterns o f beliefs and b ehaviors f ocuse d on meeting so cial nee ds social solidarit y the so cial ties tha t bind a group o f people tog ether such as kinship , share d location , and religion societ y a group o f people who liv e in a define d geographic al are a who interact with one another and who share a c ommon culture sociologic al ima ginat ion the a bility to unders tand ho w your o wn p ast rela tes to tha t of other p eople , as w ell as to his tory in g eneral and so cietal s tructures in p articular sociolog y the s ystema tic s tudy o f society and so cial interaction symb olic interact ionism a theoretic al persp ectiv e through which scholars e xamine the rela tionship o f individuals within their so ciety b y studying their c ommunic ation ( langua ge and s ymb ols) theor y a prop osed explana tion a bout so cial interactions or so ciety verstehen a German w ord tha t me ans to unders tand in a deep w ay26 1 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Section Summary 1.1 What Is Sociology? Sociolog y is the s ystema tic and scientific s tudy o f society and so cial interaction . In order to c arry out their studies , sociologis ts identif y cultural p atterns and so cial f orces and determine ho w the y affect individuals and groups . The y also dev elop w ays to apply their findings to the re al w orld . 1.2 The History of Sociology Sociolog y was dev elop ed as an ac ademic and scientific w ay to s tudy and theoriz e about the chang es to so ciety brought on b y the Indus trial R evolution in the eighteenth and nineteenth c enturies . Some o f the e arlies t sociologis ts thought tha t societies and individuals’ roles in so ciety c ould b e studie d using the same scientific metho dologies tha t were use d in the na tural scienc es, while others b eliev ed tha t is w as imp ossible to pre dict human b ehavior scientific ally, and s till others deb ated the v alue o f such pre dictions . Those p ersp ectiv es continue to b e represente d within so ciolog y today. 1.3 Theor etical P erspectives in Sociology Sociologis ts dev elop theories to e xplain so cial ev ents , interactions , and p atterns . A theor y is a prop osed explana tion o f those so cial interactions . Theories ha ve diff erent sc ales . Macro -lev el theories , such as s tructural functionalism and c onflict theor y, attempt to e xplain ho w so cieties op erate as a whole . Micro -lev el theories , such as s ymb olic interactionism , focus on interactions b etween individuals . 1.4 Why Study Sociology? Studying so ciolog y is b eneficial b oth f or the individual and f or so ciety . By studying so ciolog y people le arn ho w to think critic ally a bout so cial is sues and problems tha t confront our so ciety . The s tudy o f sociolog y enriches students’ liv es and prep ares them f or c areers in an incre asingly div erse w orld . Society b enefits b ecause p eople with so ciologic al training are b etter prep ared to mak e inf orme d decisions a bout so cial is sues and tak e effectiv e action to de al with them . Section Quiz 1.1 What Is Sociology? 1.Which o f the f ollowing b est describ es so ciolog y as a subject? a.The s tudy o f individual b ehavior b.The s tudy o f cultures c.The s tudy o f society and so cial interaction d.The s tudy o f economics 2.C. Wright Mills onc e said tha t sociologis ts nee d to dev elop a so ciologic al __________ to s tudy ho w so ciety affects individuals . a.culture b.ima gina tion c.metho d d.tool 3.A so ciologis t defines so ciety as a group o f people who reside in a define d are a, share a culture , and who: a.interact b.work in the same indus try c.speak diff erent langua ges d.practic e a rec ogniz ed religion1 • Section Summar y27 4.Seeing p atterns me ans tha t a so ciologis t nee ds to b e able to: a.comp are the b ehavior o f individuals from diff erent so cieties b.comp are one so ciety to another c.identif y similarities in ho w so cial groups resp ond to so cial pres sure d.comp are individuals to groups 1.2 The History of Sociology 5.Which o f the f ollowing w as a topic o f study in e arly so ciolog y? a.Astrolog y b.Economics c.Physics d.History 6.Which f ounder o f sociolog y believ ed so cieties chang ed due to clas s struggle? a.Emile C omte b.Karl Marx c.Plato d.Herb ert Spencer 7.Weber b eliev ed humans c ould not b e studie d purely objectiv ely b ecause the y were influenc ed by: a.drugs b.their culture c.their g enetic mak eup d.the rese archer 1.3 Theor etical P erspectives in Sociology 8.Which o f these theories is mos t lik ely to lo ok a t the so cial w orld on a micro lev el? a.Structural functionalism b.Conflict theor y c.Positivism d.Symb olic interactionism 9.Who b eliev ed tha t the his tory of society w as one o f clas s struggle? a.Emile Durkheim b.Karl Marx c.Erving Go ffmann d.Georg e Herb ert Me ad 10.Who c oine d the phrase s ymb olic interactionism? a.Herb ert Blumer b.Max W eber c.Lester F . Ward d.W. I. Thomas 11.A symb olic interactionis t ma y comp are so cial interactions to: a.behaviors b.conflicts c.human org ans d.theatrical roles28 1 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.Which rese arch technique w ould mos t lik ely b e use d by a s ymb olic interactionis t? a.Surveys b.Particip ant obser vation c.Quantita tive da ta analy sis d.None o f the a bove 1.4 Why Study Sociology? 13.Kenneth and Mamie Clark use d so ciologic al rese arch to sho w tha t segreg ation w as: a.beneficial b.harmful c.illeg al d.of no imp ortanc e 14.Wha t did the Clark ’s use in their e xperiment note d in ques tion 15? a.children and dogs b.adults and dolls c.children and dolls d.adults and p ets 15.Studying so ciolog y helps p eople analyz e da ta because the y learn: a.inter view techniques b.to apply s tatistics c.to genera te theories d.all o f the a bove 16.Berg er describ es so ciologis ts as c oncerne d with: a.monumental moments in p eople ’s liv es b.common ev eryday life ev ents c.both a and b d.none o f the a bove 17.Berg er writes tha t sociolog y a.is not an ac ademic discipline b.mak es the s trang e familiar c.mak es the familiar s trang e d.is not a scienc e Short Answer 1.1 What Is Sociology? 1.Wha t do y ou think C . Wright Mills me ant when he said tha t to b e a so ciologis t, one had to dev elop a sociologic al ima gina tion? 2.Describ e a situa tion in which a choic e you made w as influenc ed by so cietal pres sures . 1.2 The History of Sociology 3.Wha t do y ou mak e of Karl Marx ’s contributions to so ciolog y? Wha t perceptions o f Marx ha ve you b een exposed to in y our so ciety , and ho w do those p erceptions influenc e your view s? 4.Do y ou tend to plac e more v alue on qualita tive or quantita tive rese arch? Wh y? Do es it ma tter wha t topic y ou are s tudying?1 • Shor t Ans wer 29 1.3 Theor etical P erspectives in Sociology 5.Which theor y do y ou think b etter e xplains ho w so cieties op erate—structural functionalism or c onflict theor y? Wh y? 6.Do y ou think the w ay people b ehave in so cial interactions is more lik e the b ehavior o f animals or more lik e actors pla ying a role in a the atrical pro duction? Wh y? 1.4 Why Study Sociology? 7.How do y ou think taking a so ciolog y course might a ffect y our so cial interactions? 8.Wha t sor t of career are y ou interes ted in? Ho w could s tudying so ciolog y help y ou in this c areer? Further R esear ch 1.1 What Is Sociology? Sociolog y is a bro ad discipline . Diff erent kinds o f sociologis ts emplo y various metho ds for e xploring the rela tionship b etween individuals and so ciety .Check out more a bout so ciolog y at this w ebsite . (http://openstax.org/l/wha t-is-sociolog y). 1.2 The History of Sociology Man y so ciologis ts help ed shap e the discipline . To learn more , check out this site f eaturing prominent sociologis ts and ho w the y chang ed so ciolog y.(https:/ /openstax.org/l/3eso ciobio) 1.3 Theor etical P erspectives in Sociology People o ften think o f all c onflict as violent , but man y conflicts c an b e resolv ed non violently . To learn more about non violent metho ds o f conflict resolution check out the Albert Eins tein Ins titution (http://openstax.org/l/ae -ins titution) . 1.4 Why Study Sociology? Social c ommunic ation is rapidly ev olving due to ev er impro ving technologies .Check out this w ebsite to le arn more a bout ho w so ciologis ts study the imp act o f these chang es(http://openstax.org/l/me dia) References 1.1 What Is Sociology? Chily , M. (2013). Kids o f Tarashing , Astore Dis trict , Gilgit -Baltis tan, Pakis tan. [Photograph]. R etriev ed from https:/ /www.flickr .com/photos /mariachily /3334450816/in/photos tream/#/ photos /mariachily /3334450816/ in/photos tream/lightb ox/. Elias , N. (1978). Wha t Is So ciolog y?New Y ork: C olumbia Univ ersity P ress. Kierns , N. (2010). Ashle y’s Allianc e, unpublishe d presenta tion . Ohio Sta te Univ ersity . Ludden , J. (2012). “ Single Dads B y Choic e: More Men Going It A lone .” National Public Radio . Retriev ed from http://www.npr .org/2012/06/19/154860588/single -dads -by-choic e-more -men-g oing-it -alone . Mills , C. Wright . (2000 [1959]). The So ciologic al Ima gina tion . 40th e d. New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. Roggi , S. (2014). Storia di un g enitore che ama tropp o [Photograph]. imma gini tra tte da Go ogle Imma gini . (Trans: Stor y of a p arent who lo ves to o much [Photograph]. Ima ges tak en from Go ogle Ima ges). Sahn , R. (2013). “ The Dang ers o f Reific ation .”The C ontrar y Persp ectiv e. Retriev ed from http://contrar ypersp ectiv e.com/2013/06/06/the -dang ers-of-reific ation/. Unkno wn Photographer . 2013. Million P eople March in Laneta P ark, Manila, Philippines . [Photograph] This30 1 • F urther R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Photo b y is lic ense d under C C BY-SA. Retriev ed from w ww.wikic ommons .com. Unkno wn Photographer . 2013. The Y oung F amily in N J hos ted Sarah from F ranc e in 2012-13. A ttribution 2.0 Generic (C C BY 2.0) R etriev ed from ht tps:/ /www.flickr .com/photos /afsusa /8682763589. Unkno wn Photographer . 2017. Zaire an Students . [Photograph]. R etriev ed from ht tps:/ /dgmt .co.za. U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2020. “ Americ a’s Families and Living Arrang ements: 2020. ” Retriev ed from https:/ /www.census .gov/data/tables /2020/demo/families /cps -2020.html . 1.2 The History of Sociology Abercrombie , N., S. Hill , & B . S. T urner . (2000). The P enguin Dictionar y of Sociolog y. London: P enguin . Arms trong , D. (2019) 1215: The Y ear Tha t Chang ed Everything . The T eaching C omp any. Buroway, M. (2005). “2004 P residential A ddres s: For Public So ciolog y.”Americ an So ciologic al Review 70 (February): 4–28. R etriev ed from ht tp://bura woy.berkeley.edu/Public%20So ciolog y,%20Liv e/Burawoy.pdf. Cronk , G. n.d. “Georg e Herb ert Me ad.”Internet Ency clop edia o f Philosoph y: A P eer-Review ed Academic Resourc e. Retriev ed from ht tp://www.iep.utm .edu/me ad/. Daile ader , P. (2007). The Early Middle Ag es. The T eaching C omp any. Datar, R., Alatas, S., v an den Bent , J., & Ir win , R. (2019). The F orum. Ibn Khaldun: 14thCentur y Sa ge. Retriev ed from ht tps:/ /www.bbc.co.uk/sounds /pla y/w3cs yp5t . Durkheim , É. (1964 [1895]). The R ules o f Sociologic al Metho d, edite d by J. Mueller , E. Georg e & E. C aitlin . 8th ed. Transla ted by S. Solo vay. New Y ork: F ree P ress. The E ditors o f Ency clop aedia Britannic a. (2020). Ma Duanlin Chinese His torian . Retriev ed from https:/ /www.britannic a.com/biograph y/Ma-Duanlin . Fauré, C., J. Guilha umou , J. Vallier , & F . Weil. (2007 [1999]). Des Manuscrits de Sie yès, 1773–1799 , Volumes I and II. P aris: Champion . Green , D.S. and W ortham , R.A. (2018), The So ciologic al Insight o f W.E.B . Du Bois . Sociologic al Inquir y, 88: 56-78. R etriev ed Januar y 10, 2021, from ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.1111/soin .12179 Hannoum , A. (2003). Transla tion and the C olonial Ima ginar y: Ibn Khaldun Orientalis t. Middleto wn, CT : Wesle yan Univ ersity . Retriev ed from ht tp://www.jstor.org/pss/3590803. Hill, M. (1991). “Harriet Mar tine au.”Women in So ciolog y: A Bio -Bibliographic Sourc ebook, edite d by Mar y Jo Deeg an. New Y ork: Green wood Press. Johnson , B. (2003). “Harriet Mar tine au: Theories and C ontributions to So ciolog y.”Educ ation P ortal. Retriev ed from ht tp://education-p ortal.com/ac adem y/lesson/harriet -mar tine au-theories -and-c ontributions -to- sociolog y.html#les son. Morris , A. (2015). The Scholar Denie d: W . E. B . Du Bois and the Bir th o f Mo dern So ciolog y. Oakland , California: Univ ersity o f California P ress. Retriev ed Januar y 10, 2021, from ht tp://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/ j.ctv1xxtc2 Poggi , Gianfranc o. (2000). Durkheim . Oxf ord, Unite d King dom: Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. Ritz er, G. & Go odman , D. (2004). Sociologic al Theor y, 6th E dition . New Y ork: McGra w Hill E duc ation . Staple y, Pierre . (2010). “ Georg Simmel .” Cardiff Univ ersity Scho ol of Social Scienc es. Retriev ed from http://www.cf.ac .uk/socsi/undergradua te/introso c/simmel .html . U.S. C ongres s Joint E conomic C ommit tee. (2010). Women and the E conom y, 2010: 25 Y ears o f Progres s But1 • R eferences 31 Challeng es R emain . Augus t. Washington , DC: C ongres sional P rinting Offic e. Retriev ed from http://jec.sena te.gov/public /?a=F iles.Ser ve&F ile_id=8b e22cb0-8e d0-4a1a-841b -aa91dc55fa81 1.3 Theor etical P erspectives in Sociology Allan , K.Contemp orar y So cial and So ciologic al Theor y: Visualizing So cial W orlds . Thousand Oaks , CA: Pine Forge Press. Blumer , H. (1969). Symb olic Interactionism: P ersp ectiv e and Metho d. Englew ood Cliffs , NJ: Prentic e Hall . Broce, G. (1973). History of Anthrop olog y. Minne apolis: B urgess Publishing C omp any. Calhoun , C. (2002). Clas sical So ciologic al Theor y. Malden , MA: W iley-Blackw ell. Cooley, C. (1902). Human na ture and the so cial order . NY : Charles Schribner ’s Sons . Retriev ed from https:/ /www.asanet .org/charles -h-c ooley. Durkheim , É. (1984 [1893]). The Division o f Labor in So ciety . New Y ork: F ree P ress. Durkheim , É. (1964 [1895]). The R ules o f Sociologic al Metho d, edite d by J. Mueller , E. Georg e and E. C aitlin . 8th ed. Transla ted by S. Solo vay. New Y ork: F ree P ress. Goffman , E. (1958). The P resenta tion o f Self in E veryday Lif e. Edinburgh: Univ ersity o f Edinburgh , Social Scienc es R esearch C entre . Goldschmidt , W. (1996). “F unctionalism ” in Ency clop edia o f Cultural Anthrop olog y, Vol. 2, edite d by D. Levinson and M. Emb er. New Y ork: Henr y Holt and C omp any. Henr y, S. (2007). “Devianc e, Constructionis t Persp ectiv es.”Blackw ell Ency clop edia o f Sociolog y. Retriev ed from ht tp://www.sociolog yency clop edia.com/public / tocnode?id=g9781405124331_ yr2011_ chunk _g978140512433110_ ss1-41. Herman , N. & R eynolds , L. (1994). Symb olic Interaction: An Intro duction to So cial P sycholog y. Lanham , MD: Altamira P ress. Hork eimer , M. (1982). Critic al Theor y. New Y ork: Se abury Press. Hurs t, A. (n.d.) Clas sical So ciologic al Theor y and F ounda tions o f Americ an So ciolog y. Retriev ed from https:/ /open.oreg onstate.education/so ciologic altheor y/ Irving , J. (2007). Fifty K ey So ciologis ts: The F orma tive Theoris ts. New Y ork: R outle dge. LaR ossa, R . & R eitzes, D. (1993). “ Symb olic Interactionism and F amily Studies .” Pp . 135–163 in Sourc ebook o f Family Theories and Metho ds: A C onte xtual A ppro ach, edite d by P. G. Bos s,et al . New Y ork: S pring er. Mar yanski , A. & T urner , J. (1992). The So cial C age: Human N ature and the E volution o f Society . Stanf ord, CA: Stanf ord Univ ersity P ress. Marx , K. & Eng els, F. (1998 [1848]). The C ommunis t Manif esto. New Y ork: P enguin . Parsons , T. (1961). Theories o f Society: F ounda tions o f Mo dern So ciologic al Theor y. New Y ork: F ree P ress. Pew R esearch C enter . (2012). “Mobile T echnolog y Fact Sheet .”Pew R esearch Internet P roject , April 2012. Retriev ed from ht tp://www.pewinternet .org/fact -sheets /mobile -technolog y-fact -sheet /. Radcliff e-Bro wn, A.R. (1952). Structure and F unction in P rimitiv e So ciety: Es says and A ddres ses. London: Cohen and W est. Spencer, Herb ert. (1894). The P rinciples o f Biolog y. New Y ork: D . Appleton and C omp any. Stanf ord Univ ersity . (2016). Georg e Herb ert Me ad. Retriev ed from ht tps:/ /plato.stanf ord.edu/entries /me ad/.32 1 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Stanf ord Univ ersity . (2017). Max W eber. Retriev ed from ht tps:/ /plato.stanf ord.edu/entries /weber/ Stryker, Sheldon (1987). The V italiza tion o f Symb olic Interactionism .Social P sycholog y Quar terly , 50(1), 83-94. Turner , J. (2003). The Str ucture o f Sociologic al Theor y. 7thed. Belmont , CA: Thompson/W adsworth. UCL A Scho ol of Public Affairs . (n.d.)
🔄 Research design focuses on establishing reliability (replicability of results) and validity (measuring what was intended) through operational definitions and careful variable selection
📊 Independent variables (causes) and dependent variables (effects) form the backbone of hypotheses that predict relationships between social phenomena
🧠 While many sociologists employ empirical, data-driven approaches, others use interpretive frameworks that seek understanding rather than generalizable results
🔬 Sociological research transforms subjective observations into objective knowledge by applying scientific logic to understand human behavior and social patterns
🌐 Research findings contribute to sociological understanding even when hypotheses aren't supported, as exceptions to patterns remain valuable insights
“Wha t is C ritic al Rac e Theor y?”UCL A Scho ol of Public Affairs: C ritic al Race Studies . Retriev ed from ht tp://spacrs .wordpres s.com/wha t-is-critic al-rac e-theor y/. 1.4 Why Study Sociology? Berg er, P. (1963). Invitation to So ciolog y: A Humanis tic P ersp ectiv e. New Y ork: Anchor Bo oks. Dep artment o f Sociolog y, Univ ersity o f Alabama. (n .d.) Is So ciolog y Right f or Y ou? Hunts ville: Univ ersity o f Alabama. R etriev ed from ht tps:/ /www.uah .edu/ahs /dep artments /sociolog y/about.1 • R eferences 33 34 1 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 2.1 Man y belie ve that crime r ates g o up during the ful l moon, but scientific r esear ch does not suppor t this conclusion. (Cr edit: Arman Than vir/flickr .) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 2.1 Appr oaches t o Sociological R esear ch 2.2 Resear ch Methods 2.3 Ethical Conc erns As so ciolog y made its w ay into Americ an univ ersities , scholars dev elop ed it into a scienc e that relies on rese arch to build a b ody o f kno wledge. Sociologis ts began c ollecting da ta (obser vations and documenta tion) and applying the scient ific metho dor an interpreta tive framew ork to incre ase unders tanding of societies and so cial interactions . Our obser vations a bout so cial situa tions o ften inc orporate biases b ased on our o wn view s and limite d da ta. T o avoid subjectivity , sociologis ts conduct e xperiments or s tudies tha t gather and analyz eempiric al evidenc e from direct e xperienc e. Peers review the c onclusions from this rese arch and o ften rep eat the e xperiments or studies or apply them to other c onte xts in order to v alida te these c onclusions . Examples o f peer-review ed rese arch are f ound in scholarly journals . Consider a s tudy on the rela tionship b etween C OVID-19 and crime ra tes publishe d in Crime Scienc e, a scholarly journal . Researchers h ypothesiz ed tha t COVID-19 s tay-at-home res trictions w ould le ad to a drop both in s treet crimes and home burglaries . Researchers c ollecte d the da ta Sw edish p olice use d to track and2Sociological R esear ch project future crimes . The y found tha t assaults, pickp ocketing and burglar y had decre ased signific antly (Gerell , Kardell , and Kindgren , 2020). In this w ay, rese archers use d empiric al evidenc e and s tatistical analy sis to ans wer the ques tion ho w did C OVID-19 res trictions imp act crime ra tes. In this chapter , we will e xplore the appro aches and metho ds so ciologis ts use to c onduct s tudies lik e this one . 2.1 Appr oaches to Sociological R esear ch LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define and describe the scientific method. •Explain ho w the scientific method is used in sociological r esear ch. •Describe the function and impor tanc e of an int erpr etive frame work. •Describe the diff erences in ac curacy, reliability and v alidity in a r esear ch s tudy . When so ciologis ts apply the so ciologic al persp ectiv e and b egin to ask ques tions , no topic is o ff limits . Every aspect o f human b ehavior is a sourc e of possible in vestigation . Sociologis ts ques tion the w orld tha t humans have cre ated and liv e in. The y notic e patterns o f behavior as p eople mo ve through tha t world . Using sociologic al metho ds and s ystema tic rese arch within the framew ork o f the scientific metho d and a scholarly interpretiv e persp ectiv e, sociologis ts ha ve disc overed so cial p atterns in the w orkplac e tha t ha ve trans forme d indus tries , in families tha t ha ve enlightene d family memb ers, and in e duc ation tha t ha ve aide d structural chang es in clas srooms . Sociologis ts often b egin the rese arch pro cess by asking a ques tion a bout ho w or wh y things happ en in this world . It might b e a unique ques tion a bout a new trend or an old ques tion a bout a c ommon asp ect o f life. Onc e the ques tion is f orme d, the so ciologis t pro ceeds through an in-depth pro cess to ans wer it . In deciding ho w to design tha t pro cess, the rese archer ma y adopt a scientific appro ach or an interpretiv e framew ork. The following sections describ e these appro aches to kno wledge. The Scientific Method Sociologis ts mak e use o f trie d and tr ue metho ds o f rese arch , such as e xperiments , sur veys, and field rese arch . But humans and their so cial interactions are so div erse tha t these interactions c an seem imp ossible to char t or explain . It might seem tha t scienc e is a bout disc overies and chemic al re actions or a bout pro ving ide as right or wrong ra ther than a bout e xploring the nuanc es o f human b ehavior . However, this is e xactly wh y scientific mo dels w ork f or studying human b ehavior . A scientific pro cess of rese arch es tablishes p arameters tha t help mak e sure results are objectiv e and ac cura te. Scientific metho ds provide limita tions and b oundaries tha t focus a s tudy and org aniz e its results . The scientific metho d in volves dev eloping and tes ting theories a bout the so cial w orld b ased on empiric al evidenc e. It is define d by its c ommitment to s ystema tic obser vation o f the empiric al w orld and s trives to b e objectiv e, critic al, skeptic al, and logic al. It in volves a series o f six prescrib ed steps tha t ha ve been es tablishe d over centuries o f scientific scholarship .36 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 2.2 The Scientific Method. 6 s teps o f the scientific method ar e an es sential t ool in r esear ch. Sociologic al rese arch do es not re duce kno wledge to right or wrong facts . Results o f studies tend to pro vide people with insights the y did not ha ve before—explana tions o f human b ehaviors and so cial practic es and access to kno wledge of other cultures , rituals and b eliefs , or trends and a ttitudes . In g eneral , sociologis ts tackle ques tions a bout the role o f social characteris tics in outc omes or results . For example , how do diff erent c ommunities fare in terms o f psychologic al w ell-b eing , community c ohesiv enes s, rang e of vocation , wealth , crime ra tes, and so on? Are c ommunities functioning smo othly? So ciologis ts often look b etween the cracks to disc over obs tacles to meeting b asic human nee ds. The y might also s tudy environmental influenc es and p atterns o f behavior tha t lead to crime , subs tanc e abuse , div orce, poverty, unplanne d pregnancies , or illnes s. And , because so ciologic al studies are not all f ocuse d on neg ative behaviors or challenging situa tions , social rese archers might s tudy v acation trends , health y eating ha bits, neighb orho od organiza tions , higher e ducation p atterns , games , parks , and e xercise ha bits. Sociologis ts can use the scientific metho d not only to c ollect but also to interpret and analyz e da ta. The y delib erately apply scientific logic and objectivity . The y are interes ted in—but not a ttache d to —the results . The y work outside o f their o wn p olitic al or so cial a gendas . This do es not me an rese archers do not ha ve their o wn personalities , complete with pref erenc es and opinions . But so ciologis ts delib erately use the scientific metho d to maintain as much objectivity , focus, and c onsis tency as p ossible in c ollecting and analyzing da ta in rese arch studies . With its s ystema tic appro ach, the scientific metho d has pro ven useful in shaping so ciologic al studies . The scientific metho d pro vides a s ystema tic, org aniz ed series o f steps tha t help ensure objectivity and c onsis tency in exploring a so cial problem . The y pro vide the me ans f or ac curacy , relia bility , and v alidity . In the end , the scientific metho d pro vides a share d basis f or discus sion and analy sis (Mer ton 1963). T ypic ally, the scientific metho d has 6 s teps which are describ ed below. Step 1: Ask a Question or Find a R esear ch T opic The firs t step o f the scientific metho d is to ask a ques tion , select a problem , and identif y the sp ecific are a of interes t. The topic should b e narro w enough to s tudy within a g eographic lo cation and time frame . “Are societies c apable o f sus taine d happines s?” would b e too vague. The ques tion should also b e bro ad enough to have univ ersal merit . “Wha t do p ersonal h ygiene ha bits rev eal about the v alues o f students a t XYZ High Scho ol?” would b e too narro w. Sociologis ts strive to frame ques tions tha t examine w ell-define d patterns and rela tionships . In a h ygiene s tudy , for ins tanc e, hygiene c ould b e define d as “p ersonal ha bits to maintain ph ysical app earanc e (as opp osed to he alth), ” and a rese archer might ask , “Ho w do diff ering p ersonal h ygiene ha bits reflect the2.1 • Appr oaches t o Sociological R esear ch 37 cultural v alue plac ed on app earanc e?” Step 2: R eview the Liter atur e/R esear ch Existing Sour ces The ne xt step rese archers under take is to c onduct b ackground rese arch through a literature re view, which is a review o f an y existing similar or rela ted studies . A visit to the librar y, a thorough online se arch , and a sur vey of academic journals will unc over existing rese arch a bout the topic o f study . This s tep helps rese archers g ain a broad unders tanding o f work previously c onducte d, identif y gaps in unders tanding o f the topic , and p osition their o wn rese arch to build on prior kno wledge. Researchers —including s tudent rese archers —are resp onsible for c orrectly citing e xisting sourc es the y use in a s tudy or tha t inf orm their w ork. While it is fine to b orro w previously publishe d ma terial (as long as it enhanc es a unique viewp oint), it mus t be ref erenc ed prop erly and never pla giariz ed. To study crime , a rese archer might also sor t through e xisting da ta from the c ourt system , police da tabase, prison inf orma tion , inter view s with criminals , guards , wardens , etc . It’s imp ortant to e xamine this inf orma tion in addition to e xisting rese arch to determine ho w these resourc es might b e use d to fill holes in e xisting kno wledge. Reviewing e xisting sourc es e duc ates rese archers and helps refine and impro ve a rese arch s tudy design . Step 3: F ormulate a Hypothesis Ahypothesis is an e xplana tion f or a phenomenon b ased on a c onjecture a bout the rela tionship b etween the phenomenon and one or more c ausal factors . In so ciolog y, the h ypothesis will o ften pre dict ho w one f orm o f human b ehavior influenc es another . For e xample , a h ypothesis might b e in the f orm o f an “if, then s tatement .” Let’s rela te this to our topic o f crime: If crime unemplo yment incre ases , then the crime ra te will incre ase. In scientific rese arch , we formula te hypotheses to include an indep endent v ariables (IV ), which are the cause of the chang e, and a dep endent v ariable (D V), which is the effect, or thing tha t is chang ed. In the e xample above, unemplo yment is the indep endent v aria ble and the crime ra te is the dep endent v aria ble. In a so ciologic al study , the rese archer w ould es tablish one f orm o f human b ehavior as the indep endent varia ble and obser ve the influenc e it has on a dep endent v aria ble. Ho w do es g ender (the indep endent v aria ble) affect ra te of inc ome (the dep endent v aria ble)? Ho w do es one ’s religion (the indep endent v aria ble) a ffect family size (the dep endent v aria ble)? Ho w is so cial clas s (the dep endent v aria ble) a ffecte d by lev el of educ ation (the indep endent v aria ble)? Hypo thesis Independent VariableDependent Variable The gr eater the a vailability o f affordable housing , the lo wer the homeles s rate.Affordable Housing Homeles s Rate The gr eater the a vailability o f math tut oring , the higher the math grades .Math T utoring Math Gr ades The gr eater the polic e patr ol pr esenc e, the saf er the neighborhood.Police Patrol Presenc eSafer Neighborhood The gr eater the fact ory lighting , the higher the pr oductivity . Factory Lighting Productivity TABLE 2.1Examples o f Dependent and Independent V ariables Typical ly, the independent v ariable causes the dependent v ariable t o chang e in some w ay.38 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Hypo thesis Independent VariableDependent Variable The gr eater the amount o f media c overage, the higher the public awarenes s.Obser vation Public A warenes s TABLE 2.1Examples o f Dependent and Independent V ariables Typical ly, the independent v ariable causes the dependent v ariable t o chang e in some w ay. Taking an e xample from T able 12.1, a rese archer might h ypothesiz e tha t teaching children prop er h ygiene (the indep endent v aria ble) will b oost their sense o f self -esteem (the dep endent v aria ble). N ote, however, this hypothesis c an also w ork the other w ay around . A so ciologis t might pre dict tha t incre asing a child ’s sense o f self-esteem (the indep endent v aria ble) will incre ase or impro ve ha bits o f hygiene (no w the dep endent varia ble). Identif ying the indep endent and dep endent v aria bles is v ery imp ortant . As the h ygiene e xample shows, simply identif ying rela ted tw o topics or v aria bles is not enough . Their prosp ectiv e rela tionship mus t be part of the h ypothesis . Step 4: Design and Conduct a Study Researchers design s tudies to maximiz ereliabilit y, which ref ers to ho w lik ely rese arch results are to b e replic ated if the s tudy is repro duced. Reliability incre ases the lik eliho od tha t wha t happ ens to one p erson will happ en to all p eople in a group or wha t will happ en in one situa tion will happ en in another . Cooking is a scienc e. When y ou f ollow a recip e and me asure ingre dients with a c ooking to ol, such as a me asuring cup , the same results is obtaine d as long as the c ook follows the same recip e and uses the same typ e of tool. The measuring cup intro ducesaccuracy into the pro cess. If a p erson uses a les s ac cura te to ol, such as their hand , to me asure ingre dients ra ther than a cup , the same result ma y not b e replic ated. Accura te to ols and metho ds incre ase relia bility . Researchers also s trive forvalidit y, which ref ers to ho w w ell the s tudy me asures wha t it w as designe d to measure . To pro duce relia ble and v alid results , sociologis ts dev elop an operat ional definit ion, tha t is, the y define e acj c oncept, or v aria ble, in terms o f the ph ysical or c oncrete s teps it tak es to objectiv ely me asure it . The operational definition identifies an obser vable c ondition o f the c oncept. By op erationalizing the c oncept, all rese archers c an c ollect da ta in a s ystema tic or replic able manner . Moreo ver, rese archers c an determine whether the e xperiment or metho d validly represent the phenomenon the y intende d to s tudy . A study asking ho w tutoring impro ves grades , for ins tanc e, might define “ tutoring ” as “ one -on-one as sistanc e by an e xpert in the field , hire d by an e ducational ins titution .” Ho wever, one rese archer might define a “ good” grade as a C or b etter, while another uses a B+ as a s tarting p oint f or “good.” For the results to b e replic ated and gain ac ceptanc e within the bro ader scientific c ommunity , rese archers w ould ha ve to use a s tandard operational definition . These definitions set limits and es tablish cut -off points tha t ensure c onsis tency and replic ability in a s tudy . We will e xplore rese arch metho ds in gre ater detail in the ne xt section o f this chapter . Step 5: Dr aw Conclusions After c onstructing the rese arch design , sociologis ts collect , tabula te or c ategoriz e, and analyz e da ta to formula te conclusions . If the analy sis supp orts the h ypothesis , rese archers c an discus s the implic ations o f the results f or the theor y or p olicy solution tha t the y were addres sing . If the analy sis do es supp ort the h ypothesis , rese archers ma y consider rep eating the e xperiment or think o f ways to impro ve their pro cedure . However, even when results c ontradict a so ciologis t’s pre diction o f a s tudy ’s outc ome , these results s till contribute to so ciologic al unders tanding . Sociologis ts analyz e general p atterns in resp onse to a s tudy , but the y2.1 • Appr oaches t o Sociological R esear ch 39 are e qually interes ted in e xceptions to p atterns . In a s tudy o f educ ation , a rese archer might pre dict tha t high scho ol drop outs ha ve a hard time finding rew arding c areers . While man y as sume tha t the higher the education , the higher the salar y and degree o f career happines s, there are c ertainly e xceptions . People with little e ducation ha ve had s tunning c areers , and p eople with adv anced degrees ha ve had trouble finding w ork. A sociologis t prep ares a h ypothesis kno wing tha t results ma y subs tantia te or c ontradict it . Sociologis ts carefully k eep in mind ho w op erational definitions and rese arch designs imp act the results as they dra w conclusions . Consider the c oncept o f “incre ase o f crime ,” which might b e define d as the p ercent incre ase in crime from las t week to this w eek, as in the s tudy o f Sw edish crime discus sed above. Yet the da ta used to ev alua te “incre ase o f crime ” might b e limite d by man y factors: who c ommits the crime , where the crimes are c ommit ted, or wha t typ e of crime is c ommit ted. If the da ta is g athere d for “crimes c ommit ted in Hous ton, Texas in zip c ode 77021, ” then it ma y not b e generaliza ble to crimes c ommit ted in r ural are as outside o f major cities lik e Hous ton. If da ta is c ollecte d about v andalism , it ma y not b e generaliza ble to as sault. Step 6: R eport R esults Researchers rep ort their results a t conferenc es and in ac ademic journals . These results are then subjecte d to the scr utin y of other so ciologis ts in the field . Bef ore the c onclusions o f a s tudy b ecome widely ac cepte d, the studies are o ften rep eated in the same or diff erent en vironments . In this w ay, sociologic al theories and kno wledge dev elops as the rela tionships b etween so cial phenomenon are es tablishe d in bro ader c onte xts and different circums tanc es. Interpr etive Fr amework While man y so ciologis ts rely on empiric al da ta and the scientific metho d as a rese arch appro ach, others operate from an interpret ive frame work. While s ystema tic, this appro ach do esn’t follow the h ypothesis - testing mo del tha t seeks to find g eneraliza ble results . Ins tead, an interpretiv e framew ork, sometimes ref erre d to as an interpretiv e persp ectiv e, seeks
🔍 Interpretive Research Methods
🧠 Interpretive sociology explores social worlds from participants' perspectives through descriptive, narrative approaches rather than hypothesis testing, often involving direct observation and storytelling
⚖️ Critical sociology deconstructs existing research through a lens of power dynamics, viewing theories as either legitimizing oppression or liberating humans from inequality
📊 Survey research collects quantitative and qualitative data through questionnaires and interviews, allowing researchers to gather information about behaviors, opinions, and demographics from representative samples
🌍 Field research takes place in subjects' natural environments, with researchers observing or participating in real-world settings to understand behaviors in context
👁️ Participant observation involves researchers joining and participating in group activities to gain insider perspective, sometimes without disclosing their research purpose
🧪 Each research method offers unique advantages for specific research questions, with sociologists carefully selecting approaches that best suit their topics and protect participants
to unders tand so cial w orlds from the p oint o f view o f particip ants , which le ads to in-depth kno wledge or unders tands a bout the human e xperienc e. Interpretiv e rese arch is g enerally more descriptiv e or narra tive in its findings . Rather than f ormula ting a hypothesis and metho d for tes ting it , an interpretiv e rese archer will dev elop appro aches to e xplore the topic a t hand tha t ma y involve a signific ant amount o f direct obser vation or interaction with subjects including storytelling . This typ e of rese archer le arns through the pro cess and sometimes adjus ts the rese arch metho ds or pro cesses midw ay to optimiz e findings as the y ev olve. Critical Sociology Critic al so ciolog y focuses on dec onstruction o f existing so ciologic al rese arch and theor y. Inf orme d by the w ork of Karl Marx , scholars kno wn c ollectiv ely as the F rankfur t Scho ol prop osed tha t social scienc e, as much as an y academic pursuit , is emb edde d in the s ystem o f power constitute d by the set o f clas s, caste, rac e, gender , and other rela tionships tha t exist in the so ciety . Conse quently , it c annot b e tre ated as purely objectiv e. Critic al sociologis ts view theories , metho ds, and the c onclusions as ser ving one o f two purp oses: the y can either legitima te and ra tionaliz e systems o f social p ower and oppres sion or lib erate humans from ine quality and restriction on human free dom . Dec onstruction c an in volve da ta collection , but the analy sis o f this da ta is not empiric al or p ositivis t. 2.2 Resear ch Methods LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Recal l the 6 St eps o f the Scientific Method •Differentiat e betw een f our kinds o f resear ch methods: sur veys, field r esear ch, e xperiments , and sec ondar y data anal ysis. •Explain the appr opriat enes s of specific r esear ch appr oaches f or specific t opics .40 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Sociologis ts examine the so cial w orld , see a problem or interes ting p attern , and set out to s tudy it . The y use rese arch metho ds to design a s tudy . Planning the rese arch design is a k ey step in an y so ciologic al study . Sociologis ts generally cho ose from widely use d metho ds o f social in vestigation: primar y sourc e data collect ion such as sur vey, particip ant obser vation , ethnograph y, case s tudy , unobtr usiv e obser vations , experiment , and secondar y data analy sis, or use o f existing sourc es. Every rese arch metho d comes with plus ses and minuses , and the topic o f study s trongly influenc es which metho d or metho ds are put to use . When y ou are c onducting rese arch think a bout the b est way to g ather or obtain kno wledge about y our topic , think o f yourself as an architect . An architect nee ds a blueprint to build a house , as a so ciologis t your blueprint is your rese arch design including y our da ta collection metho d. When entering a p articular so cial en vironment , a rese archer mus t be careful . There are times to remain anon ymous and times to b e overt. There are times to c onduct inter view s and times to simply obser ve. Some particip ants nee d to b e thoroughly inf orme d; others should not kno w the y are b eing obser ved. A rese archer wouldn ’t stroll into a crime -ridden neighb orho od at midnight , calling out , “Any gang memb ers around? ” Making so ciologis ts’ presenc e invisible is not alw ays realistic f or other re asons . Tha t option is not a vailable to a rese archer s tudying prison b ehaviors , early e duc ation , or the K u Klux Klan . Researchers c an’t jus t stroll into prisons , kinderg arten clas srooms , or Klan meetings and unobtr usiv ely obser ve behaviors or a ttract a ttention . In situa tions lik e these , other metho ds are nee ded. Researchers cho ose metho ds tha t best suit their s tudy topics , protect rese arch p articip ants or subjects , and tha t fit with their o verall appro aches to rese arch . Surveys As a rese arch metho d, asurveycollects da ta from subjects who resp ond to a series o f ques tions a bout behaviors and opinions , often in the f orm o f a ques tionnaire or an inter view . The sur vey is one o f the mos t widely use d scientific rese arch metho ds. The s tandard sur vey forma t allo ws individuals a lev el of anon ymity in which the y can e xpres s personal ide as. FIGURE 2.3 Ques tionnair es ar e a c ommon r esear ch method. (Cr edit: CDC Global/flickr) At some p oint , mos t people in the Unite d Sta tes resp ond to some typ e of sur vey. The 2020 U .S. C ensus is an excellent e xample o f a larg e-scale sur vey intende d to g ather so ciologic al da ta. Sinc e 1790, Unite d Sta tes has conducte d a sur vey consis ting o f six ques tions to rec eived demographic al da ta p ertaining to residents . The ques tions p ertain to the demographics o f the residents who liv e in the Unite d Sta tes. Currently , the C ensus is received by residents in the Unite d Sta ted and fiv e territories and c onsis ts of 12 ques tions . Not all sur veys are c onsidere d so ciologic al rese arch , however, and man y sur veys people c ommonly enc ounter focus on identif ying mark eting nee ds and s trategies ra ther than tes ting a h ypothesis or c ontributing to so cial scienc e kno wledge. Ques tions such as , “Ho w man y hot dogs do y ou e at in a month? ” or “ Were the s taff helpful? ” are not usually designe d as scientific rese arch . The Nielsen Ra tings determine the p opularity o f television programming through scientific mark et rese arch . Ho wever, polls c onducte d by television programs such as Americ an Idol orSo Y ou Think Y ou C an Danc ecannot b e generaliz ed, because the y are adminis tere d to an unrepresenta tive popula tion , a sp ecific sho w’s audienc e. You might rec eive polls through y our c ell phones or emails , from gro cery stores , res taurants , and retail s tores . The y often pro vide y ou inc entiv es for c ompleting2.2 • R esear ch Methods 41 the sur vey. FIGURE 2.4 Real-time sur veys are common in clas srooms , live-audienc e events , and e ven popular media . Twitter polls ha ve often replac ed ph ysical de vices such as the one pictur ed. (Cr edit: Sam Ho wzit/flickr) Sociologis ts conduct sur veys under c ontrolle d conditions f or sp ecific purp oses . Sur veys gather diff erent typ es of inf orma tion from p eople . While sur veys are not gre at at capturing the w ays people re ally b ehave in so cial situa tions , the y are a gre at metho d for disc overing ho w people f eel, think , and act —or a t least ho w the y sa y the y feel, think , and act . Sur veys can track pref erenc es for presidential c andida tes or rep orted individual b ehaviors (such as sleeping , driving , or te xting ha bits) or inf orma tion such as emplo yment s tatus, inc ome , and e duc ation levels. A sur vey targ ets a sp ecific populat ion, people who are the f ocus o f a s tudy , such as c olleg e athletes , interna tional s tudents , or teena gers living with typ e 1 ( juvenile -onset) dia betes . Mos t rese archers cho ose to survey a small sector o f the p opula tion , or a sample , a mana geable numb er o f subjects who represent a larg er popula tion . The suc cess of a s tudy dep ends on ho w w ell a p opula tion is represente d by the sample . In a random sample , every person in a p opula tion has the same chanc e of being chosen f or the s tudy . As a result , a Gallup P oll, if c onducte d as a na tion wide random sampling , should b e able to pro vide an ac cura te es tima te of public opinion whether it c ontacts 2,000 or 10,000 p eople . After selecting subjects , the rese archer dev elops a sp ecific plan to ask ques tions and rec ord resp onses . It is imp ortant to inf orm subjects o f the na ture and purp ose o f the sur vey up front . If the y agree to p articip ate, rese archers thank subjects and o ffer them a chanc e to see the results o f the s tudy if the y are interes ted. The rese archer presents the subjects with an ins trument , which is a me ans o f gathering the inf orma tion . A common ins trument is a ques tionnaire . Subjects o ften ans wer a series o fclose d-ende d ques tions . The rese archer might ask y es-or-no or multiple -choic e ques tions , allo wing subjects to cho ose p ossible resp onses to each ques tion . This kind o f ques tionnaire c ollects quant itative data —data in numeric al form tha t can b e counte d and s tatistically analyz ed. Just count up the numb er o f “yes” and “no ” resp onses or c orrect ans wers, and char t them into p ercenta ges. Ques tionnaires c an also ask more c omple x ques tions with more c omple x ans wers—beyond “ yes,” “no ,” or checkb ox options . These typ es o f inquiries use open-ende d ques tions that require shor t essay resp onses . Particip ants willing to tak e the time to write those ans wers might c onvey personal religious b eliefs , politic al view s, goals, or morals . The ans wers are subjectiv e and v ary from p erson to p erson .How do plan to use y our colleg e education? Some topics tha t investigate internal thought pro cesses are imp ossible to obser ve directly and are difficult to discus s hones tly in a public f orum. People are more lik ely to share hones t ans wers if the y can resp ond to ques tions anon ymously . This typ e of personal e xplana tion is qualitat ive data —conveyed through w ords . Qualita tive inf orma tion is harder to org aniz e and ta bula te. The rese archer will end up with a wide rang e of42 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. resp onses , some o f which ma y be surprising . The b enefit o f writ ten opinions , though , is the w ealth o f in-depth material tha t the y pro vide . Aninter viewis a one -on-one c onversa tion b etween the rese archer and the subject , and it is a w ay of conducting sur veys on a topic . Ho wever, particip ants are free to resp ond as the y wish , without b eing limite d by predetermine d choic es. In the b ack-and-f orth conversa tion o f an inter view , a rese archer c an ask f or clarific ation , spend more time on a subtopic , or ask additional ques tions . In an inter view , a subject will ide ally feel free to op en up and ans wer ques tions tha t are o ften c omple x. There are no right or wrong ans wers. The subject might not ev en kno w ho w to ans wer the ques tions hones tly. Ques tions such as “Ho w do es so ciety ’s view o f alc ohol c onsumption influenc e your decision whether or not to take your firs t sip o f alc ohol? ” or “Did y ou f eel tha t the div orce of your p arents w ould put a so cial s tigma on your family? ” involve so man y factors tha t the ans wers are difficult to c ategoriz e. A rese archer nee ds to a void steering or prompting the subject to resp ond in a sp ecific w ay; other wise , the results will pro ve to b e unrelia ble. The rese archer will also b enefit from g aining a subject ’s trust, from emp athizing or c ommisera ting with a subject , and from lis tening without judgment . Surveys often c ollect b oth quantita tive and qualita tive da ta. F or e xample , a rese archer inter viewing prisoners might rec eive quantita tive da ta, such asdemographics – rac e, age, sex, tha t can b e analyz ed statistically. For example , the rese archer might disc over tha t 20 p ercent o f prisoners are a bove the a ge of 50. The rese archer might also c ollect qualita tive da ta, such as wh y prisoners tak e adv anta ge of educ ational opp ortunities while they ser ve and other e xplana tory inf orma tion . The sur vey can b e carrie d out online , over the phone , by mail , or fac e-to-fac e. When rese archers c ollect da ta outside a la boratory, librar y, or w orkplac e set ting , the y are c onducting field rese arch , which is our ne xt topic . Field R esear ch The w ork o f sociolog y rarely happ ens in limite d, confine d sp aces. Rather , sociologis ts go out into the w orld . The y meet subjects where the y liv e, work, and pla y.Field rese arch refers to g athering primar y data from a natural en vironment . To conduct field rese arch , the so ciologis t mus t be willing to s tep into new en vironments and obser ve, particip ate, or e xperienc e those w orlds . In field w ork, the so ciologis ts, rather than the subjects , are the ones out o f their element . The rese archer interacts with or obser ves p eople and g athers da ta along the w ay. The k ey point in field rese arch is tha t it tak es plac e in the subject ’s na tural en vironment , whether it ’s a c offee shop or trib al villa ge, a homeles s shelter or the DMV , a hospital , airp ort, mall , or b each resor t.2.2 • R esear ch Methods 43 FIGURE 2.5 Sociological r esear chers tr avel acr oss countries and cul tures to int eract with and obser ve subjects in their natur al en vironments . (Cr edit: IMLS Digital Col lections and Cont ent/flickr) While field rese arch o ften b egins in a sp ecific setting , the s tudy ’s purp ose is to obser ve sp ecific behaviors in that set ting . Field w ork is optimal f or obser ving howpeople think and b ehave. It seeks to unders tand whythey behave tha t way. Ho wever, rese archers ma y struggle to narro w do wn c ause and eff ect when there are so man y varia bles flo ating around in a na tural en vironment . And while field rese arch lo oks f or c orrela tion , its small sample siz e do es not allo w for es tablishing a c ausal rela tionship b etween tw o varia bles . Indee d, much o f the data gathere d in so ciolog y do not identif y a c ause and eff ect but a correlat ion. Bey oncé and Lady Gaga as Sociological Subjects FIGURE 2.6 Resear chers ha ve used sur veys and par ticipant obser vations t o ac cumulat e data on L ady Gag a and Beyonce as mul tifac eted per formers . (Cr edit a: John R ober t Char tlon/flickr , b: K ristopher Harris/flickr .) Sociologis t have studied L ady Gag a and Be yoncé and their impact on music, mo vies , social media , fan par ticipation,SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD44 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. and social equality . In their s tudies , resear chers ha ve used se veral resear ch methods including sec ondar y anal ysis, participant obser vation, and sur veys from c oncert par ticipants . In their s tudy , Click, L ee & Holida y (2013) int erviewed 45 L ady Gag a fans who utiliz ed social media t o communicat e with the ar tist. These fans vie wed L ady Gag a as a mirr or of themsel ves and a sour ce of inspir ation. Lik e her , the y embr ace not being a par t of mains tream cul ture. Man y of Lady Gag a’s fans ar e members o f the L GBTQ community . They see the “ song “Born This W ay” as a r allying cr y and ans wer her cal ls for “P aws Up ” with a ph ysical e xpression of solidarity —outs tretched arms and fing ers bent and curled t o resemble mons ter cla ws.” Sascha Buchanan (2019) made use o f par ticipant obser vation t o study the r elationship betw een tw o fan gr oups , that o f Beyoncé and that o f Rihanna . She obser ved a ward sho ws sponsor ed b y iHear tRadio , MT V EMA , and BET that pit one gr oup ag ains t another as the y compet ed for Bes t Fan Arm y, Big gest Fans, and F ANdemonium. Buchanan argues that the media thus sus tains a m yth o f rivalry betw een the tw o mos t commer cially suc cessful Black w omen vocal ar tists. Participant Observ ation In 2000, a c omic writer name d Rodne y Rothman w ante d an insider ’s view o f white -collar w ork. He slipp ed into the s terile , high-rise o ffices o f a N ew Y ork “ dot c om” agency . Every da y for tw o weeks , he pretende d to w ork there . His main purp ose w as simply to see whether an yone w ould notic e him or challeng e his presenc e. No one did. The rec eptionis t greete d him . The emplo yees smile d and said g ood morning . Rothman w as ac cepte d as part of the te am. He ev en w ent so far as to claim a desk , inf orm the rec eptionis t of his where abouts , and a ttend a meeting . He publishe d an ar ticle a bout his e xperienc e in The N ew Y orkercalled “My F ake Job” (2000). La ter, he w as discre dite d for alleg edly fa bric ating some details o f the s tory and The N ew Y orkerissued an ap olog y. However, Rothman ’s enter taining ar ticle s till o ffered fascina ting descriptions o f the inside w orkings o f a “ dot com” comp any and e xemplifie d the lengths to which a writer , or a so ciologis t, will g o to unc over ma terial . Rothman had c onducte d a f orm o f study c alledparticip ant obser vation, in which rese archers join p eople and particip ate in a group ’s routine activities f or the purp ose o f obser ving them within tha t conte xt. This metho d lets rese archers e xperienc e a sp ecific asp ect o f social lif e. A rese archer might g o to gre at lengths to g et a firsthand lo ok into a trend , ins titution , or b ehavior . A rese archer might w ork as a w aitres s in a diner , live as a homeles s person f or sev eral w eeks , or ride along with p olice officers as the y patrol their regular b eat. Often , these rese archers tr y to blend in se amles sly with the p opula tion the y study , and the y ma y not disclose their true identity or purp ose if the y feel it w ould c ompromise the results o f their rese arch .2.2 • R esear ch Methods 45 FIGURE 2.7 Is she a w orking w aitress or a sociologis t conducting a s tudy using par ticipant obser vation? A field resear cher ma y tak e a job or tak e other s teps t o get firs thand kno wledg e of their subjects . (Cr edit: Gar eth Wil liams/ flickr .) At the b eginning o f a field s tudy , rese archers might ha ve a ques tion: “ Wha t really g oes on in the kitchen o f the mos t popular diner on c ampus? ” or “ Wha t is it lik e to b e homeles s?” Particip ant obser vation is a useful metho d if the rese archer w ants to e xplore a c ertain en vironment from the inside . Field rese archers simply w ant to obser ve and le arn. In such a set ting ,
🔍 Ethnographic Research Methods
🧠 Participant observation immerses researchers in natural settings to capture authentic behaviors, requiring careful balance between involvement and objective analysis as demonstrated by Barbara Ehrenreich's undercover minimum-wage work experience
🌍 Ethnography examines entire social communities through immersion, revealing cultural patterns and social relationships, with institutional ethnography specifically focusing on power dynamics and marginalized experiences
📊 The groundbreaking Middletown study by the Lynds transformed sociological research by applying scientific methods to study "ordinary" Americans, revealing class divisions while demonstrating public interest in social data
🔬 Case studies provide deep analysis of unique individuals or situations (like feral children), while experiments test cause-effect relationships by manipulating variables in controlled or natural settings
🚗 Real-world experiments like Heussensstamm's Black Panther bumper sticker study reveal how social values (independent variables) affect treatment by authorities (dependent variables)
📝 Researchers must remain adaptable as patterns emerge, sometimes revising their purpose mid-study when observations reveal more relevant social phenomena than initially anticipated
the rese archer will b e aler t and op en minde d to wha tever happ ens, rec ording all obser vations ac cura tely. Soon, as p atterns emerg e, ques tions will become more sp ecific , obser vations will le ad to h ypotheses , and h ypotheses will guide the rese archer in analyzing da ta and g enera ting results . In a s tudy o f small to wns in the Unite d Sta tes c onducte d by so ciologic al rese archers J ohn S. L ynd and Helen Merrell L ynd , the te am altere d their purp ose as the y gathere d da ta. The y initially planne d to f ocus their s tudy on the role o f religion in U .S. to wns . As the y gathere d obser vations , the y re alized tha t the eff ect o f indus trializa tion and urb aniza tion w as the more relev ant topic o f this so cial group . The L ynds did not chang e their metho ds, but the y revise d the purp ose o f their s tudy . This shap ed the s tructure o fMiddleto wn: A Study in Mo dern Americ an Culture , their publishe d results (L ynd & Lynd , 1929). The L ynds w ere upfront a bout their mis sion . The to wnsp eople o f Muncie , Indiana, knew wh y the rese archers were in their mids t. But some so ciologis ts pref er not to aler t people to their presenc e. The main adv anta ge of covert particip ant obser vation is tha t it allo ws the rese archer ac cess to a uthentic , natural b ehaviors o f a group ’s memb ers. The challeng e, however, is g aining ac cess to a set ting without disr upting the p attern o f others’ b ehavior . Bec oming an inside memb er o f a group , org aniza tion , or sub culture tak es time and eff ort. Researchers mus t pretend to b e something the y are not . The pro cess could in volve role pla ying , making46 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. contacts , netw orking , or applying f or a job . Onc e inside a group , some rese archers sp end months or ev en y ears pretending to b e one o f the p eople the y are obser ving . Ho wever, as obser vers, the y cannot g et to o involved. The y mus t keep their purp ose in mind and apply the so ciologic al persp ectiv e. Tha t way, the y illumina te so cial p atterns tha t are o ften unrec ogniz ed. Because inf orma tion g athere d during p articip ant obser vation is mos tly qualita tive, rather than quantita tive, the end results are o ften descriptiv e or interpretiv e. The rese archer might present findings in an ar ticle or book and describ e wha t he or she witnes sed and e xperienc ed. This typ e of rese arch is wha t journalis t Barb ara Ehrenreich c onducte d for her b ookNick el and Dime d. One da y over lunch with her e ditor , Ehrenreich mentione d an ide a.How can p eople e xist on minimum-w age work? Ho w do lo w-inc ome w orkers g et by?she w ondere d.Someone should do a s tudy . To her surprise , her e ditor resp onde d,Why don ’t you do it? Tha t’s ho w Ehrenreich f ound herself joining the ranks o f the w orking clas s. For sev eral months , she left her comf ortable home and liv ed and w orked among p eople who lack ed, for the mos t part, higher e duc ation and mark etable job skills . Underc over, she applie d for and w orked minimum w age jobs as a w aitres s, a cle aning woman , a nursing home aide , and a retail chain emplo yee. During her p articip ant obser vation , she use d only her inc ome from those jobs to p ay for food, clothing , transp ortation , and shelter . She disc overed the ob vious , tha t it’s almos t imp ossible to g et by on minimum w age work. She also e xperienc ed and obser ved attitudes man y middle and upp er-clas s people nev er think a bout. She witnes sed firs thand the treatment o f working clas s emplo yees. She sa w the e xtreme me asures p eople tak e to mak e ends meet and to survive. She describ ed fellow emplo yees who held tw o or three jobs , worked sev en da ys a w eek, lived in c ars, could not p ay to tre at chronic he alth c onditions , got randomly fire d, submit ted to dr ug tes ts, and mo ved in and out o f homeles s shelters . She brought asp ects o f tha t life to light , describing difficult w orking c onditions and the p oor tre atment tha t low-w age workers suff er. The b ook she wrote up on her return to her re al lif e as a w ell-p aid writer , has b een widely re ad and use d in man y colleg e clas srooms .2.2 • R esear ch Methods 47 FIGURE 2.8 Field r esear ch happens in r eal locations . What type o f environment do w ork spac es foster? What w ould a sociologis t disc over aft er blending in? (Cr edit: L yncconf Games/flickr) Ethnogr aphy Ethnograph yis the immersion o f the rese archer in the na tural set ting o f an entire so cial c ommunity to obser ve and e xperienc e their ev eryday life and culture . The he art of an ethnographic s tudy f ocuses on ho w subjects view their o wn so cial s tanding and ho w the y unders tand themselv es in rela tion to a so cial group . An ethnographic s tudy might obser ve, for e xample , a small U .S. fishing to wn, an Inuit c ommunity , a villa ge in Thailand , a B uddhis t monas tery, a priv ate boarding scho ol, or an amusement p ark. These plac es all ha ve borders . People liv e, work, study , or v acation within those b orders . People are there f or a c ertain re ason and theref ore b ehave in c ertain w ays and resp ect c ertain cultural norms . An ethnographer w ould c ommit to spending a determine d amount o f time s tudying ev ery asp ect o f the chosen plac e, taking in as much as possible . A so ciologis t studying a trib e in the Amaz on might w atch the w ay villa gers g o about their daily liv es and then write a p aper a bout it . To obser ve a spiritual retre at center , an ethnographer might sign up f or a retre at and attend as a gues t for an e xtende d stay, obser ve and rec ord da ta, and c ollate the ma terial into results . Institutional Ethnogr aphy Institutional ethnograph y is an e xtension o f basic ethnographic rese arch principles tha t focuses intentionally on ev eryday concrete so cial rela tionships . Dev elop ed by Canadian so ciologis t Doroth y E. Smith (1990), institutional ethnograph y is o ften c onsidere d a f eminis t-inspire d appro ach to so cial analy sis and primarily considers w omen ’s experienc es within male - domina ted so cieties and p ower structures . Smith ’s work is seen to challeng e so ciolog y’s exclusion o f women , both ac ademic ally and in the s tudy o f women ’s liv es (Fenstermak er, n.d.). Historic ally, social scienc e rese arch tende d to objectif y women and ignore their e xperienc es e xcept as view ed from the male p ersp ectiv e. Mo dern f eminis ts note tha t describing w omen , and other marginaliz ed groups , as subordina tes helps those in a uthority maintain their o wn dominant p ositions (So cial Scienc es and Humanities48 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Research C ouncil o f Canada n .d.). Smith ’s three major w orks e xplore d wha t she c alled “the c onceptual practic es o f power” and are s till c onsidere d seminal w orks in f eminis t theor y and ethnograph y (Fensternmak er n .d.). The Making of Middleto wn: A Study in Modern U.S. Cultur e In 1924, a y oung married c ouple named R ober t and Helen L ynd under took an unpr ecedent ed ethnogr aphy: to appl y sociological methods t o the s tudy o f one U .S. city in or der t o disc over what “ ordinar y” people in the Unit ed Stat es did and belie ved. Choosing Muncie , Indiana (population about 30,000) as their subject, the y mo ved to the smal l town and liv ed ther e for eight een months . Ethnogr aphers had been e xamining other cul tures for decades —groups c onsider ed minorities or outsiders —lik e gangs , immigr ants , and the poor . But no one had s tudied the so -called a verage American. Recording int erviews and using sur veys to gather data , the L ynds objectiv ely described what the y obser ved. Resear ching e xisting sour ces, the y compar ed Muncie in 1890 t o the Muncie the y obser ved in 1924. Mos t Muncie adul ts, the y found, had gr own up on farms but no w liv ed in homes inside the city . As a r esul t, the L ynds f ocused their s tudy on the impact o f indus trialization and urbanization. They obser ved that Muncie w as divided int o busines s and w orking clas s groups . The y defined busines s clas s as dealing with abs tract c oncepts and s ymbols , while w orking clas s people used t ools t o create concr ete objects . The tw o clas ses led diff erent liv es with diff erent g oals and hopes . Ho wever, the L ynds obser ved, mas s production offered both clas ses the same amenities . Like wealthy families , the w orking clas s was no w able t o own r adios , cars , washing machines , telephones , vacuum cleaners , and r efrig erators. This w as an emer ging mat erial r eality o f the 1920s . As the L ynds w orked, the y divided their manuscrip t into six chap ters: Get ting a Living , Making a Home , Training the Y oung , Using L eisur e, Eng aging in R eligious P ractic es, and Eng aging in Community Activities . When the s tudy w as complet ed, the L ynds enc ount ered a big pr oblem. The R ockefeller F oundation, which had commis sioned the book, claimed it w as useles s and r efused t o publish it. The L ynds ask ed if the y could seek a publisher themsel ves. Middlet own: A Study in Modern American Cul turewas not onl y published in 1929 but also became an ins tant bestseller, a status unhear d of for a sociological s tudy . The book sold out six printings in its firs t year o f publication, and has ne ver gone out o f print (Caplo w, Hick s, & W attenber g. 2000). Nothing lik e it had e ver been done bef ore. Middlet own w as reviewed on the fr ont pag e of the Ne w York Times . Readers in the 1920s and 1930s identified with the citiz ens o f Muncie , Indiana , but the y were equal ly fascinat ed by the sociological methods and the use o f scientific data t o define or dinar y people in the Unit ed Stat es. The book w as pr oof that social data w as impor tant —and int eresting—t o the U .S. public.SOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH2.2 • R esear ch Methods 49 FIGURE 2.9 A clas sroom in Muncie , Indiana , in 1917, fiv e years bef ore John and Helen L ynd beg an resear ching this “ typical ” U.S. c ommunity . (Cr edit: Don O ’Brien/flickr) Case Study Sometimes a rese archer w ants to s tudy one sp ecific p erson or ev ent. Acase s tudy is an in-depth analy sis o f a single ev ent, situa tion , or individual . To conduct a c ase s tudy , a rese archer e xamines e xisting sourc es lik e documents and archiv al rec ords , conducts inter view s, eng ages in direct obser vation and ev en p articip ant obser vation , if p ossible . Researchers might use this metho d to s tudy a single c ase o f a foster child , drug lord , cancer p atient , criminal , or rap e victim . Ho wever, a major criticism o f the c ase s tudy as a metho d is tha t while o ffering depth on a topic , it do es not pro vide enough evidenc e to f orm a g eneraliz ed conclusion . In other w ords , it is difficult to mak e univ ersal claims b ased on jus t one p erson , sinc e one p erson do es not v erify a p attern . This is wh y mos t sociologis ts do not use c ase s tudies as a primar y rese arch metho d. However, case s tudies are useful when the single c ase is unique . In these ins tanc es, a single c ase s tudy c an contribute tremendous incite . For e xample , a feral child , also c alled “wild child ,” is one who gro ws up isola ted from human b eings . Feral children gro w up without so cial c ontact and langua ge, which are elements cr ucial to a “civiliz ed” child ’s dev elopment . These children mimic the b ehaviors and mo vements o f animals , and o ften invent their o wn langua ge. There are only a bout one hundre d cases o f “feral children ” in the w orld . As y ou ma y ima gine , a feral child is a subject o f gre at interes t to rese archers . Feral children pro vide unique informa tion a bout child dev elopment b ecause the y ha ve gro wn up outside o f the p arameters o f “normal ” growth and nur turing . And sinc e there are v ery few f eral children , the c ase s tudy is the mos t appropria te metho d for rese archers to use in s tudying the subject . At age three , a Ukranian girl name d Oxana Mala ya suff ered sev ere p arental neglect . She liv ed in a she d with dogs , and she a te ra w me at and scraps . Five years la ter, a neighb or c alled authorities and rep orted seeing a girl who ran on all f ours , barking . Officials brought Oxana into so ciety , where she w as c ared for and ta ught some human b ehaviors , but she nev er b ecame fully so cializ ed. She has b een designa ted as una ble to supp ort herself and no w liv es in a mental ins titution (Gric e 2011). C ase s tudies lik e this o ffer a w ay for so ciologis ts to c ollect data tha t ma y not b e obtaine d by an y other metho d. Experiments You ha ve prob ably tes ted some o f your o wn p ersonal so cial theories . “If I s tudy a t night and review in the morning , I’ll impro ve my retention skills .” Or , “If I s top drinking so da, I’ll f eel b etter.” Cause and eff ect. If this , then tha t. When y ou tes t the theor y, your results either pro ve or dispro ve your h ypothesis .50 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. One w ay rese archers tes t social theories is b y conducting an experiment , me aning the y investigate rela tionships to tes t a h ypothesis —a scientific appro ach. There are tw o main typ es o f experiments: la b-based experiments and na tural or field e xperiments . In a la b setting , the rese arch c an b e controlle d so tha t more da ta can b e rec orde d in a limite d amount o f time . In a natural or field- b ased experiment , the time it tak es to g ather the da ta cannot b e controlle d but the inf orma tion might b e considere d more ac cura te sinc e it w as c ollecte d without inter ferenc e or inter vention b y the rese archer . As a rese arch metho d, either typ e of sociologic al experiment is useful f or tes ting if-then statements: ifa particular thing happ ens (c ause), then another p articular thing will result (eff ect). T o set up a la b-based experiment , sociologis ts cre ate ar tificial situa tions tha t allo w them to manipula te varia bles . Clas sically, the so ciologis t selects a set o f people with similar characteris tics, such as a ge, clas s, rac e, or education . Those p eople are divide d into tw o groups . One is the e xperimental group and the other is the control group . The experimental group is exposed to the indep endent v aria ble(s) and the control group is not. To tes t the b enefits o f tutoring , for e xample , the so ciologis t might pro vide tutoring to the e xperimental group o f students but not to the c ontrol group . Then b oth groups w ould b e tes ted for diff erenc es in performanc e to see if tutoring had an eff ect on the e xperimental group o f students . As y ou c an ima gine , in a case lik e this , the rese archer w ould not w ant to jeop ardiz e the ac complishments o f either group o f students , so the set ting w ould b e somewha t artificial . The tes t would not b e for a grade reflecte d on their p ermanent rec ord of a s tudent , for e xample . And if a rese archer told the s tudents the y would b e obser ved as p art of a s tudy on me asuring the eff ectiv enes s of tutoring , the s tudents might not b ehave na turally . This is c alled the Hawthorne eff ect—which o ccurs when people chang e their b ehavior b ecause the y kno w the y are b eing w atche d as p art of a s tudy . The Ha wthorne effect is una voida ble in some rese arch s tudies b ecause so ciologis ts ha ve to mak e the purp ose o f the s tudy kno wn. Subjects mus t be aware tha t the y are b eing obser ved, and a c ertain amount o f artificiality ma y result (Sonnenf eld 1985). An Experiment in Action FIGURE 2.10 Sociologis t Frances Heus sens tamm c onduct ed an e xperiment t o explor e the c orrelation betw een traffic s tops and r ace-based bumper s tickers. This is sue o f racial pr ofiling r emains a hot -but ton topic t oday. (Credit: dwights ghos t/flickr)SOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH2.2 • R esear ch Methods 51 A real-life example wil l help il lustrate the e xperiment pr ocess. In 1971, F rances Heus sens tamm, a sociolog y professor at Calif ornia Stat e Univ ersity at L os Ang eles , had a theor y about polic e prejudic e. To test her theor y, she c onduct ed an e xperiment. She chose fift een s tudents fr om thr ee ethnic back grounds: Black, Whit e, and Hispanic. She chose s tudents who r outinel y drove to and fr om campus along L os Ang eles fr eeway routes, and who had had per fect driving r ecords for long er than a y ear. Those w ere her independent v ariables —students , good driving r ecords, same c ommut e route. Next, she plac ed a Black P anther bumper s ticker on each car . That s ticker, a representation o f a social v alue , was the independent v ariable . In the 1970s , the Black P anthers w ere a r evolutionar y group activ ely fighting r acism. Heus sens tamm ask ed the s tudents t o follow their normal driving pat terns . She w anted to see whether seeming suppor t for the Black P anthers w ould chang e ho w these g ood driv ers w ere treated b y the polic e patr olling the high ways. The dependent v ariable w ould be the number o f traffic s tops/citations . The firs t arr est, for an inc orrect lane chang e, was made tw o hours aft er the e xperiment beg an. One par ticipant was pul led o ver thr ee times in thr ee da ys. He quit the s tudy . Aft er se venteen da ys, the fift een driv ers had collected a t otal o f thir ty-three tr affic citations . The e xperiment w as hal ted. The funding t o pa y traffic fines had run out, and so had the enthusiasm o f the par ticipants (Heus sens tamm, 1971). Secondary Data Analysis While so ciologis ts often eng age in original rese arch s tudies , the y also c ontribute kno wledge to the discipline through secondar y data
📊 Secondary Data Analysis
🔍 Secondary data leverages existing research, publications, and organizational statistics, saving time while adding depth to sociological studies through new interpretations
📈 Nonreactive research avoids direct contact with subjects, eliminating the risk of influencing behaviors while still yielding valuable insights about social phenomena
⚠️ Ethical challenges in sociological research require maintaining value neutrality, obtaining informed consent, and protecting subjects from harm as outlined in professional codes
🧠 Historical violations like the Tuskegee Experiment and Henrietta Lacks case demonstrate the severe consequences of ignoring ethical standards in human research
🔄 Research methods each offer distinct advantages and limitations, requiring careful selection based on research questions and practical considerations
🛡️ The American Sociological Association's Code of Ethics provides formal guidelines ensuring research integrity, subject privacy, and proper disclosure of findings
analy sis. Sec ondar y da ta do es not result from firs thand rese arch c ollecte d from primar y sourc es, but are the alre ady c omplete d work o f other rese archers or da ta collecte d by an a gency or organiza tion . Sociologis ts might s tudy w orks writ ten b y his torians , economis ts, teachers , or e arly so ciologis ts. The y might se arch through p erio dicals, new spapers, or ma gazines , or org aniza tional da ta from an y perio d in history. Using a vailable inf orma tion not only sa ves time and mone y but c an also add depth to a s tudy . Sociologis ts often interpret findings in a new w ay, a w ay tha t was not p art of an a uthor ’s original purp ose or intention . To study ho w w omen w ere enc oura ged to act and b ehave in the 1960s , for e xample , a rese archer might w atch movies , televisions sho ws, and situa tion c ome dies from tha t perio d. Or to rese arch chang es in b ehavior and attitudes due to the emerg ence of television in the la te 1950s and e arly 1960s , a so ciologis t would rely on new interpreta tions o f sec ondar y da ta. Dec ades from no w, rese archers will mos t lik ely c onduct similar s tudies on the adv ent o f mobile phones , the Internet , or so cial me dia. Social scientis ts also le arn b y analyzing the rese arch o f a v ariety o f agencies . Go vernmental dep artments and glob al groups , like the U .S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics or the W orld He alth Org aniza tion ( WHO), publish s tudies with findings tha t are useful to so ciologis ts. A public s tatistic lik e the f oreclosure ra te might b e useful f or studying the eff ects o f a rec ession . A racial demographic pro file might b e comp ared with da ta on e duc ation funding to e xamine the resourc es ac cessible b y diff erent groups . One o f the adv anta ges o f sec ondar y da ta lik e old mo vies or WHO s tatistics is tha t it is nonre active rese arch (or unobtr usiv e rese arch), me aning tha t it do es not in volve direct c ontact with subjects and will not alter or influenc e people ’s behaviors . Unlik e studies re quiring direct c ontact with p eople , using previously publishe d data do es not re quire entering a p opula tion and the in vestment and risks inherent in tha t rese arch pro cess. Using a vailable da ta do es ha ve its challeng es. Public rec ords are not alw ays easy to ac cess. A rese archer will need to do some leg work to track them do wn and g ain ac cess to rec ords . To guide the se arch through a v ast librar y of ma terials and a void w asting time re ading unrela ted sourc es, sociologis ts emplo ycontent analy sis, applying a s ystema tic appro ach to rec ord and v alue inf orma tion gle aned from sec ondar y da ta as the y rela te to the s tudy a t hand . Also, in some c ases , there is no w ay to v erify the ac curacy o f existing da ta. It is e asy to c ount ho w man y dr unk52 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. driv ers, for e xample , are pulle d over b y the p olice. But ho w man y are not? While it ’s possible to disc over the percenta ge of teena ge students who drop out o f high scho ol, it might b e more challenging to determine the numb er who return to scho ol or g et their GED la ter. Another problem arises when da ta are una vailable in the e xact f orm nee ded or do not sur vey the topic from the precise angle the rese archer seeks . For e xample , the a verage salaries p aid to pro fessors a t a public scho ol is public rec ord. But these figures do not nec essarily rev eal ho w long it to ok e ach pro fessor to re ach the salar y rang e, wha t their e ducational b ackgrounds are , or ho w long the y’ve been te aching . When c onducting c ontent analy sis, it is imp ortant to c onsider the da te of public ation o f an e xisting sourc e and to tak e into ac count a ttitudes and c ommon cultural ide als tha t ma y ha ve influenc ed the rese arch . For e xample , when R obert S. L ynd and Helen Merrell L ynd g athere d rese arch in the 1920s , attitudes and cultural norms were v astly diff erent then than the y are no w. Beliefs a bout g ender roles , rac e, educ ation , and w ork ha ve chang ed signific antly sinc e then . At the time , the s tudy ’s purp ose w as to rev eal insights a bout small U .S. communities . Today, it is an illus tration o f 1920s a ttitudes and v alues . 2.3 Ethical Concerns LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Unders tand wh y ethical s tandar ds e xist •Investigate unethical s tudies •Demons trate awarenes s of the American Sociological As sociation ’s Code o f Ethics Sociologis ts conduct s tudies to she d light on human b ehaviors . Knowledge is a p owerful to ol tha t can b e use d to achiev e positiv e chang e. As a result , conducting a so ciologic al study c omes with a tremendous amount o f resp onsibility . Lik e all rese archers , sociologis ts mus t consider their ethic al oblig ation to a void harming human subjects or groups while c onducting rese arch . Pioneer German so ciologis t Max W eber (1864–1920) identifie d another cr ucial ethic al concern. Weber unders tood tha t personal v alues c ould dis tort the framew ork f or disclosing s tudy results . While he ac cepte d that some asp ects o f rese arch design might b e influenc ed by personal v alues , he declare d it w as entirely inappropria te to allo w personal v alues to shap e the interpreta tion o f the resp onses . Sociologis ts, he s tated, mus t establish value neutralit y, a practic e of remaining imp artial, without bias or judgment , during the course o f a s tudy and in publishing results ( Weber, 1949). So ciologis ts are oblig ated to disclose rese arch findings without omit ting or dis torting signific ant da ta. Is value neutrality p ossible? Man y so ciologis ts believ e it is imp ossible to retain c omplete objectivity . The y caution re aders , rather , to unders tand tha t sociologic al studies ma y contain a c ertain amount o f value bias . This do es not discre dit the results , but allo ws readers to view them as one f orm o f truth— one fact -based persp ectiv e. Some so ciologis ts attempt to remain uncritic al and as objectiv e as p ossible when s tudying so cial institutions . The y strive to o vercome p ersonal biases , particularly sub conscious biases , when c ollecting and analyzing da ta. The y avoid sk ewing da ta in order to ma tch a pre determine d outc ome tha t aligns with a particular a genda, such as a p olitic al or moral p oint o f view . Investigators are ethic ally oblig ated to rep ort results , even when the y contradict p ersonal view s, pre dicte d outc omes , or widely ac cepte d beliefs . The Americ an So ciologic al As sociation , or AS A, is the major pro fessional org aniza tion o f sociologis ts in N orth Americ a. The AS A is a gre at resourc e for students o f sociolog y as w ell. The AS A maintains a code of ethics —formal guidelines f or c onducting so ciologic al rese arch— consis ting o f principles and ethic al standards to b e use d in the discipline . These f ormal guidelines w ere es tablishe d by practitioners in 1905 a t John Hopkins Univ ersity , and revise d in 1997. When w orking with human subjects , these c odes o f ethics re quire rese archers’ to do the f ollowing: 1. Maintain objectivity and integrity in rese arch2.3 • Ethical Conc erns 53 2. Respect subjects’ rights to priv acy and dignity 3. Protect subject from p ersonal harm 4. Preser ve confidentially 5. Seek inf orme d consent 6. Ackno wledge collaboration and as sistanc e 7. Disclose sourc es o f financial supp ort Unfortuna tely, when these c odes o f ethics are ignore d, it cre ates an unethic al en vironment f or humans b eing involved in a so ciologic al study . Throughout his tory, there ha ve been numerous unethic al studies , some o f which are summariz ed below. FIGURE 2.11 Participants in the T uskegee s tudy w ere denied impor tant inf ormation about their diagnosis , leading to significant heal th is sues . (Cr edit: Cent ers f or Disease Contr ol) The T uskegee Exp eriment: This s tudy w as c onducte d 1932 in Mac on C ounty , Alabama, and include d 600 Afric an Americ an men , including 399 dia gnose d with s yphilis . The p articip ants w ere told the y were dia gnose d with a dise ase o f “bad blo od.” Penicillin w as dis tribute d in the 1940s as the cure f or the dise ase, but unfortuna tely, the Afric an Americ an men w ere not giv en the tre atment b ecause the objectiv e of the s tudy w as to see “ho w untre ated syphilis w ould a ffect the Afric an Americ an male ” (Caplan , 2007) Henriet ta Lacks: Ironic ally, this s tudy w as c onducte d at the hospital as sociated with J ohns Hopkins Univ ersity , where c odes o f the ethics origina ted. In 1951, Henriet ta Lacks w as rec eiving tre atment f or c ervical cancer a t John Hopkins Hospital , and do ctors disc overed tha t she had “immor tal” cells, which c ould repro duce rapidly and indefinitely , making them e xtremely v alua ble f or me dical rese arch . Without her c onsent , doctors c ollecte d and share d her c ells to pro duce extensiv e cell lines . Lacks’ c ells w ere widely use d for e xperiments and treatments , including the p olio v accine , and w ere put into mas s pro duction . Today, these c ells are kno wn worldwide as HeLa c ells (Shah , 2010). Milgram Exp eriment: In 1961, ps ychologis t Stanle y Milgram c onducte d an e xperiment a t Yale Univ ersity . Its purp ose w as to me asure the willingnes s of study subjects to ob ey an a uthority figure who ins tructe d them to perform acts tha t conflicte d with their p ersonal c onscienc e. People in the role o f teacher b eliev ed the y were adminis tering electric sho cks to s tudents who g ave inc orrect ans wers to w ord-p air ques tions . No ma tter ho w concerne d the y were a bout adminis tering the progres sively more intense sho cks, the te achers w ere told to keep g oing . The ethic al concerns in volve the e xtreme emotional dis tres s fac ed by the te achers , who b eliev ed they were hur ting other p eople . (Vogel 2014). Philip Zimb ardo and the Stanf ord prison e xperiment: In 1971, ps ychologis t Phillip Zimb ardo c onducte d a54 2 • Sociological R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. study in volving s tudents from Stanf ord Univ ersity . The s tudents w ere put in the roles o f prisoners and guards , and w ere re quire d to pla y their as signe d role ac cordingly . The e xperiment w as intende d to las t two weeks , but it only las t six da ys due to the neg ative outc ome and tre atment o f the “prisoners .” Be yond the ethic al concerns , the s tudy ’s validity has b een ques tione d after p articip ants rev ealed the y had b een c oache d to b ehave in specific w ays. Laud Humphre y: In the 1960s , Laud Humphre y conducte d an e xperiment a t a res troom in a p ark kno wn f or same -sex se xual enc ounters . His objectiv e was to unders tand the div ersity o f backgrounds and motiv ations o f people seeking same -sex rela tionships . His ethics w ere ques tione d because he misrepresente d his identity and intent while obser ving and ques tioning the men he inter view ed (N ardi , 1995).2.3 • Ethical Conc erns 55 Key T erms accuracy using a to ol mak es the me asuring more precise . case s tudy in-depth analy sis o f a single ev ent, situa tion , or individual code of ethics a set o f guidelines tha t the Americ an So ciologic al As sociation has es tablishe d to f oster ethic al rese arch and pro fessionally resp onsible scholarship in so ciolog y content analy sis applying a s ystema tic appro ach to rec ord and v alue inf orma tion gle aned from sec ondar y data as it rela tes to the s tudy a t hand correlat ion when a chang e in one v aria ble c oincides with a chang e in another v aria ble, but do es not necessarily indic ate causation debunking looking b eyond the ob vious to e xpose falsenes s by examining merit , logic , and evidenc e. dep endent v ariables a varia ble chang ed by other v aria bles empiric al evidenc e evidenc e tha t comes from direct obser vations , scientific ally g athere d da ta, or experimenta tion ethnograph y particip ating and obser ving thinking and b ehavior in a so cial set ting experiment the tes ting o f a h ypothesis under c ontrolle d conditions field rese arch gathering da ta from a na tural en vironment without doing a la b experiment or a sur vey Hawthorne eff ect when s tudy subjects b ehave in a c ertain manner due to their a warenes s of being obser ved by a rese archer hypothesis a tes table e ducated gues s about pre dicte d outc omes b etween tw o or more v aria bles indep endent v ariables varia bles tha t cause chang es in dep endent v aria bles interpret ive frame work a so ciologic al rese arch appro ach tha t seeks in-depth unders tanding o f a topic or subject through obser vation or interaction; this appro ach is not b ased on h ypothesis tes ting inter view a one -on-one c onversa tion b etween the rese archer and the subject literature re view a scholarly rese arch s tep tha t entails identif ying and s tudying all e xisting s tudies on a topic to cre ate a b asis f or new rese arch nonre active rese arch using sec ondar y da ta, do es not include direct c ontact with rese arch subjects and does not alter or influenc e people ’s behaviors operat ional definit ions specific e xplana tions o f abstract c oncepts tha t a rese archer plans to s tudy particip ant obser vation when a rese archer immerses herself in a group or so cial set ting in order to mak e obser vations from an “insider ” persp ectiv e populat ion a define d group ser ving as the subject o f a s tudy primar y data data tha t are c ollecte d directly from firs thand e xperienc e qualitat ive data non-numeric al, descriptiv e da ta tha t is o ften subjectiv e and b ased on wha t is e xperienc ed in a na tural set ting quant itative data data collecte d in numeric al form tha t can b e counte d and analyz ed using s tatistics random sample a study ’s particip ants b eing randomly selecte d to ser ve as a representa tion o f a larg er popula tion reliabilit y a me asure o f a s tudy ’s consis tency tha t considers ho w lik ely results are to b e replic ated if a s tudy is repro duced samples small , mana geable numb er o f subjects tha t represent the p opula tion scient ific metho d an es tablishe d scholarly rese arch tha t involves asking a ques tion , rese arching e xisting sourc es, forming a h ypothesis , designing a da ta collection metho d, gathering da ta, and dra wing conclusions secondar y data analy sis using da ta collecte d by others and applying new interpreta tions surveys collect da ta from subjects who resp ond to a series o f ques tions a bout thinking , behaviors , and opinions , often in the f orm o f a ques tionnaire validit y the degree to which a so ciologic al me asure ac cura tely reflects the topic o f study value neutralit y a practic e of remaining imp artial, without bias or judgment during the c ourse o f a s tudy and in publishing results56 2 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Section Summary 2.1 Appr oaches to Sociological R esear ch Using the scientific metho d, a rese archer c onducts a s tudy in six phases: asking a ques tion , rese arching existing sourc es, formula ting a h ypothesis , rese arch design , collecting & analyzing da ta, and dra wing conclusions . The scientific metho d is useful in tha t it pro vides a cle ar metho d of org anizing a s tudy . Some sociologis ts conduct rese arch through an interpretiv e framew ork ra ther than emplo ying the scientific metho d. Scientific so ciologic al studies o ften obser ve rela tionships b etween v aria bles . Researchers s tudy ho w one varia ble influenc es another . Prior to c onducting a s tudy , rese archers are c areful to apply op erational definitions to their terms and to es tablish dep endent and indep endent v aria bles . 2.2 Resear ch Methods Sociologic al rese arch is a fairly c omple x pro cess. As y ou c an see , a lot g oes into ev en a simple rese arch design . There are man y steps and much to c onsider when c ollecting da ta on human b ehavior , as w ell as in interpreting and analyzing da ta in order to f orm c onclusiv e results . Sociologis ts use the scientific metho ds for g ood reasons . The scientific metho d pro vides a s ystem o f org aniza tion to help rese archers plan and c onduct a s tudy to ensure da ta and results are relia ble, valid , and objectiv e. The man y metho ds a vailable to rese archers —including e xperiments , sur veys, particip ant obser vation , ethnograph y, case s tudy , and sec ondar y da ta analy sis—all c ome with adv anta ges and disadv anta ges. The strength o f a s tudy c an dep end on the choic e and implementa tion o f the appropria te metho d of gathering da ta. Dep ending on the topic , a s tudy might use a single metho d or a c ombina tion o f metho ds. It is imp ortant to plan a rese arch design b efore under taking a s tudy . The inf orma tion g athere d ma y in itself b e surprising , and the study design should pro vide a solid framew ork in which to analyz e pre dicte d and unpre dicte d da ta. Method Implementa tion Adv antag es Chal leng es Survey•Ques tionnair es •Interviews•Yields man y responses •Can sur vey a lar ge sample •Quantitativ e data are eas y to char t•Can be time c onsuming •Can be difficul t to enc ourage participant r esponse •Captures what people think and belie ve but not nec essaril y ho w they beha ve in r eal lif e Field W ork•Participant obser vation •Ethnogr aphy •Case s tudy•Yields detailed, accurate real-life information•Time c onsuming •Data cap tures ho w people beha ve but not what the y think and belie ve •Qualitativ e data is difficul t to organiz e Experiment•Deliber ate manipulation o f social customs and mor es•Tests cause and effect r elationships•Hawthorne Eff ect •Ethical c oncerns about people ’s wellbeing TABLE 2.2Main Sociological R esear ch Methods Sociological r esear ch methods ha ve adv antag es and disadv antag es.2 • Section Summar y57 Method Implementa tion Adv antag es Chal leng es Secondar y Data Anal ysis•Anal ysis o f government data (c ensus , heal th, crime s tatis tics) •Resear ch o f his toric documents•Mak es g ood use o f previous sociological information•Data c ould be f ocused on a purpose other than y ours •Data can be har d to find TABLE 2.2Main Sociological R esear ch Methods Sociological r esear ch methods ha ve adv antag es and disadv antag es. 2.3 Ethical Concerns Sociologis ts and so ciolog y students mus t tak e ethic al resp onsibility f or an y study the y conduct
🔍 Ethical Research Practices
🛡️ Researcher responsibilities include ensuring participant safety, obtaining informed consent, and adhering to the American Sociological Association's (ASA) ethical guidelines for conducting studies
📊 Scientific method forms the foundation of sociological research, requiring researchers to ask questions, formulate hypotheses, collect data, and analyze findings with accuracy, validity, and reliability
⚖️ Value neutrality demands researchers set aside personal beliefs when gathering and analyzing data, reporting findings objectively even when they contradict personal convictions
🧪 Research methodologies include surveys, experiments, field research, case studies, and secondary data analysis—each with specific applications and limitations
🚫 Ethical violations in research history have caused physical and psychological harm to participants, leading to stricter guidelines and institutional review processes
🌐 Professional standards established by organizations like ASA provide frameworks for conducting research, accepting funding, and publishing results ethically
. The y mus t firs t and f oremos t guarantee the sa fety o f their p articip ants . Whenev er p ossible , the y mus t ensure tha t particip ants have been fully inf orme d consent b efore p articip ating ina s tudy . The Americ an So ciologic al As sociation (AS A) es tablishes p arameters f or ethic al guidelines tha t sociologis ts mus t tak e into ac count as the y conduct rese arch . The guidelines addres s conducting s tudies , prop erly using existing sourc es, accepting funding , and publishing results . Unf ortuna tely, the c ode o f ethics w ere not in existenc e and in some c ases rese archers did not adhere to AS A guidelines resulting in unethic al practic es in which humans w ere c aused either ph ysical or ps ychologic al harm . Sociologis ts mus t try to maintain v alue neutrality . The y mus t gather and analyz e da ta objectiv ely and set aside their p ersonal pref erenc es, beliefs , and opinions . The y mus t rep ort findings ac cura tely, even if the y contradict personal v alues and c onvictions . Section Quiz 2.1 Appr oaches to Sociological R esear ch 1.The 1ststep o f the scientific metho d: a.Collect and analyz e da ta b.Summariz e the ar ticles c.Ask a ques tion a bout a topic d.Create a h ypothesis 2.A me asurement is c onsidere d ________ if it actually me asures wha t it is intende d to me asure , according to the topic o f the s tudy . a.relia ble b.sociologic al c.valid d.quantita tive 3.Sociologic al studies tes t rela tionships in which chang e in one ________ c auses chang e in another . a.test subject b.behavior c.varia ble d.operational definition58 2 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 4.In a s tudy , a group o f ten-y ear-old b oys are f ed doughnuts ev ery morning f or a w eek and then w eighe d to see ho w much w eight the y gaine d. Which factor is the dep endent v aria ble? a.The doughnuts b.The b oys c.The dura tion o f a w eek d.The w eight g aine d 5.Which s tatement pro vides the b est op erational definition o f “childho od ob esity ”? a.Children who e at unhe alth y foods and sp end to o much time w atching television and pla ying video games b.A dis tres sing trend tha t can le ad to he alth is sues including typ e 2 dia betes and he art dise ase c.Body w eight a t least 20 p ercent higher than a he alth y weight f or a child o f tha t height d.The tendency o f children to day to w eigh more than children o f earlier g enera tions 2.2 Resear ch Methods 6.Which ma terials are c onsidere d sec ondar y da ta? a.Photos and let ters giv en to y ou b y another p erson b.Books and ar ticles writ ten b y other a uthors a bout their s tudies c.Informa tion tha t you ha ve gathere d and no w ha ve include d in y our results d.Responses from p articip ants whom y ou b oth sur veyed and inter view ed 7.Why is cho osing a random sample an eff ectiv e way to select p articip ants? a.Particip ants do not kno w the y are p art of a s tudy b.The rese archer has no c ontrol o ver who is in the s tudy c.It is larg er than an ordinar y sample d.Everyone has the same chanc e of being p art of the s tudy 8.Wha t rese arch metho d did J ohn S. L ynd and Helen Merrell L ynd mainly use in their Middleto wnstudy? a.Secondar y da ta b.Survey c.Particip ant obser vation d.Exp eriment 9.Which rese arch appro ach is b est suite d to the scientific metho d? a.Ques tionnaire b.Case s tudy c.Ethnograph y d.Secondar y da ta analy sis 10.The main diff erenc e between ethnograph y and other typ es o f particip ant obser vation is: a.ethnograph y isn ’t based on h ypothesis tes ting b.ethnograph y subjects are una ware the y’re b eing s tudie d c.ethnographic s tudies alw ays involve minority ethnic groups d.ethnograph y focuses on ho w subjects view themselv es in rela tionship to the c ommunity2 • Section Quiz 59 11.Which b est describ es the results o f a c ase s tudy? a.It pro duces more relia ble results than other metho ds b ecause o f its depth b.Its results are not g enerally applic able c.It relies solely on sec ondar y da ta analy sis d.All of the a bove 12.Using sec ondar y da ta is c onsidere d an unobtr usiv e or ________ rese arch metho d. a.nonre activ e b.nonp articip atory c.nonres trictiv e d.nonc onfrontiv e 2.3 Ethical Concerns 13.Which s tatement illus trates v alue neutrality? a.Obesity in children is ob viously a result o f parental neglect and , theref ore, scho ols should tak e a greater role to prev ent it b.In 2003, s tates lik e Arkansas adopte d laws requiring elementar y scho ols to remo ve so ft drink v ending machines from scho ols c.Merely res tricting children ’s ac cess to junk f ood at scho ol is not enough to prev ent ob esity d.Physical activity and he alth y eating are a fundamental p art of a child ’s educ ation 14.Which p erson or org aniza tion define d the c oncept o f value neutrality? a.Institutional R eview Bo ard (IRB) b.Peter R ossi c.Americ an So ciologic al As sociation (AS A) d.Max W eber 15.To study the eff ects o f fas t food on lif estyle, health , and culture , from which group w ould a rese archer ethic ally b e una ble to ac cept funding? a.A fas t-food res taurant b.A nonpro fit he alth org aniza tion c.A priv ate hospital d.A governmental a gency lik e He alth and So cial Ser vices Short Answer 2.1 Appr oaches to Sociological R esear ch 1.Write do wn the firs t three s teps o f the scientific metho d. Think o f a bro ad topic tha t you are interes ted in and which w ould mak e a g ood so ciologic al study —for e xample , ethnic div ersity in a c olleg e, homec oming rituals , athletic scholarships , or teen driving . Now, tak e tha t topic through the firs t steps o f the pro cess. For each s tep, write a f ew sentenc es or a p aragraph: 1) Dev elop a rese arch ques tion a bout the topic . 2) Do some rese arch and write do wn the titles o f some ar ticles or b ooks y ou’d want to re ad a bout the topic . 3) F ormula te a hypothesis . 2.Explain the c orrela tion b etween ac curacy , validity , and relia bility in the rese arch metho d.60 2 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 2.2 Resear ch Methods 3.Wha t typ e of data do sur veys gather? F or wha t topics w ould sur veys be the b est rese arch metho d? Wha t drawbacks might y ou e xpect to enc ounter when using a sur vey? T o explore fur ther , ask a rese arch ques tion and write a h ypothesis . Then cre ate a sur vey of about six ques tions relev ant to the topic . Provide a ra tionale for e ach ques tion . Now define y our p opula tion and cre ate a plan f or recr uiting a random sample and adminis tering the sur vey. 4.Ima gine y ou are a bout to do field rese arch in a sp ecific plac e for a set time . Ins tead o f thinking a bout the topic o f study itself, c onsider ho w you, as the rese archer , will ha ve to prep are f or the s tudy . Wha t personal , social, and ph ysical sacrific es will y ou ha ve to mak e? Ho w will y ou mana ge your p ersonal eff ects? Wha t organiza tional e quipment and s ystems will y ou nee d to c ollect the da ta? 5.Create a brief rese arch design a bout a topic in which y ou are p assiona tely interes ted. Now write a let ter to a philanthropic or grant org aniza tion re ques ting funding f or y our s tudy . Ho w can y ou describ e the project in a convincing y et re alistic and objectiv e way? Explain ho w the results o f your s tudy will b e a relev ant contribution to the b ody o f sociologic al w ork alre ady in e xistenc e. 2.3 Ethical Concerns 6.Why do y ou think the Americ an So ciologic al As sociation (AS A) cra fted such a detaile d set o f ethic al principles? Wha t typ e of study c ould put human p articip ants a t risk? Think o f some e xamples o f studies that might b e harmful . Do y ou think tha t, in the name o f sociolog y, some rese archers might b e tempte d to cros s boundaries tha t thre aten human rights? Wh y? 7.Would y ou willingly p articip ate in a so ciologic al study tha t could p otentially put y our he alth and sa fety a t risk , but had the p otential to help thousands or ev en hundre ds o f thousands o f people? F or e xample , would you p articip ate in a s tudy o f a new dr ug tha t could cure dia betes or c ancer, even if it me ant gre at inconvenienc e and ph ysical disc omf ort for y ou or p ossible p ermanent dama ge? Further R esear ch 2.1 Appr oaches to Sociological R esear ch For a his toric al persp ectiv e on the scientific metho d in so ciolog y, read“The Elements o f Scientific Metho d in Sociolog y” by F. Stuar t Chapin (1914) in the Americ an J ournal o f Sociolog y.(http://openstax.org/l/Metho d- in-So ciolog y) 2.2 Resear ch Methods For inf orma tion on current re al-w orld so ciolog y experiments , visit the Everda y So ciolog y Blog . (http://openstax.org/l/So ciolog y-Exp eriments) 2.3 Ethical Concerns Founde d in 1905, the Americ an So ciologic al As sociation is a nonpro fit org aniza tion lo cated in W ashington , DC, with a memb ership o f 14,000 rese archers , faculty memb ers, students , and practitioners o f sociolog y. Its mis sion is “ to ar ticula te p olicy and implement programs lik ely to ha ve the bro ades t possible imp act f or sociolog y no w and in the future .”Learn more a bout this org aniza tion here (http://openstax.org/l/AS A). References Intr oduction Arkowitz, Hal , and Sc ott O. Lilienf eld. 2009. “L unacy and the F ull Mo on: Do es a full mo on re ally trigg er strang e behavior? ”Scientific Americ an. Retriev ed Dec emb er 30, 2014 ( http://www.scientific americ an.com/ar ticle/ lunacy -and-the -full-mo on/).2 • F urther R esear ch 61 Bradbur y Jones , C. and Isham , L. (2020), The p andemic p arado x: The c onse quenc es o f COVID 19 on domes tic violenc e. J Clin Nurs , 29: 2047-2049. doi:10.1111/jo cn.15296 Gerell , M., K ardell , J., & Kindgren , J. (2020, Ma y 2). Minor c ovid-19 as sociation with crime in Sw eden , a ten week f ollow up . https:/ /doi.org/10.31235/os f.io/w7gka Rotton, James , and Iv an W . Kelly. 1985. “Much A do a bout the F ull Mo on: A Meta-analy sis o f Lunar -Lunacy Research .” Psychologic al Bulletin 97 (no . 2): 286–306. 2.1 Appr oaches to Sociological R esear ch Arkowitz, Hal , and Sc ott O. Lilienf eld. 2009. “L unacy and the F ull Mo on: Do es a full mo on re ally trigg er strang e behavior? ” Scientific Americ an. Retriev ed Octob er 20, 2014 ( http://www.scientific americ an.com/ar ticle/ lunacy -and-the -full-mo on/). Berg er, Peter L. 1963. Invitation to So ciolog y: A Humanis tic P ersp ectiv e. New Y ork: Anchor Bo oks. Mer ton, Robert. 1968 [1949]. Social Theor y and So cial Str ucture . New Y ork: F ree P ress. “Scientific Metho d La b,” the Univ ersity o f Utah , (http://aspire .cosmic -ray.org/labs/scientific _metho d/ sci_metho d_main .html). 2.2 Resear ch Methods Butsch , Richard . 2000. The Making o f Americ an A udienc es: F rom Sta ge to T elevision , 1750–1990 . Cambridg e: Cambridg e UP . Caplo w, Theo dore , Louis Hicks , and Ben W attenb erg. 2000. “ The F irst Me asure d Centur y: Middleto wn.”The First Me asure d Centur y. PBS. R etriev ed February 23, 2012 ( http://www.pbs.org/fmc /inde x.htm). Click , M., Lee , H., & Hollada y, H. (2013). Making mons ters: Lady G aga, fan identific ation , and so cial me dia. Popular Music and So ciety , 36(3), 360–379. ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.1080/03007766.2013.798546 Dilling-Hansen , Lise . 2015. “ Affectiv e Fan Exp erienc es o f Lady G aga.”Trans forma tive Works and Cultures , no. 20. ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.3983/tw c.2015.0662. Durkheim , Émile . 1966 [1897]. Suicide . New Y ork: F ree P ress. Fenstermak er, Sarah . n.d. “Doroth y E. Smith A ward Sta tement ”Americ an So ciologic al As sociation . Retriev ed Octob er 19, 2014 ( http://www.asanet .org/about/awards /dub oisc areer /smith .cfm). Frank e, Richard , and J ames K aul. 1978. “ The Ha wthorne Exp eriments: F irst Sta tistical Interpreta tion .” Americ an So ciologic al Review 43(5):632–643. Gric e, Eliza beth. “Cry of an Enfant Sa uvage.”The T elegraph . Retriev ed July 20, 2011 (http://www.telegraph .co.uk/culture/tv andradio/3653890/C ry-of-an-enfant -sauvage.html). Griffin , F. J. (2011). A t las t . . . ? : Michelle ob ama, b eyoncé, rac e & his tory.Dae dalus , 140 (1), 131-141,8. Retriev ed from ht tps:/ /libpro xy.uhcl .edu/login?url=ht tps:/ /search .proques t.com/do cview / 848998668?ac countid=7108 Heus sens tamm , Franc es K . 1971. “B ump er Stick ers and C ops” Trans -action: So cial Scienc e and Mo dern Society 4:32–33. Igo, Sarah E. 2008. The A veraged Americ an: Sur veys, Citiz ens, and the Making o f a Mas s Public . Cambridg e, MA: Har vard Univ ersity P ress. Kumari , A. (2016), “ Yoü and I” : Identity and the P erformanc e of Self in Lady G aga and Be yoncé. J P op Cult , 49: 403-416. doi:10.1111/jp cu.1240562 2 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Jang , S. M., & Lee , H. (2014). When P op Music Meets a P olitic al Is sue: Examining Ho w “Born This W ay” Influenc es A ttitudes T oward G ays and G ay Rights P olicies .Journal o f Bro adcasting & Electronic Me dia, 58(1), 114–130. ht tps:/ /doi-org .libpro xy.uhcl .edu/10.1080/08838151.2013.875023 Lynd , Robert S., and Helen Merrell L ynd . 1959. Middleto wn: A Study in Mo dern Americ an Culture . San Dieg o, CA: Harc ourt Brac e Javanovich . Lynd , Sta ughton . 2005. “Making Middleton .”Indiana Ma gazine o f His tory101(3):226–238. Mihelich , John , and J ohn P apine au. Aug 2005. “P arrothe ads in Marg arita ville: F an P ractic e, Opp ositional Culture , and Emb edde d Cultural R esis tanc e in B uffett Fandom .”Journal o f Popular Music Studies 17(2):175–202. Pew R esearch C enter . 2014. “Eb ola W orries Rise , But Mos t Are ‘F airly ’ Confident in Go vernment , Hospitals to Deal with Dise ase: Bro ad Supp ort for U .S. Eff orts to De al with Eb ola in W est Afric a.” Pew R esearch C enter f or the P eople & the P ress, Octob er 21. R etriev ed Octob er 25, 2014 ( http://www.people -pres s.org/2014/10/21/ ebola-w orries -rise -but -mos t-are -fairly -confident -in-g overnment -hospitals -to-deal-with-dise ase/). Rothman , Rodne y. 2000. “My F ake Job.” Pp . 120 in The N ew Y orker, Novemb er 27. Social Scienc es and Humanities R esearch C ouncil o f Canada. n .d. “Ins titutional Ethnograph y.” Retriev ed Octob er 19, 2014 ( http://web.uvic .ca/~mariec am/k gSite/ins titutionalEthnograph y.html). Sonnenf eld, Jeffery A. 1985. “ She dding Light on the Ha wthorne Studies .”Journal o f Oc cup ational Beha vior 6:125. Sascha B uchanan . (2019). C omp etition and c ontrolling ima ges as the fuel igniting Be yoncé and Rihanna fandom fights .Trans forma tive Works and Cultures ,29. https:/ /doaj.org/article/ 557dc6f3b65a4e168f22a243ee d914e2 Turbek, S.P ., Cho ck, T.M., Donahue , K., Ha vrilla, C .A., Oliv erio , A.M., P olutchk o, S.K ., Sho emak er, L.G. and Vimerc ati, L. (2016), Scientific W riting Made Eas y: A Step b y Step Guide to Undergradua te W riting in the Biologic al Scienc es. Bull E col So c Am , 97: 417-426. doi:10.1002/b es2.1258 2.3 Ethical Concerns Caplain , Arthur (2007). Bad blo od: The T uskegee s yphilis e xperiment . BioSo cieties , 2(2). ht tps:/ /doi.org/ 10.1017/S1745855207225529 Code o f Ethics . 1999. Americ an So ciologic al As sociation . Retriev ed July 1, 2011 ( http://www.asanet .org/about/ ethics .cfm). Khan F A. The Immor tal Lif e of Henriet ta Lacks .J IMA . 2011;43(2):93-94. doi:10.5915/43-2-8609 Nardi , P. (1995). “ The Bre astpla te of Righteousnes s”: Tw enty -Five Years After La ud Humphre ys’ Tearoom Trade; Imp ersonal Se x in Public Plac es. Journal o f Homose xuality , 30(2), 1–10. ht tp://search .proques t.com/ docview /204986635/ Rossi, Peter H. 1987. “N o Go od Applie d So cial R esearch Go es Unpunishe d.”Society 25(1):73–79. Shah , S. (2010). Henriet ta Lacks’ s tory. The Lanc et, 375(9721), 1154–1154. ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.1016/ S0140-6736(10)60500-4 Valentine , Austin, “A Lo ok Into the T uskegee Study o f Untre ated Syphilis in the N egro Male in Mac on C ounty , Alabama “ (2019). Student Scholarship & C reative Works . 9. ht tps:/ /digitalc ommons .murra ystate.edu/s scw /9 Vogels, S. (2014). The Milgram e xperiment: Its imp act and interpreta tion . Weber, Max . 1949. Metho dolog y of the So cial Scienc es. Transla ted by H. Shils and E. F inch . Glenc oe, IL: F ree Press.2 • R eferences 63 Wikip edia c ontributors . (2020, J une 28). Milgram e xperiment . InWikip edia, The F ree Ency clop edia. Retriev ed 19:33, J uly 18, 2020, from ht tps:/ /en.wikip edia.org/w/ inde x.php?title=Milgram_ experiment &oldid=964989892 Wikip edia c ontributors . (2020, J uly 14). La ud Humphre ys. InWikip edia, The F ree Ency clop edia. Retriev ed 21:24, J uly 18, 2020, from ht tps:/ /en.wikip edia.org/w/inde x.php?title=La ud_Humphre ys&oldid=967693266 Zimb ardo , P., & Musen , K. (2004). Quiet Ra ge The Stanf ord P rison Exp eriment . Philip G . Zimb ardo and Stanf ord Univ ersity .64 2 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 3.1 Martial ar ts has a s trong tr adition o f deep r espect f or one ’s opponent, as these judo c ompetit ors displa y aft er a mat ch. Ev en in other s tyles and other v enues such as pr ofessional bo xing or mix ed mar tial ar ts, it is common t o see opponents sho wing e xtreme c ourtesy and c oncern f or each other despit e the le vel of vitriol bef ore a fight or the violenc e during it. While c ertainl y echoed in other c ompetitiv e arenas , this pr actic e is a significant par t of combat spor ts cul ture. (Cr edit: Special Ol ympics Nationale/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 3.1 What Is Cul ture? 3.2 Elements o f Cul ture 3.3 High, L ow, Pop, Sub , Count er-culture and Cul tural Chang e 3.4 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Cul ture If you p assed someone in a hallw ay, joine d a video c onferenc e, or ev en c alled into a radio show, it’s lik ely y ou and the other p eople in volved would e xchang e some v ersion o f the f ollowing ques tion : “Ho w are y ou?” One o f you ma y ask the other . You ma y exchang e a greeting and the ques tion or one o f its variants . Generally , we do not c onsider our resp onses to these ac quaintanc es as r ules . We simply sa y, “Hello!” and ask , “Ho w w as y our w eekend? ” or some other trivial ques tion me ant to b e a friendly greeting . We all adhere to v arious r ules , expecta tions , and s tandards tha t are cre ated and maintaine d in our sp ecific culture . These r ules and e xpecta tions ha ve me aning , and there are man y ways by which the me anings c an b e misinterprete d or misunders tood. When w e do not meet those e xpecta tions , we ma y rec eive some f orm o f3Cultur e disappro val such as a lo ok or c omment inf orming us tha t we did something unac cepta ble. Consider wha t would happ en if y ou s topp ed and inf orme d ev eryone who ask ed “Hi , how are y ou?” exactly ho w you w ere doing tha t day, and in detail . In U .S. so ciety , you w ould viola te norms o f ‘greeting .’ Perhaps if y ou w ere in a diff erent situa tion , such as ha ving c offee with a g ood friend , tha t ques tion might w arrant a detaile d resp onse . These e xamples are all asp ects o fculture , which is c omprise d of share dvalues (ide als), beliefs which strengthen the v alues ,norms and rules that maintain
🌍 Culture vs Society Dynamics
🏛️ Culture represents values, beliefs, norms, language, symbols, and practices of a group, while society represents the people who share that culture—neither can exist without the other
🧩 Material culture includes tangible objects (metro passes, buildings, clothing), while nonmaterial culture encompasses intangible elements (beliefs, attitudes, expectations) that give meaning to physical objects
🌐 Cultural universals like family structures, funeral rites, and humor exist across all societies, though their specific expressions vary dramatically between cultures
🔍 Ethnocentrism leads people to judge other cultures by their own standards, potentially causing misunderstanding and conflict, while cultural imperialism involves deliberately imposing one's cultural values on others
🧳 When encountering unfamiliar cultures, people often experience culture shock—disorientation and frustration that may initially reinforce ethnocentric attitudes before adaptation occurs
🤝 Understanding cultural differences requires sociological imagination to recognize both differences and commonalities, helping people navigate cross-cultural interactions more effectively
the v alues ,langua geso tha t the v alues c an b e taught , symb olsthat form the langua ge people mus t learn,artsand artifacts ,and the p eople ’s collectiv eidentities and memories . Sociologic ally, we examine in which situa tion and c onte xt a c ertain b ehavior is e xpecte d and in which it is not . People who interact within a share d culture cre ate and enf orce these e xpecta tions . Sociologis ts examine these circums tanc es and se arch f or p atterns . In ev eryday conversa tion , people in the U .S. rarely dis tinguish b etween the terms culture and so ciety , but the terms ha ve diff erent me anings , and the dis tinction is imp ortant to a so ciologis t. A culture represents the values , beliefs , norms , langua ge, symb ols, and practic es o f a group , while so ciety represents the p eople who share a culture . Neither so ciety or culture c ould e xist without the other . Within the U .S., man y groups o f people share a c ommunity and a culture . By “community ,” so ciologis ts ref er to a defina ble region o f a so ciety , realterra firma —as small as a neighb orho od (Bro oklyn , or “ the e ast side o f town”), as larg e as a c ountr y (Ethiopia, N epal or the U .S.), or somewhere in b etween (in the U .S., this might include someone who identifies with Southern or Midw estern so ciety ). In this chapter , we examine the rela tionship b etween culture and so ciety in gre ater detail and p ay sp ecial attention to the elements and f orces tha t shap e culture , including div ersity and so cial chang es. A final discus sion e xamines the theoretic al persp ectiv es from which so ciologis ts rese arch culture . 3.1 What Is Cultur e? LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e betw een cul ture and society •Explain mat erial v ersus nonmat erial cul ture •Discus s the c oncept of cul tural univ ersals as it r elates to society •Compar e and c ontr ast ethnoc entrism and x enoc entrism Humans are so cial cre atures . According to Smithsonian Ins titution rese arch , humans ha ve been f orming groups f or almos t 3 million y ears in order to sur vive. Living tog ether , people f orme d common ha bits and behaviors , from sp ecific metho ds o f childre aring to pref erre d techniques f or obtaining f ood. Almos t every human b ehavior , from shopping to marria ge, is le arne d. In the U .S., marria ge is g enerally seen as an individual choic e made b y tw o adults , based on mutual f eelings o f love. In other na tions and in other times , marria ges ha ve been arrang ed through an intric ate pro cess of inter view s and neg otia tions b etween entire families . In P apua N ew Guine a, almos t 30 p ercent o f women marr y before the a ge of 18, and 8 p ercent o f men have more than one wif e (N ational Sta tistical Offic e, 2019). T o people who are not from such a culture , arrang ed marria ges ma y seem to ha ve risks o f inc omp atibility or the a bsenc e of romantic lo ve. But man y people from cultures where marria ges are arrang ed, which includes a numb er o f highly p opula ted and modern c ountries , often pref er the appro ach b ecause it re duces stres s and incre ases s tability (J ank owiak 2021). Being familiar with un writ ten r ules helps p eople f eel secure and a t ease. Knowing to lo ok left ins tead o f right for onc oming tra ffic while cros sing the s treet c an help a void serious injur y and ev en de ath. Knowing un writ ten rules is also fundamental in unders tanding humor in diff erent cultures . Humor is c ommon to all so cieties , but wha t mak es something funn y is not . Americ ans ma y laugh a t a sc ene in which an actor falls; in other cultures ,66 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. falling is nev er funn y. Mos t people w ant to liv e their daily liv es c onfident tha t their b ehaviors will not b e challeng ed or disr upte d. But ev en an action as seemingly simple as c ommuting to w ork evidenc es a gre at deal of cultural propriety , tha t is, there are a lot o f expecte d behaviors . And man y interpreta tions o f them . FIGURE 3.2 How would a visit or fr om a rur al region act and f eel on this cr owded Hong K ong tr ain? (Cr edit: Eric Chan/flickr) Take the c ase o f going to w ork on public transp ortation . Whether p eople are c ommuting in E gypt, Ireland , India, J apan, and the U .S., man y behaviors will b e the same and ma y rev eal patterns . Others will b e diff erent . In man y so cieties tha t enjo y public transp ortation , a p asseng er will find a mark ed bus s top or s tation , wait f or the bus or train , pay an a gent b efore or a fter b oarding , and quietly tak e a se at if one is a vailable. But when boarding a bus in C airo , Egypt, passeng ers might b oard while the bus is mo ving , because buses o ften do not come to a full s top to tak e on p atrons . In Dublin , Ireland , bus riders w ould b e expecte d to e xtend an arm to indic ate tha t the y want the bus to s top f or them . And when b oarding a c ommuter train in Mumb ai, India, passeng ers mus t squee ze into o verstuffed cars amid a lot o f pushing and sho ving on the cro wded pla tforms . Tha t kind o f behavior might b e considere d rude in other so cieties , but in Mumb ai it reflects the daily challeng es o f getting around on a train s ystem tha t is tax ed to c apacity . Culture c an b e ma terial or nonma terial . Metro p asses and bus tok ens are p art of ma terial culture , as are the buses , sub way cars, and the ph ysical structures o f the bus s top. Think o f ma terial culture as items y ou c an touch-the y are tangible .Nonmaterial culture , in c ontras t, consis ts of the ide as, attitudes , and b eliefs o f a society . These are things y ou c annot touch . The y are intangible . You ma ybeliev ethat a line should b e forme d to enter the sub way car or tha t other p asseng ers should not s tand so close to y ou. Those beliefs are intangible because the y do not ha ve ph ysical prop erties and c an b e touche d. Material and nonma terial asp ects o f culture are link ed, and ph ysical objects o ften s ymb olize cultural ide as. A metro p ass is a ma terial object , but it represents a f orm o f nonma terial culture , namely , capitalism , and the acceptanc e of paying f or transp ortation . Clothing , hairs tyles , and jew elry are p art of ma terial culture , but the appropria tenes s of wearing c ertain clothing f or sp ecific ev ents reflects nonma terial culture . A scho ol building3.1 • Wha t Is Cul ture? 67 belongs to ma terial culture s ymb olizing e duc ation , but the te aching metho ds and e duc ational s tandards are part of education ’s nonma terial culture . As p eople tra vel from diff erent regions to entirely diff erent p arts of the w orld , certain ma terial and nonma terial asp ects o f culture b ecome drama tically unfamiliar . Wha t happ ens when w e enc ounter diff erent cultures? As w e interact with cultures other than our o wn, we become more a ware o f the diff erenc es and commonalities b etween others and our o wn. If w e keep our so ciologic al ima gina tion a wake, we can b egin to unders tand and ac cept the diff erenc es. Bo dy langua ge and hand g estures v ary around the w orld , but some body langua ge seems to b e share d acros s cultures: When someone arriv es home la ter than p ermit ted, a p arent or guardian meeting them a t the do or with cros sed arms and a fro wn on their fac e me ans the same in R ussia as it do es in the U .S. as it do es in Ghana. Cultur al Universals Although cultures v ary, the y also share c ommon elements .Cultural univ ersals are p atterns or traits tha t are glob ally c ommon to all so cieties . One e xample o f a cultural univ ersal is the family unit: ev ery human so ciety recogniz es a family s tructure tha t regula tes se xual repro duction and the c are o f children . Even so , how tha t family unit is define d and ho w it functions v ary. In man y Asian cultures , for e xample , family memb ers from all genera tions c ommonly liv e tog ether in one household . In these cultures , young adults c ontinue to liv e in the extende d household family s tructure until the y marr y and join their sp ouse ’s household , or the y ma y remain and raise their nucle ar family within the e xtende d family ’s homes tead. In the U .S., b y contras t, individuals are expecte d to le ave home and liv e indep endently f or a p erio d before f orming a family unit tha t consis ts of parents and their o ffspring . Other cultural univ ersals include cus toms lik e funeral rites , weddings , and celebra tions o f bir ths. Ho wever, each culture ma y view and c onduct the c eremonies quite diff erently . Anthrop ologis t Georg e Murdo ck firs t investigated the e xistenc e of cultural univ ersals while s tudying s ystems of kinship around the w orld . Murdo ck found tha t cultural univ ersals o ften rev olve around b asic human survival, such as finding f ood, clothing , and shelter , or around share d human e xperienc es, such as bir th and death or illnes s and he aling . Through his rese arch , Murdo ck identifie d other univ ersals including langua ge, the c oncept o f personal names , and , interes tingly , jok es. Humor seems to b e a univ ersal w ay to rele ase tensions and cre ate a sense o f unity among p eople (Murdo ck, 1949). So ciologis ts consider humor nec essary to human interaction b ecause it helps individuals na vigate other wise tense situa tions . Is Music a Cultur al Univ ersal? Imagine that y ou ar e sit ting in a theat er, watching a film. The mo vie opens with the pr otag onis t sitting on a park bench with a grim e xpression on their fac e. The music s tarts to come in. The firs t slo w and mournful not es pla y in a minor k ey. As the melody c ontinues , the her oine turns her head and sees a man w alking t oward her . The music gets louder , and the sounds don ’t seem t o go together – as if the or ches tra is int entional ly pla ying the wr ong notes. You tense up as y ou w atch, almos t hoping t o stop. The char acter is clearl y in dang er. Now imagine that y ou ar e watching the same mo vie – the e xact same f ootag e – but with a diff erent soundtr ack. As the sc ene opens , the music is so ft and soothing , with a hint o f sadnes s. You see the pr otag onis t sitting on the park bench with a grim e xpression. Suddenl y, the music s wells. The w oman look s up and sees a man w alking toward her . The not es ar e high and bright, and the pac e is bouncy . You feel y our hear t rise in y our ches t. This is a happ y moment. Music has the ability t o evoke emotional r esponses . In t elevision sho ws, mo vies , commer cials , and e ven the back ground music in a s tore, music has a mes sage and seems t o easil y draw a r esponse fr om those who hear it – joy, sadnes s, fear, vict ory. Are these types o f musical cues cul tural univ ersals?SOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH68 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. In 2009, a t eam o f psychologis ts, led b y Thomas F ritz o f the Max Planck Ins titut e for Human Cognitiv e and Br ain Scienc es in L eipzig, German y, studied people ’s reactions t o music that the y’d ne ver hear d (Fritz et al ., 2009). The resear ch team tr aveled t o Camer oon, Africa , and ask ed Mafa tribal members t o lis ten to Western music. The tribe , isolat ed fr om W estern cul ture, had ne ver been e xposed t o Western cul ture and had no c ontext or experienc e within which t o int erpr et its music. Ev en so , as the tribal members lis tened t o a W estern piano piec e, they were able t o recogniz e thr ee basic emotions: happines s, sadnes s, and f ear. Music, the s tudy sug gested, is a sort of univ ersal lang uage. Resear chers also f ound that music can f oster a sense o f wholenes s within a gr oup. In fact, scientis ts who s tudy the e volution o f lang uage ha ve concluded that original ly lang uage (an es tablished c omponent o f group identity) and music w ere one (Dar win, 1871). Additional ly, sinc e music is lar gely non verbal , the sounds o f music can cr oss societal boundaries mor e easil y than w ords. Music al lows people t o mak e connections , wher e lang uage might be a mor e difficul t barricade . As F ritz and his t eam f ound, music and the emotions it c onveys are cul tural univ ersals . Ethnocentrism and Cultur al R elativism Although human so cieties ha ve much in c ommon , cultural diff erenc es are far more prev alent than cultural univ ersals . For e xample , while all cultures ha ve langua ge, analy sis o f conversa tional etiquet te rev eals tremendous diff erenc es. In some Middle Eas tern cultures , it is c ommon to s tand close to others in conversa tion . Americ ans k eep more dis tanc e and maintain a larg e “p ersonal sp ace.” Additionally , behaviors as simple as e ating and drinking v ary gre atly from culture to culture . Some cultures use to ols to put the f ood in the mouth while others use their fing ers. If y our pro fessor c omes into an e arly morning clas s holding a mug o f liquid , wha t do y ou as sume the y are drinking? In the U .S., it ’s mos t lik ely fille d with c offee, not Earl Gre y tea, a favorite in England , or Y ak B utter te a, a s taple in Tib et. Some tra velers pride themselv es on their willingnes s to tr y unfamiliar f oods, like the la te celebra ted food writer Anthon y Bourdain (1956-2017). Often , however, people e xpres s dis gust at another culture 's cuisine . The y might think tha t it’s gros s to e at raw me at from a donk ey or p arts of a ro dent , while the y don ’t ques tion their o wn ha bit o f eating c ows or pigs . Such a ttitudes are e xamples o fethno centrism , which me ans to ev alua te and judg e another culture b ased on one’s own cultural norms . Ethno centrism is b elieving y our group is the c orrect me asuring s tandard and if other cultures do not me asure up to it , the y are wrong . As so ciologis t William Graham Sumner (1906) describ ed the term , it is a b elief or a ttitude tha t one ’s own culture is b etter than all others . Almos t everyone is a little bit ethno centric . A high lev el of apprecia tion f or one ’s own culture c an b e he alth y. A share d sense o f community pride , for example , connects p eople in a so ciety . But ethno centrism c an le ad to disdain or dislik e of other cultures and could c ause misunders tanding , stereotyping , and c onflict . Individuals , government , non-g overnment , priv ate, and religious ins titutions with the b est intentions sometimes tra vel to a so ciety to “help ” its p eople , because they see them as une ducated, backw ard, or ev en inf erior .Cultural imp erialism is the delib erate imp osition o f one’s own cultural v alues on another culture . Colonial e xpansion b y Portugal, Spain, Netherlands , and England grew quickly in the fifteenth c entur y was accomp anie d by sev ere cultural imp erialism . Europ ean c oloniz ers o ften view ed the p eople in these new lands as unculture d sa vages who nee ded to adopt C atholic g overnanc e, Chris tianity , Europ ean dres s, and other cultural practic es. A mo dern e xample o f cultural imp erialism ma y include the w ork o f interna tional aid a gencies who intro duce agricultural metho ds and plant sp ecies from dev elop ed countries into are as tha t are b etter ser ved by indig enous v arieties and a gricultural appro aches to the p articular region . Another e xample w ould b e the defores tation o f the Amaz on Basin as indig enous cultures lose land to timb er corporations .3.1 • Wha t Is Cul ture? 69 FIGURE 3.3 Experiencing an entir ely ne w pr actic e ma y lead t o a high degr ee o f interest or a le vel of criticism. The Indeg enous people o f Sag ada, in the Philippines , have for thousands o f years plac ed the bodies o f dec eased people into coffins hung on the cliffs near their vil lages. Some visit ors ma y find this pr actic e admir able , while others ma y think it ’s inappr opriat e. (Cr edit: Arian Zw egers/flickr) When p eople find themselv es in a new culture , the y ma y experienc e disorienta tion and fr ustration . In sociolog y, we call this culture sho ck. In addition to the tra veler ’s biologic al clo ck b eing ‘ off’, a tra veler from Chic ago might find the nightly silenc e of rural Montana unset tling , not p eaceful . Now, ima gine tha t the ‘differenc e’ is cultural . An e xchang e student from China to the U .S. might b e anno yed by the c onstant interr uptions in clas s as other s tudents ask ques tions —a practic e tha t is c onsidere d rude in China. P erhaps the Chic ago tra veler w as initially c aptiv ated with Montana ’s quiet b eauty and the Chinese s tudent w as originally excited to see a U .S.- s tyle clas sroom firs thand . But as the y experienc e unanticip ated diff erenc es from their own culture , the y ma y experienc e ethno centrism as their e xcitement giv es w ay to disc omf ort and doubts a bout how to b ehave appropria tely in the new situa tion . According to man y authors , interna tional s tudents s tudying in the U .S. rep ort tha t there are p ersonality traits and b ehaviors e xpecte d of them . Black Afric an s tudents report ha ving to le arn to ‘b e Black in the U .S.’ and Chinese s tudents rep ort tha t the y are na turally e xpecte d to be good at ma th. In Afric an c ountries , people are identifie d by countr y or kin , not c olor . Eventually , as p eople learn more a bout a culture , the y adapt to the new culture f or a v ariety o f reasons . Culture sho ck ma y app ear b ecause p eople aren ’t alw ays expecting cultural diff erenc es. Anthrop ologis t Ken Barg er (1971) disc overed this when he c onducte d a p articip atory obser vation in an Inuit c ommunity in the Canadian Arctic . Originally from Indiana, Barg er hesita ted when in vite d to join a lo cal sno wshoe rac e. He knew he w ould nev er hold his o wn a gains t these e xperts. Sure enough , he finishe d las t, to his mor tific ation . But
🌍 Cultural Relativism Challenges
🤝 Cultural relativism requires assessing cultures by their own standards rather than through our cultural lens, demanding an open mind and willingness to adapt to new values and practices
🧠 When encountering different cultures, people typically move through stages of culture shock - initial excitement, stress and frustration, rejection of the new culture, and eventually adaptation and understanding
⚖️ Values and beliefs form the foundation of cultures, with values representing ideals held in high regard (like education or wealth) and beliefs being the convictions people hold true (like the American Dream)
🚦 Societies maintain cultural expectations through social control mechanisms including formal norms (laws, written rules) and informal norms (unspoken behaviors learned through observation and socialization)
🌉 The gap between ideal culture (how people should behave) and real culture (how they actually behave) reveals the complexity of cultural systems and the challenges of living up to cultural values
🔄 Cultural values aren't static but evolve across time and between groups, with practices like physical intimacy between male friends being acceptable in some cultures but not others
the tribal memb ers c ongra tula ted him , saying , “You re ally trie d!” In Barg er’s own culture , he had le arne d to v alue victor y. To the Inuit p eople , winning w as enjo yable, but their culture v alue d sur vival skills es sential to their environment: ho w hard someone trie d could me an the diff erenc e between lif e and de ath. Over the c ourse o f his s tay, Barg er p articip ated in c arib ou hunts , learne d ho w to tak e shelter in winter s torms , and sometimes went da ys with lit tle or no f ood to share among trib al memb ers. Trying hard and w orking tog ether , two nonma terial v alues , were indee d much more imp ortant than winning . During his time with the Inuit trib e, Barg er le arne d to eng age in cultural relat ivism . Cultural rela tivism is the practic e of assessing a culture b y its o wn s tandards ra ther than viewing it through the lens o f one ’s own culture . Practicing cultural rela tivism re quires an op en mind and a willingnes s to c onsider , and ev en adapt to ,70 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. new v alues , norms , and practic es. However, indiscrimina tely embracing ev erything a bout a new culture is not alw ays possible . Even the mos t culturally rela tivis t people from eg alitarian so cieties —ones in which w omen ha ve politic al rights and c ontrol over their o wn b odies —ques tion whether the widespre ad practic e of female g enital mutila tion in c ountries such as Ethiopia and Sudan should b e ac cepte d as a p art of cultural tradition . Sociologis ts attempting to engage in cultural rela tivism , then , ma y struggle to rec oncile asp ects o f their o wn culture with asp ects o f a culture tha t the y are s tudying . Sociologis ts ma y tak e issue with the practic es o f female g enital mutila tion in man y countries to ensure virginity a t marria ge jus t as some male so ciologis ts might tak e issue with sc arring o f the flesh to sho w memb ership . Sociologis ts w ork dilig ently to k eep p ersonal biases out o f rese arch analy sis. Sometimes when p eople a ttempt to addres s feelings o f ethno centrism and dev elop cultural rela tivism , the y swing to o far to the other end o f the sp ectr um.Xeno centrism is the opp osite o f ethno centrism , and ref ers to the b elief tha t another culture is sup erior to one ’s own. (The Greek ro ot w ord x eno -, pronounc ed “ZEE -no,” means “ strang er” or “f oreign gues t.”) An e xchang e student who g oes home a fter a semes ter a broad or a sociologis t who returns from the field ma y find it difficult to as sociate with the v alues o f their o wn culture a fter having e xperienc ed wha t the y deem a more upright or nobler w ay of living . An opp osite re action is xenophobia, an irra tional f ear or ha tred of diff erent cultures . Perhaps the gre atest challeng e for so ciologis ts studying diff erent cultures is the ma tter o f keeping a persp ectiv e. It is imp ossible f or an yone to o vercome all cultural biases . The b est we can do is s trive to b e aware of them . Pride in one ’s own culture do esn’t ha ve to le ad to imp osing its v alues or ide as on others . And an apprecia tion f or another culture shouldn ’t preclude individuals from s tudying it with a critic al eye. This practic e is p erhaps the mos t difficult f or all so cial scientis ts. Overcoming Cultur e Shock During her summer v acation, Caitlin fle w from Chicag o, Illinois t o Madrid, Spain t o visit Maria , the e xchang e student she had befriended the pr evious semes ter. In the airpor t, she hear d rapid, musical Spanish being spok en al l around her. Exciting as it w as, she f elt isolat ed and disc onnect ed. Maria’ s mother kis sed Caitlin on both cheek s when she greeted her . Her imposing father k ept his dis tanc e. Caitlin w as half asleep b y the time supper w as ser ved—at 10 p.m. Maria’ s famil y sat at the table f or hours , speaking loudl y, gesturing , and ar guing about politics , a taboo dinner subject in Caitlin ’s house . The y ser ved wine and t oasted their honor ed g uest. Caitlin had tr ouble int erpr eting her hosts’ facial e xpressions , and did not r ealiz e she should mak e the ne xt toast. That night, Caitlin cr awled int o a strange bed, wishing she had not c ome . She mis sed her home and f elt overwhelmed b y the ne w cus toms , lang uage, and surr oundings . She ’d studied Spanish in school f or years —why hadn ’t it pr epar ed her f or this? What Caitlin did not r ealiz e was that people depend not onl y on spok en w ords but also on body lang uage, like gestures and facial e xpressions , to communicat e. Cul tural norms and pr actic es ac compan y even the smal lest nonverbal signals (DuBois , 1951). The y help people kno w when t o shak e hands , wher e to sit, ho w to converse , and even when t o laugh. W e relate to others thr ough a shar ed set o f cul tural norms , and or dinaril y, we tak e them f or granted. For this r eason, cul ture shock is o ften as sociat ed with tr aveling abr oad, al though it can happen in one ’s own c ountr y, state, or e ven homet own. Anthr opologis t Kalervo Ober g (1960) is cr edited with firs t coining the t erm “ culture shock. ” In his s tudies , Ober g found that mos t people ar e excited at firs t to enc ount er a ne w cul ture. But bit b y bit, they bec ome s tressed b y int eracting with people fr om a diff erent cul ture who speak another lang uage and use different r egional e xpressions . Ther e is ne w food t o dig est, ne w dail y schedules t o follow, and ne w rules o f etiquet te to learn. Living with this c onstant s tress can mak e people f eel inc ompet ent and insecur e. People r eact t o frus trationSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD3.1 • Wha t Is Cul ture? 71 in a ne w cul ture, Ober g found, b y initial ly rejecting it and glorif ying one ’s own cul ture. An American visiting Ital y might long f or a “ real” pizza or c omplain about the unsaf e driving habits o f Italians . It helps t o remember that cul ture is learned. Ev eryone is ethnoc entric t o an e xtent, and identif ying with one ’s own countr y is natur al. Caitlin ’s shock w as minor c ompar ed to that o f her friends Da yar and Mahlik a, a T urkish c ouple living in married s tudent housing on campus . And it w as nothing lik e that o f her clas smat e Sanai. Sanai had been forced to flee w ar-torn Bosnia with her famil y when she w as fift een. Aft er tw o weeks in Spain, Caitlin had de veloped mor e compas sion and unders tanding f or what those people had g one thr ough. She unders tood that adjus ting t o a new cul ture tak es time . It can tak e weeks or months t o recover fr om cul ture shock, and it can tak e years t o ful ly adjus t to living in a ne w cul ture. By the end o f Caitlin ’s trip , she had made ne w lif elong friends . Caitlin s tepped out o f her c omfort zone. She had learned a lot about Spain, but disc overed a lot about herself and her o wn cul ture. FIGURE 3.4 Experiencing ne w cul tures o ffers an oppor tunity t o practic e cul tural relativism. (Cr edit: OledSidor enko/ flickr)72 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 3.2 Elements of Cultur e LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e values , beliefs , and norms •Explain the significanc e of symbols and lang uage to a cul ture •Explain the Sapir -Whor f hypothesis •Discus s the r ole o f social c ontr ol within cul ture Values and Beliefs The firs t, and p erhaps mos t crucial , elements o f culture w e will discus s are values and beliefs . Value do es not mean monetar y worth in so ciolog y, but ra ther ide als, or principles and s tandards memb ers o f a culture hold in high reg ard. Mos t cultures in an y so ciety hold “kno wledge” (educ ation) in high reg ard.Values are deeply emb edde d and are critic al for le arning a culture ’sbeliefs , which are the tenets or c onvictions tha t people hold to b e true. Individual cultures in a so ciety ha ve personal b eliefs , but the y also share d collectiv e values . To illus trate the diff erenc e, U.S. citiz ens ma y believ e in the Americ an Dre am—tha t an yone who w orks hard enough will b e suc cessful and w ealth y. Underlying this b elief is the Americ an v alue tha t wealth is imp ortant . In other cultures , suc cess ma y be tie d les s to w ealth and more to ha ving man y he alth y children . Values shap e a society b y sugg esting wha t is g ood and b ad, beautiful and ugly , sought or a voide d. Consider the v alue tha t the U .S. plac es up on y outh . Children represent inno cence and purity , while a y outhful adult app earanc e signifies se xuality . Shap ed by this v alue , individuals sp end millions o f dollars e ach y ear on cosmetic pro ducts and surg eries to lo ok y oung and b eautiful . The U .S. also has an individualis tic culture , meaning p eople plac e a high v alue on individuality and indep endenc e. In c ontras t, man y other cultures are collectivis t, me aning the w elfare o f the group tak es priority o ver tha t of the individual . Fulfilling a so ciety ’s values c an b e difficult . Marital monog amy is v alue d, but man y sp ouses eng age in infidelity . Cultural div ersity and e qual opp ortunities f or all p eople are v alue d in the U .S., y et the c ountr y’s highes t politic al offices ha ve been domina ted by white men . Values o ften sugg est ho w people should b ehave, but the y don ’t accura tely reflect ho w people do b ehave. Values portray an ideal culture , the s tandards so ciety w ould lik e to embrac e and liv e up to . But ide al culture diff ers from real culture . In an ide al culture , there w ould b e no tra ffic ac cidents , murders , poverty, or racial tension . But in re al culture , police officers, lawmak ers, educ ators , and so cial w orkers c onstantly s trive to prev ent or addres s these is sues . Americ an teena gers are enc oura ged to v alue c elib acy. Ho wever, the numb er o f unplanne d pregnancies among teens rev eals tha t the ide al alone is not enough to sp are teena gers the p otential conse quenc es o f having se x. One o f the w ays so cieties s trive to maintain its v alues is through rew ards and punishments . When p eople obser ve the norms o f society and uphold its v alues , the y are o ften rew arde d. A b oy who helps an elderly woman b oard a bus ma y rec eive a smile and a “ thank y ou.” A busines s mana ger who raises pro fit margins ma y receive a quar terly b onus . People sanction un wante d or inappropria te behaviors b y withholding supp ort, appro val, or p ermis sion , or b y implementing sanctions . We ma y think o f ‘sanction ’ as a neg ative term , but sanct ions are f orms o fsocial c ontrol , ways to enc oura ge conformity to cultural norms or r ules . Sometimes people c onform to norms in anticip ation or e xpecta tion o f positiv e sanctions . Receiving g ood grades , for instanc e, ma y me an praise from p arents and te achers . Sanctions c an also b e neg ative. . A b oy who sho ves an elderly w oman aside to b oard the bus firs t ma y rec eive fro wns or ev en a sc olding from other p asseng ers. A busines s mana ger who driv es a way cus tomers will lik ely b e fire d. Bre aking norms and rejecting v alues c an lead to cultural sanctions such as e arning a neg ative label lik e ‘lazy ’ or to leg al sanctions , such as tra ffic tick ets, fines , or imprisonment . Utilizing so cial c ontrol enc oura ges mos t people to c onform reg ardles s of whether authority figures (such as la w enf orcement) are present . Values are not s tatic. The y chang e acros s time and b etween groups as p eople ev alua te, deb ate, and chang e3.2 • Elements o f Cul ture73 collectiv e so cial b eliefs . Values also v ary from culture to culture . For e xample , cultures diff er in their v alues about wha t kinds o f ph ysical closenes s are appropria te in public . It’s rare to see tw o male friends or c oworkers holding hands in the U .S. where tha t behavior o ften s ymb olizes romantic f eelings . But in man y na tions , masculine ph ysical intimacy is c onsidere d na tural in public . This diff erenc e in cultural v alues c ame to light when p eople re acte d to photos o f former president G .W. Bush holding hands with the C rown P rinc e of Saudi Arabia in 2005. Simple g estures , such as hand-holding , carry gre at symb olic diff erenc es acros s cultures . FIGURE 3.5 In man y par ts of Africa and the Middle Eas t, it is c onsider ed normal f or men t o hold hands in friendship . How would US citiz ens r eact t o these tw o soldiers? (Cr edit: Geor die Mot t/Wikimedia Commons) Norms So far , man y of the e xamples in this chapter ha ve describ ed ho w people are expecte dto b ehave in c ertain situa tions —for e xample , buying f ood or b oarding a bus . These e xamples describ e the visible and in visible r ules of conduct through which so cieties are s tructure d, or wha t sociologis ts callnorms . Norms are b ehaviors tha t reflect c omplianc e with wha t cultures and so cieties ha ve define d as g ood, right , and imp ortant . Mos t memb ers adhere to them . Formal norms are es tablishe d, writ ten r ules e xisting in all so cieties . The y supp ort man ysocial ins titutions , such as the militar y, criminal jus tice and he althc are s ystems , and public scho ols. Functionalis ts ma y ques tion wha tpurp ose these norms ser ve, conflict theoris ts might b e interes ted in who creates, benefits , and suff ers under these f ormal norms , and s ymb olic interactionis ts w onder a bout ho w a group tha t benefits interacts . Laws are f ormal norms , but so are emplo yee manuals , colleg e entranc e exam re quirements , and “no r unning ” signs a t swimming p ools. Formal norms are the mos t specific and cle arly s tated of the v arious typ es o f norms , and the y are the mos t strictly enf orced. But the y are enf orced to v arying degrees . For e xample , priv ate prop erty is highly v alue d in the U .S. Thiev es c an b e fine d, imprisone d, or b oth. People safeguard v alua ble p ossessions b y locking their do ors, buying a sa fe, and ins talling alarm s ystems on homes and c ars. A les s strictly enf orced so cial norm is driving while into xicated. While it ’s agains t the la w to driv e drunk , drinking is f or the mos t part an ac cepta ble so cial b ehavior . And though there are la ws to punish dr unk driving , there are f ew s ystems in plac e to prev ent the crime . There are plenty o f formal norms , but the lis t of inf ormal norms —casual b ehaviors tha t are g enerally and widely c onforme d to —is long er. People le arn inf ormal norms b y obser vation , imita tion , and g eneral socializa tion . Some inf ormal norms are ta ught directly — “Kis s your A unt E dna ” or “U se y our napkin ”—while others are le arne d by obser vation , including unders tanding c onse quenc es when someone else viola tes a norm . Inf ormal norms dicta te appropria te behaviors without the nee d of writ ten r ules , and so ma y be difficult to le arn when y ou are new to or not familiar with the culture .74 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Although inf ormal norms define p ersonal interactions , the y extend into other s ystems as w ell. In the U .S., there are inf ormal norms reg arding b ehavior a t fas t food res taurants . Cus tomers line up to order their f ood and le ave when the y are done . The y don ’t sit do wn a t a ta ble with s trang ers, sing loudly as the y prep are their condiments , or nap in a b ooth. Mos t people don ’t commit ev en harmles s bre aches o f inf ormal norms . Breaching Experiments Sociologis t Har old Gar finkel (1917–2011) s tudied people ’s cus toms in or der t o find out ho w societal rules and norms not onl y influenc e beha vior but also shape social or der. He belie ved that members o f society t ogether create a social or der ( Weber , 2011). His r esul ting book, Studies in Ethno -methodolog y(1967) discus ses people ’s assump tions about the social mak eup o f their c ommunities . One o f Gar finkel’s resear ch methods w as kno wn as a “br eaching e xperiment, ” in which the r esear cher beha ves in a social ly awkw ard manner in or der t o test the sociological c oncepts of social norms and c onformity . The participants ar e not a ware an e xperiment is in pr ogress, but their r esponse is r ecorded. F or example , if the experiment er is , say, a man in a busines s suit, and he skips do wn the side walk or hops on one f oot, a pas sersb y is likely to stare at him with surprised e xpressions . But the e xperiment er does not simpl y “act w eird” in public. Rather , the point is t o de viate from a specific social norm in a smal l way, to sub tly break some f orm o f social etiquet te, and see what happens . For example , he set up a simple g ame o f tic-tac-t oe. One pla yer w as ask ed bef orehand t o mark X s and Os not in the bo xes but on the lines dividing the spac es ins tead. The other pla yer, in the dark about the s tudy , was flabber gasted and did not kno w ho w to continue . The sec ond pla yer’s outr age, ang er, puzzlement, or other emotion sug gested that a cul tural norms had been violat ed. Ther e are man y rules about speaking with s trangers in public. It is ok ay to tell a w oman y ou lik e her shoes . It is not ok ay to ask if y ou can tr y them on. It is ok ay to stand in line behind someone at the A TM. It is not ok ay to look over his shoulder as he mak es a tr ansaction. It is ok ay to sit beside someone on a cr owded bus . It’s weird to sit beside a s tranger in a half-emp ty bus . For some br eaches , the r esear cher dir ectly eng ages with innoc ent b ystanders . An e xperiment er might s trike up a conversation in a public bathr oom, wher e it’s common t o respect each other ’s priv acy. In a gr
🤝 Social Norms and Symbolic Communication
🔍 Breaching experiments reveal unwritten social rules by deliberately violating them, demonstrating how deeply we depend on norms categorized as either mores (moral principles with serious consequences) or folkways (everyday traditions without moral significance)
🗣️ Language functions as a powerful symbolic system that shapes perception and behavior through the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis, where grammatical features like gender assignment influence how people conceptualize objects even when speaking other languages
🌐 Symbols (gestures, objects, words) create shared meaning within cultures but can vary dramatically across them—the same hand gesture might convey friendship in one society and deep offense in another
🏫 Bilingual education produces better academic outcomes than English-only approaches, challenging the notion that official language policies accelerate cultural integration while supporting both cultural preservation and successful transition
🔄 Cultural communication constantly evolves through new words, technologies, and practices, with nonverbal elements carrying significant but culturally-specific meanings that outsiders may misinterpret
ocery store, an experiment er might tak e a f ood it em out o f another person ’s grocery car t, sa ying , “That look s good! I think I’l l try it.” An e xperiment er might sit do wn at a table with others in a fas t-food r estaur ant or f ollow someone ar ound a museum and s tudy the same paintings . In those cases , the b ystanders ar e pressured to respond, and their disc omfort illustrates ho w much w e depend on social norms . Breaching e xperiments unc over and e xplor e the man y un written social rules w e liv e by. Norms ma y be fur ther clas sifie d as either mores or f olkw ays.Mores (mor -ays) are norms tha t emb ody the moral view s and principles o f a group . The y often ha ve a religious f ounda tion . Violating them c an ha ve serious conse quenc es. The s trong est mores are protecte d with la ws and other f ormal sanctions . In mos t societies , for instanc e, homicide is c onsidere d immoral , and it ’s punisha ble b y law (a f ormal norm). B ut more o ften , mores are judg ed and guarde d by public sentiment (an inf ormal norm). P eople who viola te mores are seen as shameful . The y can ev en b e shunne d or b anne d from some groups . The mores o f the U .S. scho ol system re quire tha t a s tudent ’s writing b e in the s tudent ’s own w ords or use special f orms (such as quota tion marks and a whole s ystem o f cita tion) f or cre diting other writers . Submit ting or publishing another p erson ’s words as if the y are one ’s own has a name —pla giarism . The c onse quenc es for viola ting this norm are o ften sev ere and c an result in e xpulsion from scho ol or termina tion from emplo yment . Unlik e mores ,folkw aysare norms without an y moral underpinnings . Rather , folkw ays direct appropria teSOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH3.2 • Elements o f Cul ture75 behavior in the da y-to-day practic es and e xpres sions o f a culture . We can think o f them as ‘ traditions’ —things we do b ecause w e ‘always ha ve.’ The y indic ate whether to shak e hands or kis s on the cheek when greeting another p erson . The y sp ecify whether to w ear a tie and blaz er or a T -shir t and sandals to an ev ent. In C anada, women c an smile and sa y hello to men on the s treet . In E gypt, tha t’s not ac cepta ble. In regions in the southern U.S., bumping into an ac quaintanc e me ans s topping to cha t. It’s considere d rude not to , no ma tter ho w bus y one is . In other regions , people guard their priv acy and v alue time efficiency . A simple no d of the he ad is enough . Other ac cepte d folkw ays in the U .S. ma y include holding the do or op en f or a s trang er or giving someone a gift on their bir thda y. The r ules reg arding these f olkw ays ma y chang e from culture to culture . A folkw ay in one culture c ould b e extremely r ude in another . Folkw ays are actions tha t people ev erywhere tak e for grante d. People nee d to act without thinking in order to get se amles sly through daily routines . The y can’t stop and analyz e ev ery action (Sumner , 1906). F olkw ays might b e small actions , learne d by obser vation and imita ted, but the y are b y no me ans trivial . An imp ortant folkw ay in man y cultures is kis sing Grandmother on the cheek . Fail to do so and y ou will lik ely b e sc olde d. Symbols and Cultur e Humans , consciously and sub consciously , are alw ays striving to mak e sense o f their surrounding w orld . Symb ols—such as g estures , signs , objects , signals , and w ords —help p eople unders tand tha t world . The y provide c ommunic ation metho ds to unders tanding e xperienc es b y conveying rec ogniza ble me anings tha t are share d by so cieties . The w orld is fille d with s ymb ols. Sports unif orms , comp any log os, and tra ffic signs are s ymb ols. In some cultures , a g old ring is a s ymb ol of marria ge. Some s ymb ols are highly functional; s top signs , for ins tanc e, provide useful ins truction . As ph ysical objects , the y belong to ma terial culture , but b ecause the y function as symb ols, the y also c onvey nonma terial cultural me anings . Some s ymb ols are v alua ble only in wha t the y represent . Trophies , blue ribb ons, or g old me dals , for e xample , represent ac complishments . But man y objects have both ma terial and nonma terial s ymb olic v alue . FIGURE 3.6 Some r oad signs ar e univ ersal . But ho w would y ou int erpr et the signag e on the right? (Cr edit: (a) Andr ew Bain/flickr; (b) HonzaSouk up/flickr)76 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Symb ols o ften g et notic ed when the y are out o f conte xt. Used unc onventionally , the y convey strong mes sages. A stop sign plac ed on the do or o f a c olleg e building mak es a p olitic al statement , as do es a c amoufla ge militar y jack et w orn in an antiw ar protes t. Together , the semaphore signals f or “N” and “D ” represent nucle ar disarmament —and f orm the w ell-kno wn p eace sign ( Westcott, 2008). Some c olleg e students w ear p ajamas and bedroom slipp ers to clas s, clothing tha t was formerly as sociated only with priv acy and b edtime . By wearing the outfit , students are def ying traditional cultural norms . Some s ymb ols represent only one side o f the s tory and elicit s trong emotions , which c an le ad to so cial unres t. Their presenc e is a reminder o f a na tion ’s worst times and not something to c elebra te. Man y of these s ymb ols are targ ets o f vandalism as the des truction o f these representa tions is s ymb olic. Effigies representing public figures are burne d to demons trate ang er a t certain le aders . In 1989, cro wds tore do wn the Berlin W all, a decades -old s ymb ol of the division b etween Eas t and W est German y, communism , and c apitalism . In the U .S. beginning in 2019, s tatues as sociated with sla very and the Civil W ar w ere remo ved from s tate capitols , colleg e campuses , and public p arks . In German y, any displa y of Hitler or N azi memora bilia or to den y the Holo caust is illeg al. While diff erent cultures ha ve varying s ystems o f symb ols, one s ystem is c ommon to all: langua ge. Wha tever its form , people le arn so cial and cultural norms through it . Language and Symbols Langua geis a s ystem tha t uses symb olswith which p eople c ommunic ate and through which culture is transmit ted. Let ters ( which mak e up w ords), pictographs , and hand g estures are all s ymb ols tha t cre ate a langua ge use d for c ommunic ation . Sign langua ge, for e xample , requires an intima te kno wledge not only o f an alpha bet but also o f signs tha t represent entire w ords and the me aning indic ated by certain facial e xpres sions or p ostures . Its grammar diff ers from the sp oken langua ge. As sp oken langua ge is diff erent acros s regions , nations and cultures , and c an ev en diff er b y the a ge of the p erson , so to o do es sign langua ge. All langua ge systems c ontain the same b asic elements tha t are eff ectiv e in c ommunic ating ide as - object , subject , action . A writ ten langua ge system c onsis ts of symb ols tha t ref er to sp oken sound . Taken tog ether , these s ymb ols c onvey sp ecific me anings . The English langua ge uses a c ombina tion o f twenty -six let ters to create w ords . These tw enty -six let ters mak e up o ver 600,000 rec ogniz ed words (OED Online , 2011). W e can comp are the relianc e on tone and inflection to Mandarin Chinese . It c ontains o ver 8,000 characters , but the same character ma y symb olize diff erent c oncepts dep ending on the tone use d. English to day contains an English and F rench v ersion f or the same c oncept. For e xample , in the English version , one e ats, but in F rench v ersion , one dines . In the English v ersion , we meet someone . In the F rench version , we enc ounter someone . Readers o f Americ an English ma y be surprise d by the inclusion o f a ‘u ’ in some sp ellings o f words lik e ‘behaviour ’ or ‘fla vour.’ Americ ans ha ve dropp ed tha t ‘u’ tha t writers o f British English include . Billions o f people sp eak English , and there are almos t as man y pronuncia tions o f it. Rules f or sp eaking and writing v ary ev en within cultures , mos t nota bly b y region . Do y ou e at a grinder , a sub , or a hero/g yro? Do y ou ref er to a c an o f carbonated liquid as “ soda” or “p op”? Is a household enter tainment ro om a “family ro om,” “rec ro om,” or “ den ”? When le aving a res taurant , do y ou ask y our ser ver for a “ check ,” the “tick et,” or y our “bill ”? Langua ge is c onstantly ev olving and adding new w ords as so cieties cre ate new ide as. In this a ge of technolog y, man y cultures ha ve adapte d almos t ins tantly to new nouns such as “ e-mail ” and “Internet ,” and v erbs such as “ downlo ading ,” “texting ,” and “blogging .” These w ould ha ve considere d nonsense words jus t the w orld tw enty -five years a go. Language and Cultur e Even while it c onstantly ev olves, langua ge shap es our p erception o f reality and our b ehavior . In the 1920s , linguis ts Edward Sapir and Benjamin Whor f adv anced this ide a which b ecame kno wn as Sapir -Whor f hypothesis or linguis tic rela tivity . It is b ased on the ide a tha t people e xperienc e their w orld through their3.2 • Elements o f Cul ture77 langua ge, and theref ore unders tand their w orld through the cultural me anings emb edde d in their langua ge. The h ypothesis sugg ests tha t langua ge shap es thought and thus b ehavior (Sw oyer, 2003). F or e xample , words have attache d me anings b eyond their definition tha t can influenc e thought and b ehavior . In the U .S. where the numb er thir teen is as sociated with b ad luck , man y high-rise buildings do not ha ve a 13thfloor. In J apan, however, the numb er four is c onsidere d unlucky , sinc e it is pronounc ed similarly to the J apanese w ord f or “death.” Man y so ciologis ts believ e tha t langua ge can ha ve a bro ad and las ting imp act on p erception . In 2002, Lera Boro ditsky and her c olleagues c onducte d experiments on na tive German and S panish sp eakers in English . Unlik e English , these langua ges as sign g enders to nouns . In German , for e xample , the w ord f or sun , die Sonne , is feminine , but the w ord f or mo on, der Mond , is masculine . The te am chose a set o f nouns with opp osite genders in German and S panish and ask ed particip ants to pro vide adjectiv es to describ e them . The y found that German sp eakers use d more masculine adjectiv es than S panish sp eakers when describing a noun tha t was gramma tically masculine in German but f eminine in S panish . For e xample , the w ord f or k ey is masculine in German and f eminine in S panish . German sp eakers describ ed keys as hard , heavy, jagged, metal , serra ted, and useful , while S panish sp eakers use d the adjectiv es, golden , intric ate, little, lovely, shin y, and tin y. The te am conclude d tha t gender p erceptions ac quire d in a p erson ’s na tive langua ge carry forward to ho w the y see the world ev en when the y switch to a langua ge without gramma tical genders (Boro ditsky , Schmidt , and Phillips , 2002). Some so ciologis ts also b eliev e the s tructure o f langua ge can ha ve conse quenc es on b oth individual and group behavior . For e xample , a series o f studies ha ve found tha t Finland has a signific antly higher ra te of workplac e accidents than Sw eden despite the fact tha t the langua ges ha ve similar w orkplac e regula tions (Salminen & Johans son, 2000). J ohn A . Lucy e xplaine d this discrep ancy through diff erenc es in the s tructure o f these langua ges. Sw edish plac es a gre ater emphasis on the timing o f mo vement in three -dimensional sp ace. Conse quently , Lucy argue d, the Sw edish factories are ph ysically arrang ed in a manner tha t supp orts the smo oth r unning o f the pro duct pro cess. Finnish factors e xperienc e fre quent disr uptions , so tha t workers mus t rush and ha ve more ac cidents (L ucy, 1997). The Sapir -Whor f hypothesis has b een interprete d to sugg est tha t if a w ord do es not e xist in a langua ge then users o f tha t langua ge cannot ha ve the e xperienc e. Studies ha ve sho wn, for ins tanc e, tha t unles s people ha ve access to the w ord “ ambiv alent ,” the y don ’trecogniz ehaving c onflicting p ositiv e and neg ative feelings a bout an is sue as ‘ ambiv alenc e.’ Ho wever, the h ypothesis should not sugg est tha t people do not ha ve conflicting feelings but ra ther tha t the y interpret the f eelings diff erently . In addition to using sp oken langua ge, people c ommunic ate without w ords . Nonverbal communic ation is symb olic, and , as in the c ase o f langua ge, is le arne d through one ’s culture . Some g estures are ne arly univ ersal; some are not . Smiles o ften indic ate p ositiv e reinf orcement in the U .S., where as in some cultures it is r ude as you do not kno w the p erson . A thumbs -up in R ussia and A ustralia is an o ffensiv e curse (P assero , 2002). Other gestures v ary in me aning dep ending on the situa tion and the p erson . A w ave of the hand c an me an man y things , dep ending on ho w it’s done and f or whom . It ma y me an “hello ,” “goodbye,” “no thank y ou,” or “I’ m royalty.” Winks c onvey a v ariety o f mes sages, including “ We ha ve a secret ,” “I’ m only kidding ,” or “I’ m attracte d to you.” From a dis tanc e, a p erson ma y “re ad” the emotional situa tion o f people jus t by watching their b ody langua ge and facial e xpres sions . Ho wever, man y cultures c ommunic ate with lots o f ph ysicality , which p eople outside tha t culture ma y interpret as an argument . So, for e xample , you might b eliev e tw o people are arguing when , in fact , the y are simply ha ving a regular c onversa tion . Is the U.S. Bilingual? When she w as six, L ucy and her famil y immigr ated to the Unit ed Stat es and at tended a school that al lowed for theSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE78 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. use o f both English and Spanish. L ucy’s teacher and man y staff w ere biling ual (fluent in English and Spanish), and the dis trict o ffered book s in both lang uages. While she w as being driv en to learn English, the dual -lang uage op tion helped t o ensur e that she did not bec ome los t and g et behind in her learning o f all subjects . Having math, scienc e, and c omputing taught in both lang uages helped her unders tand those c oncepts and skil ls. Within tw o years o f enrolling in the school , Lucy w as g etting nearl y all of her ins truction in English, and r arely used the Spanish-lang uage book s or r esour ces. While she s till had tr ouble with some intricacies o f English, her math pr ogress was abo ve grade level and she did w ell in other subjects as w ell. Some people might belie ve that L ucy w ould ha ve learned fas ter had she been ins truct ed onl y in English. But resear ch indicat es that is not the case . Johns Hopkins Univ ersity , resear chers c onduct ed a series o f studies on the effects o f biling ual education acr oss mul tiple subjects (Sla vin et al . 2008). The y found that s tudents taught in both their nativ e tongue and English mak e bet ter pr ogress than those taught onl y in English. Legally, the U .S. has no o fficial lang uage. But man y belie ve English t o be the right ful lang uage of the U .S., and o ver thirty states ha ve pas sed la ws specif ying English as their o fficial t ongue. Proponents o f English-onl y laws sug gest that a national ruling wil l save mone y on tr anslation, printing , and human r esour ce costs, including funding f or biling ual t eachers . The y argue that set ting English as the o fficial lang uage wil l enc ourage non-English speak ers t o learn English fas ter and adap t to the cul ture of the U .S. mor e easil y (Mount 2010). Gr oups such as the American Civil Liber ties Union (A CLU) oppose making English the o fficial lang uage and claim that it violat es the rights o f non- English speak ers. English-onl y laws, the y belie ve, den y the r eality o f our nation ’s div ersity and unfairl y tar get non- English speak ers. The y point t o the fact that much o f the debat e on this t opic has risen sinc e 1970, a period during which the U .S. has e xperienc ed ne w waves o f immigr ation fr om Asia and Me xico. Today, a lot o f product inf ormation g ets writ ten in mul tiple lang uages. Ent er a s tore lik e Home Depot and y ou’ll find signs in both English and Spanish. Buy a childr en’s product and the saf ety w arnings c ould be pr esent ed in mul tiple lang uages. While mark eters ar e financial ly motiv ated to reach the lar gest number o f consumers pos sible , this tr end also ma y help people bec ome ac customed t o a cul ture of biling ualism. Studies sho w that mos t US immigr ants e ventual ly abandon their nativ e tongues and bec ome fluent in English. Biling ual education helps with that tr ansition. T oday, Lucy is an ambitious and high-achie ving c ollege student. Fluent in both English and Spanish, L ucy is s tudying la w enf orcement —a field that seek s biling ual emplo yees. The same biling ualism that c ontribut ed to her suc cess in gr ade school wil l help her thriv e professional ly as a la w officer serving her c ommunity . FIGURE 3.7 Man y signs —on s treets and in s tores—include both English and Spanish. What eff ect does this ha ve on3.2 • Elements o f Cul ture79 members o f society? What eff ect does it ha ve on our cul ture? (Cr edit: is tolethetv /flickr) 3.3 High, Low , Pop, Sub, Counter-cultur e and Cultur al Change LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Discus s the r oles o f both high cul ture and pop cul ture within society •Differentiat e betw een subcul ture and c ount erculture •Explain the r ole o f inno vation, in vention, and disc overy in cul ture •Describe the r ole o f cul tural lag and globalization in cul tural chang e
🌍 Cultural Diversity and Change
🏛️ Cultural categories exist across societies, including high culture (associated with elite, wealth, intellectualism), low culture (lower class segments), and popular culture (mainstream, accessible experiences shared through commercial media)
🧩 Subcultures operate within larger societies while maintaining distinct identities (ethnic groups, bikers, body modification communities), whereas 🔄 countercultures actively reject mainstream norms and establish alternative value systems
🚀 Cultural change occurs through innovation (discoveries and inventions) and diffusion (spreading of ideas and practices), with material culture typically changing faster than non-material culture, creating cultural lag
🔍 Theoretical perspectives offer different interpretations: functionalists view culture as fulfilling society's needs, conflict theorists see culture reflecting power inequalities, while symbolic interactionists focus on how cultural meanings are created through interaction
🌐 Globalization accelerates cultural exchange, creating both opportunities for enrichment and challenges to traditional values as ideas, technologies, and practices spread across borders
📱 New technologies transform cultural norms and behaviors, sometimes creating generation gaps as adoption rates vary among different demographic groups
🏛️ Culture encompasses shared values, beliefs, norms, language, practices, and artifacts that define societies, with material elements (physical objects) and nonmaterial elements (ideas, attitudes) working together to shape human experience
🌐 Cultural diversity manifests through high culture, popular culture, subcultures, and countercultures, with cultural change occurring through innovation, discovery, diffusion, and globalization
🧩 Theoretical frameworks interpret culture differently: functionalists view culture as fulfilling society's needs, conflict theorists examine power inequalities perpetuated through culture, and symbolic interactionists focus on face-to-face interactions creating cultural meanings
🔄 Cultural transmission preserves traditions between generations while cultural evolution occurs through innovation and diffusion, highlighting how cultures are social constructions approved or disapproved by society
💭 Cultural relativism challenges ethnocentrism (judging others by your cultural standards) and xenocentrism (believing another culture is superior), though practicing true cultural relativism remains challenging
🚫 Social control operates through formal norms (established rules) and informal norms (casual behaviors), with sanctions authorizing or disapproving behaviors to encourage conformity
ersp ectiv e of functionalism . Where functionalis ts w ould see the purp ose o f culture —traditions , folkw ays, values —as helping individuals na vigate through lif e and so cieties r un smo othly , conflict theoris ts examine so cio-cultural struggles , including the p ower and privileg e cre ated for some b y using and reinf orcing a domina te culture tha t sustains their p osition in so ciety Symb olic interactionism is the so ciologic al persp ectiv e tha t is mos t concerne d with the fac e-to-fac e interactions and cultural me anings b etween memb ers o f society . It is c onsidere d a micro -lev el analy sis. Instead o f looking ho w ac cess is diff erent b etween the rich and p oor, interactionis ts see culture as b eing created and maintaine d by the w ays people interact and in ho w individuals interpret e ach other ’s actions . In this p ersp ectiv e, people p erpetua te cultural w ays. Proponents o f this theor y conceptualiz e human interaction as a c ontinuous pro cess of deriving me aning from b oth objects in the en vironment and the actions o f others . Every object and action has a s ymb olic me aning , and langua ge ser ves as a me ans f or p eople to represent and communic ate interpreta tions o f these me anings to others . Symb olic interactionis ts perceive culture as highly dynamic and fluid , as it is dep endent on ho w me aning is interprete d and ho w individuals interact when conveying these me anings . Interactionis ts rese arch chang es in langua ge. The y study additions and deletions of words , the changing me aning o f words , and the transmis sion o f words in an original langua ge into diff erent ones .3.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Cul ture85 FIGURE 3.12 Sometimes e xternal obser vers ma y belie ve that people fr om a cul ture dress a c ertain w ay based on imag es fr om a par ade or special e vent. In r eality , these tw o people ma y wear busines s suits or jeans and T -shir ts when the y are not par ticipating in a flo wer par ade. While people ma y not al ways outw ardly express their cul tural identity or use it ems r elated to their cul ture, special e vents o ften bring out those e xpressions . (Cr edit: John Shedrick) We began this chapter b y asking , “Wha t is culture? ” Culture is c omprise d of values , beliefs , norms , langua ge, practic es, and ar tifacts o f a so ciety . Bec ause culture is le arne d, it includes ho w people think and e xpres s themselv es. While w e ma y lik e to c onsider ourselv es individuals , we mus t ackno wledge the imp act o f culture on us and our w ay of life. We inherit langua ge tha t shap es our p erceptions and p atterne d behavior , including those o f family , friends , faith , and p olitics . To an e xtent , culture is a so cial c omf ort. After all , sharing a similar culture with others is precisely wha t defines so cieties . Nations w ould not e xist if p eople did not c oexist culturally . There c ould b e no so cieties if people did not share herita ge and langua ge, and civiliza tion w ould c ease to function if p eople did not a gree on similar v alues and s ystems o f social c ontrol . Culture is preser ved through transmis sion from one g enera tion to the ne xt, but it also ev olves through processes o f inno vation , disc overy, and cultural diffusion . As such , cultures are so cial c onstructions . The society appro ves or disappro ves o f items or ide as, which are theref ore include d or not in the culture . We ma y be res tricte d by the c onfines o f our o wn culture , but as humans w e ha ve the a bility to ques tion v alues and mak e conscious decisions . No better evidenc e of this free dom e xists than the amount o f cultural div ersity around the w orld . The more w e study another culture , the b etter w e become a t unders tanding our o wn.86 3 • Cul ture Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms alarm re action first stage of the g eneral adapta tion s yndrome; characteriz ed as the b ody’s imme diate physiologic al re action to a thre atening situa tion or some other emerg ency; analog ous to the fight -or-flight resp onse beliefs tenets or c onvictions tha t people hold to b e true cortisol stres s hormone rele ased by the adrenal glands when enc ountering a s tres sor; helps to pro vide a boost of energ y, thereb y prep aring the individual to tak e action countercultures groups tha t reject and opp ose so ciety ’s widely ac cepte d cultural p atterns culture share d beliefs , values , and practic es culture la g the g ap o f time b etween the intro duction o f ma terial culture and nonma terial culture ’s acceptanc e of it diffusion the spre ad o f ma terial and nonma terial culture from one culture to another disc overies things and ide as found from wha t alre ady e xists distres s bad form o f stres s; usually high in intensity; o ften le ads to e xhaustion , fatigue , feeling burne d out; associated with erosions in p erformanc e and he alth eustres s good form o f stres s; lo w to mo dera te in intensity; as sociated with p ositiv e feelings , as w ell as optimal he alth and p erformanc e fight -or-flight resp onse set o f ph ysiologic al re actions (incre ases in blo od pres sure , heart rate, respira tion rate, and s weat) tha t occur when an individual enc ounters a p erceived thre at; these re actions are produced by activ ation o f the s ymp athetic ner vous s ystem and the endo crine s ystem folkw ays direct , appropria te behavior in the da y-to-day practic es and e xpres sions o f a culture formal norms establishe d, writ ten r ules general adaptat ion syndrome Hans Sely e’s three -stage mo del o f the b ody’s ph ysiologic al re actions to s tres s and the pro cess of stres s adapta tion: alarm re action , stage of resis tanc e, and s tage of exhaustion glob alizat ion the integra tion o f interna tional trade and financ e mark ets health psy cholog y subfield o f psycholog y dev oted to s tudying ps ychologic al influenc es on he alth , illnes s, and ho w people resp ond when the y become ill high culture the cultural p atterns o f a so ciety ’s elite hypothalamic -pituitar y-adrenal (HP A) axis set o f structures f ound in b oth the limbic s ystem (hypothalamus) and the endo crine s ystem (pituitar y gland and adrenal glands) tha t regula te man y of the body’s ph ysiologic al re actions to s tres s through the rele ase o f hormones ideal culture the s tandards a so ciety w ould lik e to embrac e and liv e up to informal norms casual b ehaviors tha t are g enerally and widely c onforme d to inno vations new objects or ide as intro duced to culture f or the firs t time inventions a combina tion o f piec es o f existing re ality into new f orms langua ge a symb olic s ystem o f communic ation mores the moral view s and principles o f a group norms the visible and in visible r ules o f conduct through which so cieties are s tructure d popular culture mains tream, widespre ad p atterns among a so ciety ’s popula tion primar y appraisal judgment a bout the degree o f potential harm or thre at to w ell-b eing tha t a s tres sor might entail real culture the w ay so ciety re ally is b ased on wha t actually o ccurs and e xists sanct ions a way to a uthoriz e or f ormally disappro ve of certain b ehaviors Sapir -Whor f hypothesis the w ay tha t people unders tand the w orld b ased on their f orm o f langua ge secondar y appraisal judgment o f options a vailable to c ope with a s tres sor and their p otential eff ectiv enes s social c ontrol a way to enc oura ge conformity to cultural norms societ y people who liv e in a defina ble c ommunity and who share a culture stage of e xhaus tion third s tage of the g eneral adapta tion s yndrome; the b ody’s ability to resis t stres s becomes deplete d; illnes s, dise ase, and ev en de ath ma y occur3 • K ey Terms 87 stage of resis tanc e second s tage of the g eneral adapta tion s yndrome; the b ody adapts to a s tres sor f or a perio d of time stres s process whereb y an individual p erceives and resp onds to ev ents tha t one appraises as o verwhelming or thre atening to one ’s well-b eing stres sors environmental ev ents tha t ma y be judg ed as thre atening or demanding; s timuli tha t initia te the stres s pro cess sub cultures groups tha t share a sp ecific identific ation , apart from a so ciety ’s majority , even as the memb ers e xist within a larg er so ciety symb ols gestures or objects tha t ha ve me anings as sociated with them tha t are rec ogniz ed by people who share a culture values a culture ’s standard f or disc erning wha t is g ood and jus t in so ciety Section Summary 3.1 What Is Cultur e? Though “ society ” and “ culture ” are o ften use d interchang eably, the y ha ve diff erent me anings . Asociet yis a group o f people sharing a c ommunity and culture . The term culture generally describ es the share d values , beliefs , norms , langua ge, practic es, and ar tifacts o f these p eople , and includes ma terial and nonma terial elements . Our e xperienc e of cultural diff erenc e is influenc ed by our ethno centrism ( judging others using y our cultural s tandards) and X eno centrism ( belief tha t another culture is sup erior). So ciologis ts practic e cultural rela tivism (as sessing others using their o wn cultural s tandards) although it is quite difficult . 3.2 Elements of Cultur e A culture c onsis ts of man y elements , such as the v alues and b eliefs o f its so ciety . Culture is also g overne d by norms , including la ws, mores (norms tha t emb ody moral view s), and f olkw ays (traditions without an y moral underpinnings). The s ymb ols and langua ge of a so ciety are k ey to dev eloping and c onveying culture . In a nutshell , the f our main c omp onents are v alues , beliefs , norms , langua ge, practic es, and ar tifacts . 3.3 High, Low , Pop, Sub, Counter-cultur e and Cultur al Change Sociologis ts rec ogniz e tha t there is a dominant culture or cultural practic e tha t is dominant o ften characteriz ed as the norm in a so ciety as w ell as diff erent typ es o f cultures within so cieties . Societies also consis t of man y sub cultures (a smaller cultural group within a larg er culture). Some arese as a result o f a share d identity or interes t. Countercultures reject the dominant culture ’s values and cre ate their o wn cultural rules and norms . Cultural chang e can happ en through in vention or disc overy. Cultures ev olve via new ide as and new w ays of thinking . In man y mo dern cultures , the c orners tone o f inno vation is technolog y, the rapid growth o f which c an le ad to cultural la g (time from cre ation or intro duction to so cial ac ceptanc e). T echnolog y is also resp onsible f or the spre ad o f both ma terial and nonma terial culture tha t contributes to glob aliza tion (the incre ase o f mo vement and e xchang e of goods and ide as all o ver the planet). 3.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Cultur e There are three major theoretic al appro aches to ward the interpreta tion o f culture . A functionalis t persp ectiv e ackno wledges tha t the man y parts of culture w ork tog ether as a s ystem to fulfill so ciety ’s nee ds. Functionalis ts view culture as a reflection o f society ’s values . Conflict theoris ts see culture as inherently une qual , reinf orcing inequalities in g ender , clas s, rac e, and a ge. Symb olic interactionis ts are primarily interes ted in culture as experienc ed in the daily interactions , interpreta tions , and e xchang es b etween individuals and the s ymb ols that comprise a culture . Various cultural and so ciologic al occurrenc es c an b e explaine d by these theories . Each theor y pro vides a diff erent p ersp ectiv e or lens to help unders tand culture in so cieties .88 3 • Section Summar y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Section Quiz 3.1 What Is Cultur e? 1.The terms _______ and ______ are o ften use d interchang eably, but ha ve nuanc es tha t diff erentia te them . a.imp erialism and rela tivism b.culture and so ciety c.society and ethno centrism d.ethno centrism and X eno centrism 2.The Americ an fla g is a ma terial object tha t denotes the U .S. Ho wever, man y as sociate ide as with the fla g, like bra very and free dom . In this e xample , wha t are bra very and free dom? a.Symb ols b.Langua ge c.Material culture d.Nonma terial culture 3.The b elief tha t one ’s culture is inf erior to another culture is c alled: a.ethno centrism b.nationalism c.xeno centrism d.imp erialism 4.The irra tional f ear or ha tred of another culture is c alled: a.ethno centrism b.xenophobia c.xenophile d.ethnophobia 5.Rodne y and Elise are U .S. s tudents s tudying a broad in Italy . When the y are intro duced to their hos t families , the families kis s them on b oth cheeks . When R odne y’s hos t brother intro duces himself and kis ses R odne y on b oth cheeks , Rodne y pulls b ack in surprise . Where he is from , unles s the y are romantic ally in volved, men do not kis s one another . This is an e xample o f: a.culture sho ck b.imp erialism c.ethno centrism d.xeno centrism 6.Mos t cultures ha ve been f ound to identif y laughter as a sign o f humor , joy, or ple asure . Laughter is an examples o f: a.rela tivism b.ethno centrism c.xeno centrism d.univ ersalism3 • Section Quiz 89 3.2 Elements of Cultur e 7.A na tion ’s fla g is: a.A symb ol b.A value c.A culture d.A folkw ay 8.The e xistenc e of social norms , both f ormal and inf ormal , is one o f the main things tha t inf orm ___________, other wise kno wn as enc oura ging so cial c onformity . a.values b.sanctions c.social c ontrol d.mores 9.The bigg est diff erenc e between mores and f olkw ays is tha t a.mores are link ed to morality , where as folkw ays are tie d to c ommonplac e behaviors b.mores are a bsolute , where as folkw ays are temp orar y c.mores ref er to ma terial culture , where as folkw ays ref er to nonma terial culture d.mores ref er to nonma terial culture , where as folkw ays ref er to ma terial culture 10.The notion tha t people c annot f eel or e xperienc e something tha t the y do not ha ve a w ord f or c an b e explaine d by: a.linguis tics b.Sapir -Whor f hypothesis c.Ethnographic ima gery d.bilingualism 11.Cultural sanctions c an also b e view ed as w ays tha t society: a.Establishes le aders b.Determines langua ge c.Regula tes b ehavior d.Determines la ws 3.3 High, Low , Pop, Sub, Counter-cultur e and Cultur al Change 12.An e xample o f high culture is _________, where as an e xample o f popular culture w ould b e ____________. a.Dos toevsky s tyle in film; “ Americ an Idol ” winners b.medical marijuana; film noir c.countr y music; p op music d.politic al theor y; so ciologic al theor y 13.The K u Klux Klan is an e xample o f wha t part of culture? a.Counterculture b.Sub culture c.Multiculturalism d.pop culture90 3 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 14.Modern-da y hips ters are an e xample o f: a.ethno centricity b.counterculture c.subculture d.high culture 15.Your eighty -three -year-old grandmother has b een using a c omputer f or some time no w. As a w ay to k eep in touch , you fre quently send emails o f a few lines to let her kno w about y our da y. She c alls a fter ev ery email to resp ond p oint b y point , but she has nev er emaile d a resp onse b ack. This c an b e view ed as an example o f: a.cultural la g b.Sapir -Whor f hypothesis c.Ethnographic ima gery d.bilingualism 16.Some jobs to day adv ertise in multina tional mark ets and p ermit telec ommuting in lieu o f working from a primar y location . This bro adening o f the job mark et and the w ay tha t jobs are p erforme d can b e attribute d to: a.cultural la g b.diffusion c.disc overy d.glob aliza tion 17.The major diff erenc e between in vention and disc overy is: a.Invention is b ased on technolog y, where as disc overy is usually b ased on culture b.Disc overy involves finding items tha t alre ady e xists, but in vention puts things tog ether in a new w ay c.Invention ref ers to ma terial culture , where as disc overy can b e ma terial or theoretic , like laws of physics d.Invention is typic ally use d to ref er to prehis toric objects , where as disc overy ref ers to lo cal culture 18.McDonald ’s res taurants are f ound in almos t every countr y around the w orld . Wha t is this an e xample o f? a.glob aliza tion b.diffusion c.culture la g d.xeno centrism 3.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Cultur e 19.A so ciologis t conducts rese arch into the w ays tha t Hisp anic Americ an s tudents are his toric ally underprivileg ed in the U .S. e ducation s ystem . Wha t theoretic al appro ach is the so ciologis t Using? a.Symb olic interactionism b.Functionalism c.Conflict theor y d.Ethno centrism3 • Section Quiz 91 20.Memb ers o f a c ounterculture mo vement b eliev ed tha t the ec onomic disp arity b etween the highes t and the mid to lo wer ec onomic clas ses is gro wing a t an e xponentially alarming ra te. A so ciologis t who s tudies tha t movement b y examining the interactions b etween its memb ers w ould mos t lik ely use wha t theoretic al appro ach? a.Symb olic interactionism b.Functionalism c.Conflict theor y d.Ethno centrism 21.Wha t theoretic al persp ectiv e view s so ciety as ha ving a s ystem o f interdep endent inherently c onnecte d parts? a.Sociobiolog y b.Functionalism c.Conflict theor y d.Ethno centrism 22.The “ Americ an Dre am”—the notion tha t an ybody c an b e suc cessful and rich if the y work hard enough—is mos t commonly as sociated with which so ciologic al theor y? a.Sociobiolog y b.Functionalism c.Conflict theor y d.Ethno centrism Short Answer 3.1 What Is Cultur e? 1.Examine the diff erenc e between ma terial and nonma terial culture in y our w orld . Identif y ten objects tha t are p art of your regular cultural e xperienc e. For e ach, then identif y wha t asp ects o f nonma terial culture (values , beliefs , norms , langua ge, and practic es) tha t these objects represent . Wha t has this e xercise revealed to y ou a bout y our culture? 2.Do y ou b eliev e tha t feelings o f ethno centricity or x eno centric a ttitudes and practic es are prev alent in U .S. culture? Wh y do y ou b eliev e this? Wha t issues or ev ents might influenc e your ide as a bout these c oncepts? 3.2 Elements of Cultur e 3.Wha t do y ou think o f the Sapir -Whor f hypothesis? Do y ou a gree or disa gree with it? Cite e xamples or rese arch to supp ort your p oint o f view . 4.How w ould the elimina tion o f a so cial “norm ” influenc e your culture? Describ e the p ositiv e and neg ative effects . 3.3 High, Low , Pop, Sub, Counter-cultur e and Cultur al Change 5.Identif y sev eral e xamples o f popular culture and describ e ho w the y form so cietal culture . Ho w prev alent is the eff ect o f these e xamples in y our ev eryday life? 6.Consider some o f the sp ecific is sues or c oncerns o f your g enera tion . Are an y ide as or c oncepts countercultural? Wha t sub cultures ha ve emerg ed from y our g enera tion? Ho w ha ve the is sues o f your genera tion e xpres sed themselv es
🌍 Cultural Perspectives in Society
🧠 Ethnocentrism creates workplace barriers while limiting personal growth and career advancement—multicultural teams achieve greater success through inclusive practices
🗣️ Language shapes our perception of reality, with linguistic differences influencing everything from workplace safety to cultural understanding—the Sapir-Whorf hypothesis demonstrates how words literally construct our worldview
🔄 Cultural lag occurs when technological advancement outpaces social adaptation, creating tension between innovation and established norms across generations
🔍 Theoretical frameworks (functionalism, conflict theory, symbolic interactionism) provide distinct lenses for analyzing social phenomena—each revealing different aspects of cultural dynamics
🌐 Society types evolve from preindustrial (hunter-gatherer, pastoral) to industrial and postindustrial forms, with technology determining social organization, economic systems, and cultural development
🤝 Cross-cultural interactions can produce both destructive outcomes (environmental disasters displacing indigenous peoples) and constructive solutions (community-based sustainable development projects)
culturally? Ho w has y our g enera tion made its mark on so ciety ’s collectiv e culture? 7.Wha t are some e xamples o f cultural la g tha t are present in y our lif e? Wha t influenc e do es technolog y ha ve on culture? Explain .92 3 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 3.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Cultur e 8.Consider a current so cial trend tha t you ha ve witnes sed, perhaps situa ted around family , educ ation , transp ortation , or financ es. For e xample , man y veterans o f the Arme d Forces, after c ompleting tours o f duty in the Middle Eas t, are returning to c olleg e ra ther than entering jobs as previous g enera tions did . Cho ose a so ciologic al appro ach— functionalism , conflict theor y, or s ymb olic interactionism—to describ e, explain , and analyz e the so cial is sue y ou cho ose. After ward, determine wh y you chose the appro ach y ou did. Do es it suit y our o wn w ay of thinking? Or do es it o ffer the mos t relev ant metho d of illumina ting the social is sue? Further R esear ch 3.1 What Is Cultur e? Ethno centrism is a problem in man y arenas . In the w orkplac e, it c an b e hur tful and detrimental to an entire organiza tion and esp ecially to those who fac e mis treatment or f eel un welcome . People who e xhibit ethno centrism in the w orkplac e are not only put ting their c areers a t risk , but mis sing opp ortunities to flourish and adv ance with c olleagues and cus tomers o f diff erent b ackgrounds . In other w ords , curbing ethno centrism is an imp ortant p ersonal and so cietal g oal, and it ’s imp ortant f or c areers . This guide from an executiv e leadership ac adem y(http://openstax.org/l/eurac1) discus ses w ays tha t multicultural te ams c an create more suc cess if the p eople and c omp any under take the c orrect practic es. 3.2 Elements of Cultur e The scienc e-fiction no vel,Babel-17 , by Samuel R . Delane y was b ased up on the principles o f the Sapir -Whor f hypothesis .Read an e xcerpt from Babel-17 here (http://openstax.org/l/Ba bel-17) . 3.3 High, Low , Pop, Sub, Counter-cultur e and Cultur al Change Man y people b eliev e tha t the time o f the c ounterculture is o ver. Lik e man y asp ects o f culture , it c ould c ome back a t an y time . Inthis inter view (https:/ /openstax.org/l/counterculture) , Princ eton pro fessor German Labrador and director o f exhibitions a t the C entre de Cultura C ontemp orània de Barc elona discus s the p ast, present , and p otential future o f counterculture . References 3.1 What Is Cultur e? Amaz on.com. 2020. Se arch f or Humor Studies . “1-16 o f over 40,000 results f or Bo oks : “humor s tudies”” . Retriev ed Octob er 6, 2020. (Amaz on.com) Barg er, Ken. 2008. “Ethno centrism .” Indiana Univ ersity , July 1. R etriev ed Ma y 2, 2011 (http://www.iupui .edu/~anthkb/ethno cen.htm). Darwin , Charles R . 1871. The Desc ent o f Man , and Selection in R elation to Se x. London: J ohn Murra y. DuBois , Cora. 1951. “ Culture Sho ck.” Presenta tion to P anel Discus sion a t the F irst Midw est Regional Meeting o f the Ins titute o f Interna tional E ducation .” Novemb er 28. A lso presente d to the W omen ’s Club o f Rio de Janeiro , Brazil , Augus t 3, 1954. Fritz, Thomas , S and J entschk e, N. Gos selin , et al . 2009. “Univ ersal R ecognition o f Three Basic Emotions in Music .” Current Biolog y 19(7). Jank owiak , William and N elson , Alex. 2021. “Do es Lo ve Always Come Bef ore Marria ge.” Sapiens .org. February 11, 2021. ( https:/ /www.sapiens .org/culture/lo ve-and-marria ge) Murdo ck, Georg e P. 1949. So cial Str ucture . New Y ork: Macmillan . National Sta tistical Offic e (NSO) [P apua N ew Guine a] and ICF . 2019. P apua N ew Guine a Demographic and3 • F urther R esear ch 93 Health Sur vey 2016-18. P ort Moresb y, Papua N ew Guine a, and R ockville , Mar yland , US A: NSO and ICF . Retriev ed ht tps:/ /dhsprogram .com/public ations /public ation-fr364- dhs-final-rep orts.cfm . Oberg, Kaler vo. 1960. “ Cultural Sho ck: A djus tment to N ew Cultural En vironments .” Practic al Anthrop olog y 7:177–182. Old Dominion Univ ersity . ‘Journal o f Interna tional Students’ . Accessed Octob er 16, 2020. (https:/ /www.ojed.org/inde x.php/jis /inde x) Smithsonian Ins titution . Natural His tory Museum . Wha t do es it me an to b e human? R etriev ed Octob er 6, 2020. (https:/ /humanorigins .si.edu/human-characteris tics/social-lif e) Sumner , William G . 1906. F olkw ays: A Study o f the So ciologic al Imp ortanc e of Usages, Manners , Cus toms , Mores , and Morals . New Y ork: Ginn and C o. Swoyer, Chris . 2003. “ The Linguis tic R elativity Hyp othesis .” In The Stanf ord Ency clop edia o f Philosoph y, edite d by E. N . Zalta, W inter . Retriev ed Ma y 5, 2011 ( http://plato.stanf ord.edu/archiv es/win2003/entries /davidson/) 3.2 Elements of Cultur e Boro ditsky , Lera & Schmidt , Lauren . (2000). Se x, Syntax , and Semantics . Proceedings o f the 22nd Annual Meeting o f the C ognitiv e Scienc e So ciety . Eberhard , David M., G ary F. Simons , and Charles D . Fennig (e ds.). 2020. Ethnologue: Langua ges o f the W orld . Twenty -Third e dition . Dallas , Texas: SIL Interna tional . Online v ersion ht tp://www.ethnologue .com Lucy, J. (1997). Linguis tic R elativity . Annual R eview o f Anthrop olog y, 26, 291-312. R etriev ed Januar y 31, 2021, from ht tp://www.jstor.org/stable/2952524 Mount , Stev e. 2010. “ Constitutional T opic: Official Langua ge.” USC onstitution .net , las t mo difie d Januar y 24. Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2012 ( http://www.USc onstitution .net /consttop_lang .html). National W WII Museum . 2020. “ Americ an Indian C ode T alkers” . New Orle ans, LA. Retriev ed Octob er 11, 2020. (https:/ /www.nationalw w2mUSeum .org/war/articles /americ an-indian-c ode-talk ers). OED Online . 2011. Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. Retriev ed Ma y 5, 2011 ( http://www.oed.com/view /Entr y/260911). Passero , Kathy. 2002. “ Glob al Travel Exp ert Roger Axtell Explains Wh y.” Biograph y July:70–73,97–98. Salminen S, J ohans son A . Occup ational ac cidents o f Finnish- and Sw edish-sp eaking w orkers in F inland: a mental mo del view . Int J Oc cup Sa f Erg on. 2000;6(2):293-306. doi: 10.1080/10803548.2000.11076456. PMID: 10927671 Slavin, R. E., A . Cheung , C. Gro ff, and C . Lak e. 2008. “Eff ectiv e Reading P rograms f or Middle and High Scho ols: A Bes t-Evidenc e Synthesis .” Reading R esearch Quar terly 43(3):290–322. Sumner , William G . 1906. F olkw ays: A Study o f the So ciologic al Imp ortanc e of Usages, Manners , Cus toms , Mores , and Morals . New Y ork: Ginn and C o. Swoyer, Chris . 2003. “ The Linguis tic R elativity Hyp othesis .” In The Stanf ord Ency clop edia o f Philosoph y, edite d by E. N . Zalta, W inter . Retriev ed Ma y 5, 2011 ( http://plato.stanf ord.edu/archiv es/win2003/entries /rela tivism/ supplement2.html). Vaughan , R. M. 2007. “ Cairo ’s Man Sho w.” Utne R eader March– April:94–95. Weber, Bruce. 2001. “Harold G arfink el, a C ommon-Sense So ciologis t, Dies a t 93. ” The N ew Y ork Times , Ma y 3. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2011/05/04/US /04g arfink el.html?_r=2) Westcott, Kathryn. 2008. “ World ’s Bes t-Known P rotes t Symb ol Turns 50. ” BBC N ews, March 20. R etriev ed Januar y 3, 2012 ( http://new s.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/uk _new s/ma gazine/7292252.s tm).94 3 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Weston, J. (Director). (2002). Wild Child: The Stor y of Feral Children [Motion Picture]. 3.3 High, Low , Pop, Sub, Counter-cultur e and Cultur al Change Ogburn , William F . 1957. “ Cultural La g as Theor y.” So ciolog y & So cial R esearch 41(3):167–174. Scheuerman , William . 2010. “ Glob aliza tion .” The Stanf ord Ency clop edia o f Philosoph y, edite d by E. N . Zalta, Summer . Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://plato.stanf ord.edu/archiv es/sum2010/entries / glob aliza tion/). Social R egis ter As sociation . 2020. N ew Y ork. https:/ /www.socialregis teronline .com/ 3.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Cultur e Jacobs, Harrison . 2019. “N orth K oreans unders tand their g overnment lies , but there ’s one thing the y don ’t kno w, according to a def ector .” Busines s Insider . (https:/ /www.busines sinsider .com/wha t-nor th-k oreans- dont -unders tand-a bout-world-def ector -new s-2018-6) Ware, Lawrenc e. 2019. “ Watchmen ’s Tulsa Mas sacre Is Americ an His tory. It’s Also Mine .” Sla te. Octob er 25 2019. ( https:/ /slate.com/culture/2019/10/w atchmen-tulsa-mas sacre -his tory-tv.html)3 • R eferences 95 96 3 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 4.1 Some aspects o f teenag e life cross societal boundaries , while others ar e dis tinct. (Cr edit: USAID /flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 4.1 Types o f Societies 4.2 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Society 4.3 Social Cons tructions o f Reality It was a scho ol da y, and Ina yah w oke up a t 5:15 a.m , check ed her phone , and b egan a f ew chores . Her a unt had g one to w ork, but had left a pile o f vegetables f or b e cut f or dinner . After taking c are o f that, Ina yah g athere d and org aniz ed the la undr y, then w oke up her y oung er cousin and sis ter. She le d them in prayers, gave them bre akfas t, and dres sed for scho ol. Ina yah w as running la te, so she didn ’t ha ve time to record a full video . Ins tead she to ok a f ew pictures and p osted a g ood-morning clip , up dated her s tatus on another pla tform , and w ent to check on the y oung er girls . Twenty minutes la ter, Ina yah w as fixing her sis ter’s unif orm and c alling to her c ousin to hurr y along . She loaded them up with their scho ol bags and one sack o f laundr y each. The three girls w alked the tw o kilometers to the bus s tation , dropping the la undr y at the cle aner on the w ay. The ride to scho ol to ok a bout thir ty minutes . Inayah had gro wn up a bout sixty kilometers a way, where her p arents s till liv ed. She usually sa w them on weekends . She had previously a ttende d a b oarding scho ol, but those had b ecome dang erous due to kidnappings or other trouble . Ina yah’s new scho ol w as not quite as g ood old one , but she w as s till le arning . She did p articularly w ell in ma th and ec onomics .4Society and Social Inter action After scho ol and the bus ride b ack, Ina yah sent her sis ter and her c ousin to the house while she s tayed in to wn with some friends . The girls sa t at the picnic ta bles ne ar the b asketball c ourts, where groups o f other teena gers and some adults usually c ame to pla y. She didn ’t talk to an y of the b oys there , but she had met sev eral o f them at her uncle ’s store . The girls rec orde d a f ew videos tog ether , started on their homew ork, and a fter a bout an hour , headed home to help with dinner . How do es Ina yah’s da y comp are with y ours? Ho w do es it c omp are to the da ys of teena gers y ou kno w? Ina yah interacts with her family and friends b ased on individual rela tionships and p ersonalities , but so cietal norms and ac cepta ble b ehaviors shap e those interactions . Someone from outside o f her c ommunity might f eel tha t her so ciety ’s expecta tions are to o challenging , while others ma y feel the y are to o lenient . But Ina yah ma y disa gree with b oth p ersp ectiv es. She might ha ve tak en those so cietal e xpecta tions as her o wn. 4.1 Types of Societies LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the diff erence betw een pr eindus trial , indus trial , and pos tindus trial societies •Explain the r ole o f environment on pr eindus trial societies •Interpr et the w ays that t echnolog y impacts societal de velopment FIGURE 4.2 How does t echnolog y influenc e a society? Her e, a NASA engineer is w orking with samples o f a c oating typical ly used in spac e flight, and which no w ma y pla y a r ole in pr eser ving ar tifacts and scientific specimens on earth. The spac e program is e xpensiv e, but thr oughout its his tory it has pr ovided the U .S. significant adv antag es in scientific inno vations . (Cr edit: NASA Goddar d Spac e Flight Cent er/flickr) In so ciologic al terms ,societ yrefers to a group o f people who liv e in a defina ble c ommunity and share the same culture . On a bro ader sc ale, society c onsis ts of the p eople and ins titutions around us , our share d beliefs , and our cultural ide as. Typic ally, man y so cieties also share a p olitic al authority . Consider China and the Unite d Sta tes. Both are technologic ally adv anced, have dense netw orks o f transp ortation and c ommunic ations , rely on f oreign trading p artners f or larg e portions o f their ec onomies ,98 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. focus on e ducation as a w ay to adv ance their citiz ens, and ha ve larg e and e xpensiv e militaries . Both c ountries have citiz ens tha t ma y be larg ely sa tisfied with their g overnments and w ays of life, while s till holding some degree o f dis trust or disc ontent reg arding their le aders . And b oth ha ve a r ural v ersus urb an disp arity tha t can cause tension and ec onomic ine quality among the p opula tion . An individual family or ev en a whole o ffice full of people in one o f the c ountries ma y look and act v ery similarly to families or o ffices in the other c ountr y. But wha t is diff erent? In China, a far gre ater p ercenta ge of people ma y be involved in manufacturing than Americ a. Man y of China ’s cities didn ’t evolve from p orts, transit c enters , or riv er confluenc es hundre ds o f years a go, but are newly cre ated urb an c enters inha bite d by rec ent transplants from other lo cations . While citiz ens in the U .S. c an op enly e xpres s their dis satisfaction with their g overnment through so cial activism in person or , esp ecially , online , Twit ter, Facebook, and Y ouTube are b anne d in China, and the pres s is c ontrolle d by the g overnment . Their app earanc e might b e very similar , but the tw o countries are v ery diff erent so cieties . Sociologis t Gerhard Lenski Jr . (1924–2015) define d so cieties in terms o f their technologic al sophis tication . As a so ciety adv ances, so do es its use o f technolog y. Societies with r udimentar y technolog y dep end on the fluctua tions o f their en vironments , while indus trializ ed so cieties ha ve more c ontrol o ver the imp act o f their surroundings and thus dev elop diff erent cultural f eatures . This dis tinction is so imp ortant tha t sociologis ts generally clas sify so cieties along a sp ectr um o f their lev el of indus trializa tion— from preindus trial to indus trial to p ostindus trial . Preindustrial Societies Before the Indus trial R evolution and the widespre ad use o f machines , societies w ere small , rural , and dep endent larg ely on lo cal resourc es. Economic pro duction w as limite d to the amount o f labor a human b eing could pro vide , and there w ere f ew sp ecializ ed occup ations . The v ery firs t occup ation w as tha t of hunter - gatherer . Hunter-Gather er Hunter -gatherer so ciet iesdemons trate the s trong est dep endenc e on the en vironment o f the v arious typ es o f preindus trial so cieties . As the b asic s tructure o f human so ciety until a bout 10,000–12,000 y ears a go, these groups w ere b ased around kinship or trib es. Hunter -gatherers relie d on their surroundings f or sur vival—the y hunte d wild animals and f oraged for uncultiv ated plants f or food. When resourc es b ecame sc arce, the group moved to a new are a to find sus tenanc e, me aning the y were nomadic . These so cieties w ere c ommon until several hundre d years a go, but to day only a f ew hundre d remain in e xistenc e, such as indig enous A ustralian tribes sometimes ref erre d to as “ aborigines ,” or the Bambuti , a group o f pygmy hunter -gatherers residing in the Demo cratic R epublic o f Cong o. Hunter -gatherer groups are quickly disapp earing as the w orld ’s popula tion explo des. Pastor al Changing c onditions and adapta tions le d some so cieties to rely on the domes tication o f animals where circums tanc es p ermit ted. Roughly 7,500 y ears a go, human so cieties b egan to rec ogniz e their a bility to tame and bree d animals and to gro w and cultiv ate their o wn plants .Pastoral so ciet ies, such as the Maasai villa gers, rely on the domes tication o f animals as a resourc e for sur vival. Unlik e earlier hunter -gatherers who dep ende d entirely on e xisting resourc es to s tay aliv e, pastoral groups w ere a ble to bree d liv estock for food, clothing , and transp ortation , and the y cre ated a surplus o f goods. Herding , or p astoral , societies remaine d nomadic b ecause they were f orced to f ollow their animals to fresh f eeding grounds . Around the time tha t pastoral so cieties emerg ed, specializ ed occup ations b egan to dev elop , and so cieties c ommenc ed trading with lo cal groups .4.1 • T ypes o f Societies 99 Wher e Societies Meet—The W orst and the Best When cul tures meet, t echnolog y can help , hinder , and e ven des troy. The Exx on V alde z oil spil lage in Alask a nearl y destroyed the local inhabitants ' entir e way of life. Oil spil ls in the Nig erian Del ta ha ve forced man y of the Og oni tribe from their land and f orced remo val has meant that o ver 100,000 Og oni ha ve sought r efug e in the c ountr y of Benin (Univ ersity o f Michig an, n. d.). And the mas sive Deep water Horiz on oil spil l of 2006 dr ew gr eat at tention as it occurr ed in the Unit ed Stat es. Environmental disas ters c ontinue as W estern t echnolog y and its need f or ener gy expands int o les s de veloped (peripher al) regions o f the globe . Of course not al l technolog y is bad. W e tak e electric light f or gr anted in the Unit ed Stat es, Eur ope, and the r est of the developed w orld. Such light e xtends the da y and al lows us t o work, r ead, and tr avel at night. It mak es us saf er and mor e productiv e. But r egions in India , Africa , and else wher e are not so f ortunat e. Meeting the chal leng e, one particular or ganization, Bar efoot Col lege, locat ed in Dis trict Ajmer , Rajas than, India , works with numer ous les s developed nations t o bring solar electricity , water solutions , and education. The f ocus f or the solar pr ojects is the village elders . The elders agr ee to select tw o grandmothers t o be tr ained as solar engineers and choose a vil lage commit tee c omposed o f men and w omen t o help oper ate the solar pr ogram. The pr ogram has br ought light t o over 450,000 people in 1,015 vil lages. The en vironmental r ewards include a lar ge reduction in the use o f kerosene and in carbon dio xide emis sions . The fact that the vil lagers ar e oper ating the projects themsel ves helps minimiz e their sense o f dependenc e. FIGURE 4.3 Other wise sk eptical or hesitant vil lagers ar e mor e easil y convinc ed o f the v alue o f the solar pr oject when the y realiz e that the “ solar engineers” ar e their local gr andmothers .
🏙️ Evolution of Societies
🌱 Horticultural societies emerged when humans developed plant cultivation, creating permanent settlements that replaced the nomadic lifestyle of hunter-gatherers and pastoral groups
🚜 Agricultural societies (3000 BCE) revolutionized human existence through metal tools, crop rotation, and fertilization techniques, enabling cities, trade, social stratification, and the first leisure pursuits like philosophy and art
🏭 Industrial societies transformed human productivity through steam power and mechanization, triggering mass urbanization, increased social mobility, and the birth of sociology as people grappled with rapid social changes
💻 Information societies shifted power from producers of material goods to controllers of knowledge and services, with technical education becoming the primary determinant of social class
🔄 Theoretical perspectives on society include Durkheim's functionalism (society as interconnected parts with collective consciousness), Marx's conflict theory (class struggle between bourgeoisie and proletariat), and symbolic interactionism
👥 Social integration and the transition from mechanical to organic solidarity represent how societies maintain cohesion as they grow more complex and specialized
(Cr edit: Abri le R oux/flickr) Horticultur al Around the same time tha t pastoral so cieties w ere on the rise , another typ e of society dev elop ed, based on the newly dev elop ed capacity f or p eople to gro w and cultiv ate plants . Previously , the depletion o f a region ’s crops or w ater supply f orced pastoral so cieties to relo cate in se arch o f food sourc es for their liv estock.Hor ticultural societ iesforme d in are as where rainfall and other c onditions allo wed them to gro w stable crops . The y wereSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD100 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. similar to hunter -gatherers in tha t the y larg ely dep ende d on the en vironment f or sur vival, but sinc e the y didn ’t have to a bandon their lo cation to f ollow resourc es, the y were a ble to s tart permanent set tlements . This cre ated more s tability and more ma terial g oods and b ecame the b asis f or the firs t rev olution in human sur vival. Agricultur al While p astoral and hor ticultural so cieties use d small , temp orar y tools such as digging s ticks or ho es, agricultural so ciet iesrelie d on p ermanent to ols f or sur vival. Around 3000 B .C.E., an e xplosion o f new technolog y kno wn as the Agricultural R evolution made farming p ossible —and pro fitable. Farmers le arne d to rota te the typ es o f crops gro wn on their fields and to reuse w aste pro ducts such as manure as f ertiliz er, which led to b etter har vests and bigg er surpluses o f food. New to ols f or digging and har vesting w ere made o f metal , and this made them more eff ectiv e and long er las ting . Human set tlements grew into to wns and cities , and particularly b ountiful regions b ecame c enters o f trade and c ommerc e. This is also the a ge in which p eople had the time and c omf ort to eng age in more c ontempla tive and thoughtful activities , such as music , poetry, and philosoph y. This p erio d became ref erre d to as the “ dawn o f civiliza tion ” by some b ecause o f the dev elopment o f leisure and humanities . Craftsp eople w ere a ble to supp ort themselv es through the pro duction o f cre ative, dec orative, or thought -pro voking aes thetic objects and writings . As resourc es b ecame more plentiful , social clas ses b ecame more divisiv e. Those who had more resourc es could a fford b etter living and dev elop ed into a clas s of nobility . Diff erenc e in so cial s tanding b etween men and women incre ased. As cities e xpande d, ownership and preser vation o f resourc es b ecame a pres sing c oncern. Feudal The ninth c entur y gave rise to feudal so ciet ies. These so cieties c ontaine d a s trict hierarchic al system o f power based around land o wnership and protection . The nobility , kno wn as lords , plac ed vassals in charg e of piec es of land . In return f or the resourc es tha t the land pro vide d, vassals promise d to fight f or their lords . These individual piec es o f land , kno wn as fiefdoms , were cultiv ated by the lo wer clas s. In return f or maintaining the land , peasants w ere guarantee d a plac e to liv e and protection from outside enemies . Power was hande d do wn through family lines , with p easant families ser ving lords f or g enera tions and g enera tions . Ultima tely, the so cial and ec onomic s ystem o f feudalism faile d and w as replac ed by capitalism and the technologic al adv ances o f the indus trial era. Industrial Society In the eighteenth c entur y, Europ e experienc ed a drama tic rise in technologic al in vention , ushering in an era kno wn as the Indus trial R evolution . Wha t made this p erio d remarka ble w as the numb er o f new in ventions tha t influenc ed people ’s daily liv es. Within a g enera tion , tasks tha t had until this p oint re quire d months o f labor became achiev able in a ma tter o f days. Bef ore the Indus trial R evolution , work w as larg ely p erson- or animal- based, and relie d on human w orkers or horses to p ower mills and driv e pumps . In 1782, J ames W att and Matthew Boulton cre ated a s team engine tha t could do the w ork o f twelve horses b y itself. Steam p ower b egan app earing ev erywhere . Ins tead o f paying ar tisans to p ains takingly spin w ool and w eave it into cloth , people turne d to te xtile mills tha t pro duced fabric quickly a t a b etter pric e and o ften with b etter quality . Rather than planting and har vesting fields b y hand , farmers w ere a ble to purchase mechanic al see ders and threshing machines tha t caused agricultural pro ductivity to so ar. Products such as p aper and glas s became a vailable to the a verage person , and the quality and ac cessibility o f educ ation and he alth c are so ared. Gas lights allo wed incre ased visibility in the dark , and to wns and cities dev elop ed a nightlif e. One o f the results o f incre ased pro ductivity and technolog y was the rise o f urb an c enters . Workers flo cked to factories f or jobs , and the p opula tions o f cities b ecame incre asingly div erse . The new g enera tion b ecame les s preo ccupie d with maintaining family land and traditions and more f ocuse d on ac quiring w ealth and achieving upward mobility f or themselv es and their families . People w ante d their children and their children ’s children to continue to rise to the top , and as c apitalism incre ased, so did so cial mobility .4.1 • T ypes o f Societies 101 It was during the eighteenth and nineteenth c enturies o f the Indus trial R evolution tha t sociolog y was b orn. Lif e was changing quickly and the long-es tablishe d traditions o f the a gricultural eras did not apply to lif e in the larg er cities . Mas ses o f people w ere mo ving to new en vironments and o ften f ound themselv es fac ed with horrendous c onditions o f filth , overcro wding , and p overty. Social scientis ts emerg ed to s tudy the rela tionship between the individual memb ers o f society and so ciety as a whole . It was during this time tha t power mo ved from the hands o f the aris tocracy and “ old mone y” to busines s-savvy new comers who amas sed fortunes in their lif etimes . Families such as the R ockefellers and the V anderbilts became the new p ower pla yers and use d their influenc e in busines s to c ontrol asp ects o f government as w ell. Eventually , concerns o ver the e xploita tion o f workers le d to the f orma tion o f labor unions and la ws tha t set manda tory conditions f or emplo yees. Although the intro duction o f new technolog y at the end o f the nineteenth centur y ende d the indus trial a ge, much o f our so cial s tructure and so cial ide as—lik e family , childho od, and time s tandardiza tion—ha ve a b asis in indus trial so ciety . FIGURE 4.4 John D . Rockefeller, cofounder o f the Standar d Oil Compan y, came fr om an unr emark able famil y of salesmen and menial labor ers. By his death at ag e 98, he w as w orth $1.4 bil lion. In indus trial societies , busines s owners such as R ockefeller hold the majority o f the po wer. (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) Postindustrial Society Informat ion so ciet ies, sometimes kno wn as p ostindus trial or digital so cieties , are a rec ent dev elopment . Unlik eindus trial so ciet iesthat are ro oted in the pro duction o f ma terial g oods, inf orma tion so cieties are b ased on the pro duction o f inf orma tion and ser vices. Digital technolog y is the s team engine o f inf orma tion so cieties , and c omputer moguls such as Stev e Jobs and Bill G ates are its J ohn D . Rockefellers and C ornelius V anderbilts . Sinc e the ec onom y of inf orma tion so cieties is driv en b y kno wledge and not ma terial g oods, power lies with those in charg e of storing and dis tributing informa tion . Memb ers o f a p ostindus trial so ciety are lik ely to b e emplo yed as sellers o f ser vices—so ftware programmers or busines s consultants , for e xample —ins tead o f pro ducers o f goods. Social clas ses are divide d by ac cess to e ducation , sinc e without technic al skills , people in an inf orma tion so ciety lack the me ans f or success.102 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 4.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Society LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe Durkheim ’s functionalis t vie w of society •Summariz e the c onflict theoris t vie w of society •Explain Marx ’s concepts of clas s and alienation •Identif y ho w symbolic int eractionis ts unders tand society FIGURE 4.5 Warren Buff ett’s ideas about taxation and spending habits o f the v ery wealthy are contr oversial , particularl y sinc e the y raise ques tions about America’ s embedded s ystem o f clas s structur e and social po wer. The three major sociological par adigms diff er in their perspectiv es on these is sues . (Cr edit: Medil l DC/flickr) While man y so ciologis ts ha ve contribute d to rese arch on so ciety and so cial interaction , three think ers f orm the b ase o f mo dern-da y persp ectiv es. Émile Durkheim , Karl Marx , and Max W eber dev elop ed diff erent theoretic al appro aches to help us unders tand the w ay so cieties function . Émile Durkheim and Functionalism As a functionalis t, Émile Durkheim ’s (1858–1917) p ersp ectiv e on so ciety s tres sed the nec essary interc onnectivity o f all o f its elements . To Durkheim , society w as gre ater than the sum o f its p arts. He as serted that individual b ehavior w as not the same as c ollectiv e behavior and tha t studying c ollectiv e behavior w as quite diff erent from s tudying an individual ’s actions . Durkheim c alled the c ommunal b eliefs , morals , and attitudes o f a so ciety the collect ive conscienc e. In his ques t to unders tand wha t causes individuals to act in similar and pre dicta ble w ays, he wrote , “If I do not submit to the c onventions o f society , if in m y dres s I do not4.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Society 103 conform to the cus toms obser ved in m y countr y and in m y clas s, the ridicule I pro voke, the so cial isola tion in which I am k ept, pro duce, although in an a ttenua ted form , the same eff ects as punishment ” (Durkheim 1895). Durkheim also b eliev ed tha tsocial integrat ion, or the s trength o f ties tha t people ha ve to their so cial groups , was a k ey factor in so cial lif e. Following the ide as o f Comte and S pencer, Durkheim lik ened so ciety to a living org anism , in which e ach org an plays a nec essary role in k eeping the b eing aliv e. Even the so cially deviant memb ers o f society are nec essary, Durkheim argue d, as punishments f or devianc e affirm es tablishe d cultural v alues and norms . Tha t is, punishment o f a crime re affirms our moral c onsciousnes s. “A crime is a crime b ecause w e condemn it ,” Durkheim wrote in 1893. “ An act o ffends the c ommon c onsciousnes s not b ecause it is criminal , but it is criminal b ecause it o ffends tha t consciousnes s” (Durkheim 1893). Durkheim c alled these elements o f society “social facts .” By this , he me ant tha t social f orces w ere to b e considere d re al and e xisted outside the individual . As an obser ver o f his so cial w orld , Durkheim w as not entirely sa tisfied with the direction o f society in his da y. His primar y concern w as tha t the cultural glue tha t held so ciety tog ether w as failing , and p eople w ere becoming more divide d. In his b ookThe Division o f Labor in So ciety (1893), Durkheim argue d tha t as so ciety grew more c omple x, social order made the transition from mechanic al to org anic . Preindus trial so cieties , Durkheim e xplaine d, were held tog ether b ymechanic al solidarit y, a typ e of social order maintaine d by the c ollectiv e conscienc e of a culture . Societies with mechanic al solidarity act in a mechanic al fashion; things are done mos tly b ecause the y ha ve alw ays been done tha t way. This typ e of thinking w as c ommon in preindus trial so cieties where s trong b onds o f kinship and a lo w division o f labor created share d morals and v alues among p eople , such as hunter -gatherer groups . When p eople tend to do the same typ e of work, Durkheim argue d, the y tend to think and act alik e. In indus trial so cieties , mechanic al solidarity is replac ed with organic solidarit y, which is so cial order b ased around an ac ceptanc e of economic and so cial diff erenc es. In c apitalis t societies , Durkheim wrote , division o f labor b ecomes so sp ecializ ed tha t everyone is doing diff erent things . Ins tead o f punishing memb ers o f a society f or failure to as simila te to c ommon v alues , org anic solidarity allo ws people with diff ering v alues to coexist. Laws exist as f ormaliz ed morals and are b ased on res titution ra ther than rev enge. While the transition from mechanic al to org anic solidarity is , in the long r un, adv anta geous f or a so ciety , Durkheim note d tha t it c an b e a time o f chaos and “normles snes s.” One o f the outc omes o f the transition is something he c alled so cial anomie . Anomie —literally , “without la w”—is a situa tion in which so ciety no long er has the supp ort of a firm c ollectiv e consciousnes s. Collectiv e norms are w eakened. People , while more interdep endent to ac complish c omple x tasks , are also aliena ted from e ach other . Anomie is e xperienc ed in times o f social unc ertainty , such as w ar or a gre at upturn or do wnturn in the ec onom y. As so cieties re ach an advanced stage of org anic solidarity , the y avoid anomie b y re developing a set o f share d norms . According to Durkheim , onc e a so ciety achiev es org anic solidarity , it has finishe d its dev elopment . Karl Marx and Conflict Theory Karl Marx (1818–1883) is c ertainly among the mos t signific ant so cial think ers in rec ent his tory. While there are man y critics o f his w ork, it is s till widely resp ecte d and influential . For Marx , society ’s constructions w ere predicated up on the ide a of “base and sup erstructure .” This term ref ers to the ide a tha t a so ciety ’s ec onomic character f orms its b ase, up on which res ts the culture and so cial ins titutions , the sup erstructure . For Marx , it is the b ase (ec onom y) tha t determines wha t a so ciety will b e lik e.104 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 4.6 Karl Marx as serted that al l elements o f a society ’s structur e depend on its ec onomic s tructur e. Additionally , Marx sa w conflict in so ciety as the primar y me ans o f chang e. Economic ally, he sa w conflict existing b etween the o wners o f the me ans o f pro duction—the bourgeoisie —and the la borers , called the proletariat . Marx maintaine d tha t these c onflicts app eared consis tently throughout his tory during times o f social revolution . These rev olutions or “ clas s anta gonisms” as he c alled them , were a result o f one clas s domina ting another . Mos t rec ently , with the end o f feudalism , a new rev olutionar y clas s he c alled the b ourg eoisie domina ted the proletaria t laborers . The b ourg eoisie w ere rev olutionar y in the sense tha t the y represente d a radic al chang e in the s tructure o f society . In Marx ’s words , “Society as a whole is more and more split ting up into tw o gre at hos tile c amps , into tw o gre at clas ses directly facing e ach other —Bourg eoisie and P roletaria t” (Marx and Eng els 1848). In the mid-nineteenth c entur y, as indus trializa tion w as b ooming , indus trial emplo yers, the " owners o f the means o f pro duction " in Marx 's terms , became more and more e xploita tive toward the w orking clas s. The larg e manufacturers o f steel w ere p articularly r uthles s, and their facilities b ecame p opularly dubb ed “satanic mills” based on a p oem b y William Blak e. Marx ’s colleague and friend , Frederick Eng els, wrote The C ondition o f the Working-Clas s in England in 1844, which describ ed in detail the horrid c onditions . “Such is the Old T own o f Manches ter, and on re -reading m y description , I am f orced to admit tha t ins tead o f being e xaggerated, it is far from black enough to c onvey a tr ue impres sion o f the filth , ruin, and uninha bita blenes s, the defianc e of all c onsidera tions o f cle anlines s, ventila tion , and he alth which characterise the c onstruction o f this single dis trict , containing a t least twenty to thir ty thousand inha bitants . And such a district e xists in the he art of the sec ond city o f England , the firs t manufacturing city o f the w orld .” Add to tha t the long hours , the use o f child la bor, and e xposure to e xtreme c onditions o f he at, cold, and to xic chemic als, and it is no w onder tha t Marx and Eng els ref erre d to capitalism , which is a w ay of org anizing an econom y so tha t the things tha t are use d to mak e and transp ort pro ducts (such as land , oil, factories , ships , etc.) are o wne d by individual p eople and c omp anies ra ther than b y the g overnment , as the “ dicta torship o f the bourg eoisie .”4.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Society 105 FIGURE 4.7 Karl Marx (left) and F riedrich Eng els (right) anal yzed diff erences in social po wer betw een “ha ve” and “have-not ” groups . (Cr edit: (a) Wikimedia Commons; Phot o (b) Geor ge Lester/Wikimedia Commons) For Marx , wha t we do defines who w e are . In his toric al terms , in spite o f the p ersis tent na ture o f one clas s domina ting another , some element o f humanity e xisted. There w as a t least some c onnection b etween the worker and the pro duct , augmente d by the na tural c onditions o f seasons and the rise and fall o f the sun , such as w e see in an a gricultural so ciety . But with the b ourg eoisie rev olution and the rise o f indus try and c apitalism , the w orker no w w orked for w ages alone . His rela tionship to his eff orts w as no long er o f a human na ture , but based on ar tificial c onditions . Marx describ ed mo dern so ciety in terms o f aliena tion .Alienat ion refers to the c ondition in which the individual is isola ted and div orced from his or her so ciety , work, or the sense o f self. Marx define d four sp ecific types o f aliena tion . Aliena tion from the pro duct o f one ’s labor.An indus trial w orker do es not ha ve the opp ortunity to rela te to the product
🎭 Alienation and Social Construction
🔗 Alienation pervades modern work as laborers become disconnected from their products, processes, others, and ultimately themselves, creating a system where workers are merely interchangeable cogs in industrial machinery
🧠 False consciousness keeps workers from rebelling against their conditions, as they internalize the dominant ideology that benefits owners rather than developing class consciousness
📊 Rationalization, as described by Weber, creates efficient but dehumanizing systems where logic trumps morality, trapping individuals in an "iron cage" of bureaucracy and institutions
🏗️ Social construction of reality occurs through habituation and institutionalization, where humans collectively create and maintain social structures through repeated interactions
👥 Roles and statuses organize social life, with individuals navigating multiple positions simultaneously, sometimes experiencing role strain or conflict when expectations clash
🎬 Through impression management, people perform different roles in different contexts, presenting themselves strategically depending on the audience and situation
he la bors on . Ins tead o f training f or y ears as a w atchmak er, an unskille d worker can g et a job a t a watch factor y pres sing but tons to se al piec es tog ether . The w orker do es not c are if he is making w atches or cars, simply tha t the job e xists. In the same w ay, a w orker ma y not ev en kno w or c are wha t pro duct to which he is contributing . A w orker on a F ord as sembly line ma y sp end all da y ins talling windo ws on c ar do ors without ever seeing the res t of the c ar. A c anner y worker can sp end a lif etime cle aning fish without ev er kno wing wha t product the y are use d for. Aliena tion from the pro cess of one ’s labor.A worker do es not c ontrol the c onditions o f her job b ecause she do es not o wn the me ans o f pro duction . If a p erson is hire d to w ork in a fas t food res taurant , she is e xpecte d to mak e the f ood the w ay she is ta ught . All ingre dients mus t be combine d in a p articular order and in a p articular quantity; there is no ro om f or cre ativity or chang e. An emplo yee a t Burger King c annot decide to chang e the spic es use d on the fries in the same w ay tha t an emplo yee on a F ord as sembly line c annot decide to plac e a car’s he adlights in a diff erent p osition . Everything is decide d by the b ourg eoisie who then dicta te orders to the laborers . Aliena tion from others .Workers c omp ete, rather than c ooperate. Emplo yees vie f or time slots , bonuses , and job security . Even when a w orker clo cks out a t night and g oes home , the c omp etition do es not end . As Marx commente d in The C ommunis t Manif esto(1848), “N o so oner is the e xploita tion o f the la borer b y the manufacturer , so far a t an end , tha t he rec eives his w ages in c ash, than he is set up on b y the other p ortion o f the b ourg eoisie , the landlord , the shopk eeper, the p awnbrok er.” Aliena tion from one ’s self. A final outc ome o f indus trializa tion is a los s of connectivity b etween a w orker and her o ccup ation . Bec ause there is nothing tha t ties a w orker to her la bor, there is no long er a sense o f self.106 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Instead o f being a ble to tak e pride in an identity such as b eing a w atchmak er, automobile builder , or chef, a person is simply a c og in the machine . Taken as a whole , then , aliena tion in mo dern so ciety me ans tha t an individual has no c ontrol o ver his lif e. Even in feudal so cieties , a p erson c ontrolle d the manner o f his la bor as to when and ho w it w as c arrie d out . But wh y, then , does the mo dern w orking clas s not rise up and reb el? (Indee d, Marx pre dicte d tha t this w ould b e the ultima te outc ome and c ollapse o f capitalism .) Another ide a tha t Marx dev elop ed is the c oncept o ffalse c onsciousnes s. False c onsciousnes s is a c ondition in which the b eliefs , ide als, or ideolog y of a p erson are not in the p erson ’s own b est interes t. In fact , it is the ideolog y of the dominant clas s (here , the b ourg eoisie c apitalis ts) tha t is imp osed up on the proletaria t. Ide as such as the emphasis o f comp etition o ver cooperation , or o f hard w ork b eing its o wn rew ard, cle arly b enefit the o wners o f indus try. Theref ore, workers are les s lik ely to ques tion their plac e in so ciety and as sume individual resp onsibility f or e xisting c onditions . In order f or so ciety to o vercome false c onsciousnes s, Marx prop osed tha t it b e replac ed with clas s consciousnes s, the a warenes s of one ’s rank in so ciety . Ins tead o f existing as a “ clas s in itself, ” the proletaria t mus t become a “ clas s for itself ” in order to pro duce so cial chang e (Marx and Eng els 1848), me aning tha t instead o f jus t being an iner t strata of society , the clas s could b ecome an adv ocate for so cial impro vements . Only onc e so ciety entere d this s tate of politic al consciousnes s would it b e re ady f or a so cial rev olution . FIGURE 4.8 An as sembl y line w orker ins talls car par ts with the aid o f comple x machiner y. Has t echnolog y made this type o f labor mor e or les s alienating? (Cr edit: Car ol Highsmith/Wikimedia Commons) Max W eber and Symbolic Inter actionism While K arl Marx ma y be one o f the b est-kno wn think ers o f the nineteenth c entur y, Max W eber is c ertainly one of the gre atest influenc es in the field o f sociolog y. Lik e the other so cial think ers discus sed here , he w as concerne d with the imp ortant chang es taking plac e in W estern so ciety with the adv ent o f indus trializa tion . And , like Marx and Durkheim , he f eared tha t indus trializa tion w ould ha ve neg ative eff ects on individuals . Weber’s primar y focus on the s tructure o f society la y in the elements o f clas s, status, and p ower. Similar to Marx , Weber sa w clas s as ec onomic ally determine d. Society , he b eliev ed, was split b etween o wners and laborers . Sta tus, on the other hand , was b ased on nonec onomic factors such as e duc ation , kinship , and4.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Society 107 religion . Both s tatus and clas s determine d an individual ’s power, or influenc e over ide as. Unlik e Marx , Weber believ ed tha t these ide as forme d the b ase o f society . Weber’s analy sis o f mo dern so ciety c entere d on the c oncept o frationalizat ion. A ra tional so ciety is one built around logic and efficiency ra ther than morality or tradition . To Weber, capitalism is entirely ra tional . Although this le ads to efficiency and merit -based suc cess, it c an ha ve neg ative eff ects when tak en to the extreme . In some mo dern so cieties , this is seen when rigid routines and s trict design le ad to a mechaniz ed work en vironment and a f ocus on pro ducing identic al pro ducts in ev ery location . Another e xample o f the e xtreme c onditions o f rationality c an b e found in Charlie Chaplin ’s clas sic film Modern Times (1936). Chaplin ’s character p erforms a routine task to the p oint where he c annot s top his motions ev en while a way from the job . Indee d, today we ev en ha ve a rec ogniz ed me dical condition tha t results from such tasks , kno wn as “rep etitiv e stres s syndrome .” Weber w as also unlik e his pre decessors in tha t he w as more interes ted in ho w individuals e xperienc ed so cietal divisions than in the divisions themselv es. The s ymb olic interactionism theor y, the third o f the three mos t recogniz ed theories o f sociolog y, is b ased on W eber’s early ide as tha t emphasiz e the viewp oint o f the individual and ho w tha t individual rela tes to so ciety . For W eber, the culmina tion o f indus trializa tion , rationaliza tion , and the lik e results in wha t he ref erre d to as the iron c age, in which the individual is trapp ed by ins titutions and bure aucracy . This le ads to a sense o f “disenchantment o f the w orld ,” a phrase W eber use d to describ e the final c ondition o f humanity . Indee d a dark pre diction , but one tha t has , at least to some degree , been b orne out (Ger th and Mills 1918). In a ra tionaliz ed, mo dern so ciety , we ha ve sup ermark ets ins tead o f family -owne d stores . We ha ve chain res taurants ins tead o f local eateries . Sup erstores tha t offer a multitude o f merchandise ha ve replac ed indep endent busines ses tha t focuse d on one pro duct line , such as hardw are, groceries , automotiv e rep air, or clothing . Shopping malls o ffer retail s tores , res taurants , fitnes s centers , even condominiums . This chang e ma y be ra tional , but is it univ ersally desira ble? FIGURE 4.9 Cubicles ar e used t o maximiz e individual w orkspac e in an o ffice. Such s tructur es ma y be r ational , but they are also isolating . (Cr edit: Tim P atterson/flickr)108 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The Pr otestant W ork Ethic In a series o f essays in 1904, Max W eber pr esent ed the idea o f the Protestant w ork ethic , a ne w at titude t oward work based on the Cal vinis t principle o f predes tination. In the sixt eenth c entur y, Eur ope w as shak en b y the Protestant R evolution. R eligious leaders such as Mar tin L uther and John Cal vin ar gued ag ains t the Catholic Chur ch’s belief in sal vation thr ough obedienc e. While Catholic leaders emphasiz ed the impor tanc e of religious dogma and per forming g ood deeds as a g ateway to Hea ven, P rotestants belie ved that inner gr ace, or faith in God, was enough t o achie ve sal vation. John Cal vin in par ticular populariz ed the Chris tian c oncept of predes tination, the idea that al l events —including salvation—ha ve alr eady been decided b y God. Because f ollowers w ere ne ver sur e whether the y had been chosen to ent er Hea ven or Hel l, the y look ed for signs in their e veryday lives. If a person w as har d-working and successful, he w as lik ely to be one o f the chosen. If a person w as lazy or simpl y indiff erent, he w as lik ely to be one o f the damned. Weber ar gued that this mentality enc ouraged people t o work har d for personal g ain; aft er al l, wh y should one help the unf ortunat e if the y were alr eady damned? Ov er time , the P rotestant w ork ethic spr ead and became the foundation f or capitalism. 4.3 Social Constructions of R eality LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Interpr et the sociological c oncept of reality as a social c onstruct •Define r oles and describe their plac es in people ’s dail y int eractions •Explain ho w individuals pr esent themsel ves and per ceive themsel ves in a social c ontext FIGURE 4.10 Who ar e we? What r ole do w e pla y in society? Ac cording t o sociologis ts, we construct r eality thr ough our int eractions with others . In a w ay, our da y-to-day int eractions ar e lik e those o f act ors on a s tage. (Cr edit: Jan Lewando wski/flickr) Until no w, we’ve primarily discus sed the diff erenc es b etween so cieties . Rather than discus s their problemsBIG PICTURE4.3 • Social Cons tructions o f Reality 109 and c onfigura tions , we’ll no w explore ho w so ciety c ame to b e and ho w so ciologis ts view so cial interaction . In 1966 so ciologis ts Peter Berg er and Thomas L uckmann wrote a b ook c alledThe So cial C onstruction o f Reality . In it , the y argue d tha t society is cre ated by humans and human interaction , which the y call habitualizat ion. Ha bitualiza tion describ es ho w “any action tha t is rep eated fre quently b ecomes c ast into a pattern , which c an then b e … p erforme d again in the future in the same manner and with the same ec onomic al effort” (Berg er and L uckmann 1966). N ot only do w e construct our o wn so ciety but w e also ac cept it as it is because others ha ve cre ated it b efore us . Society is , in fact , “ha bit.” For e xample , your scho ol exists as a scho ol and not jus t as a building b ecause y ou and others a gree tha t it is a scho ol. If y our scho ol is older than y ou are , it w as cre ated by the a greement o f others b efore y ou. In a sense , it exists by consensus , both prior and current . This is an e xample o f the pro cess ofinstitutionalizat ion, the act of implanting a c onvention or norm into so ciety . Bear in mind tha t the ins titution , while so cially c onstructe d, is still quite re al. Another w ay of looking a t this c oncept is through W .I. Thomas’ s nota bleThomas theorem which s tates, “If men define situa tions as re al, the y are re al in their c onse quenc es” ( Thomas and Thomas 1928). Tha t is, people ’s behavior c an b e determine d by their subjectiv e construction o f reality ra ther than b y objectiv e re ality . For e xample , a teena ger who is rep eatedly giv en a la bel—overachiev er, pla yer, bum—might liv e up to the term even though it initially w asn’t a p art of his character . Like Berg er and L uckmann in their description o f habitualiza tion , Thomas s tates tha t our moral c odes and social norms are cre ated by “successive definitions o f the situa tion .” This c oncept is define d by so ciologis t Robert K. Mer ton as a self-fulfilling prophecy . Mer ton e xplains tha t with a self -fulfilling prophecy , even a false idea can b ecome tr ue if it is acte d up on. One e xample he giv es is o f a “b ank r un.” Sa y for some re ason , a numb er o f people falsely f ear tha t their b ank is so on to b e bankr upt. Bec ause o f this false notion , people r un to their b ank and demand all o f their c ash a t onc e. As b anks rarely , if ev er, have tha t much mone y on hand , the bank do es indee d run out o f mone y, fulfilling the cus tomers’ prophecy . Here , reality is c onstructe d by an ide a. Symb olic interactionis ts offer another lens through which to analyz e the so cial c onstruction o f reality . With a theoretic al persp ectiv e focuse d on the s ymb ols ( like langua ge, gestures , and ar tifacts) tha t people use to interact , this appro ach is interes ted in ho w people interpret those s ymb ols in daily interactions . For e xample , we might f eel fright a t seeing a p erson holding a gun , unles s, of course , it turns out to b e a p olice officer. Interactionis ts also rec ogniz e tha t langua ge and b ody langua ge reflect our v alues . One has only to le arn a foreign tongue to kno w tha t not ev ery English w ord c an b e easily transla ted into another langua ge. The same is true for g estures . While Americ ans might rec ogniz e a “ thumbs up ” as me aning “ great,” in German y it w ould mean “ one” and in J apan it w ould me an “fiv e.” Thus , our c onstruction o f reality is influenc ed by our s ymb olic interactions .110 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 4.11 The s tory line o f a self-fulfil ling pr ophecy appears in man y literary works, perhaps mos t famousl y in the s tory of Oedipus . Oedipus is t old b y an or acle that he wil l mur der his father and marr y his mother . In g oing out o f his w ay to avoid his fat e, Oedipus inadv ertently fulfil ls it. Oedipus’ s story illustrates one w ay in which members o f society c ontribut e to the social c onstruction o f reality . (Cr edit: Jean-Ant oine -Theodor e Gir oust/Wikimedia Commons) Roles and Status As y ou c an ima gine , people emplo y man y typ es o f behaviors in da y-to-day life.Roles are p atterns o f behavior that we rec ogniz e in e ach other tha t are representa tive of a p erson ’s so cial s tatus. Currently , while re ading this text, you are pla ying the role o f a s tudent . Ho wever, you also pla y other roles in y our lif e, such as “ daughter ,” “neighb or,” or “ emplo yee.” These v arious roles are e ach as sociated with a diff erent s tatus. Sociologis ts use the term status to describ e the resp onsibilities and b enefits tha t a p erson e xperienc es according to their rank and role in so ciety . Some s tatuses are ascrib ed—those y ou do not select , such as son , elderly p erson , or f emale . Others , calledachie ved statuses , are obtaine d by choic e, such as a high scho ol drop out, self -made millionaire , or nurse . As a da ughter or son , you o ccup y a diff erent s tatus than as a neighb or or emplo yee. One p erson c an b e as sociated with a multitude o f roles and s tatuses . Even a single s tatus such as “student ” has a c omple xrole -set , or arra y of roles , attache d to it (Mer ton 1957). It is imp ortant to note tha t status ref ers to the rank in so cial hierarch y, while role is the b ehavior e xpecte d of a p erson holding a c ertain status. If to o much is re quire d of a single role , individuals c an e xperienc erole s train . Consider the duties o f a p arent: cooking , cle aning , driving , problem-solving , acting as a sourc e of moral guidanc e—the lis t goes on . Similarly , a person c an e xperienc erole c onflict when one or more roles are c ontradictor y. A p arent who also has a full- time c areer c an e xperienc e role c onflict on a daily b asis . When there is a de adline a t the o ffice but a sick child needs to b e pick ed up from scho ol, which c omes firs t? When y ou are w orking to ward a promotion but y our children w ant y ou to c ome to their scho ol pla y, which do y ou cho ose? Being a c olleg e student c an c onflict with being an emplo yee, being an a thlete , or ev en b eing a friend . Our roles in lif e ha ve a gre at eff ect on our decisions and who w e become .4.3 • Social Cons tructions o f Reality 111 FIGURE 4.12 Parents o ften e xperienc e role s train or r ole c onflict as the y try to balanc e diff erent and o ften ur gent competing r esponsibilities . (Cr edit: R an Zwig enber g/flickr) Presentation of Self Of c ourse , it is imp ossible to lo ok inside a p erson ’s he ad and s tudy wha t role the y are pla ying . All we can obser ve is b ehavior , or role p erformanc e.Role p erformanc eis ho w a p erson e xpres ses his or her role . Sociologis t Erving Go ffman presente d the ide a tha t a p erson is lik e an actor on a s tage. Calling his theor y drama turg y, Go ffman b eliev ed tha t we use “impres sion mana gement ” to present ourselv es to others as w e hop e to b e perceived. Each situa tion is a new sc ene, and individuals p erform diff erent roles dep ending on who is present (Go ffman 1959). Think a bout the w ay you b ehave around y our c oworkers v ersus the w ay you b ehave around y our grandp arents
🎭 Social Role Performance
👥 Impression management shapes how we present ourselves in different contexts, using props, clothing, and behaviors to create specific perceptions
🪞 The looking-glass self theory explains how we develop our identity by imagining how others see us, then adjusting our self-concept based on their perceived reactions
👔 People maintain multiple roles simultaneously (host, friend, professional), creating potential for role conflict when expectations clash across different social positions
🎬 Social interactions function like theatrical performances with agreed-upon scripts where all participants must share a common understanding of the scene and their parts
🏗️ Reality is socially constructed through our definitions and interactions, with our perceptions of others influencing both their actions and our responses to them
🔄 Self-fulfilling prophecies emerge when our expectations about situations or people shape outcomes that confirm our initial beliefs
v ersus the w ay you b ehave with a blind da te. Even if y ou’re not c onsciously tr ying to alter y our p ersonality , your grandp arents , coworkers, and da te prob ably see diff erent sides o f you. As in a pla y, the set ting ma tters as w ell. If y ou ha ve a group o f friends o ver to y our house f or dinner , you are playing the role o f a hos t. It is a gree d up on tha t you will pro vide f ood and se ating and prob ably b e stuck with a lot o f the cle anup a t the end o f the night . Similarly , your friends are pla ying the roles o f gues ts, and the y are expecte d to resp ect y our prop erty and an y rules y ou ma y set f orth (“Don ’t leave the do or op en or the c at will g et out.”). In an y sc ene, there nee ds to b e a share d re ality b etween pla yers. In this c ase, if y ou view y ourself as a gues t and others view y ou as a hos t, there are lik ely to b e problems . Impres sion mana gement is a critic al comp onent o f symb olic interactionism . For e xample , a judg e in a courtroom has man y “props” to cre ate an impres sion o f fairnes s, gra vity, and c ontrol—lik e their rob e and gavel. Those entering the c ourtroom are e xpecte d to adhere to the sc ene b eing set . Just ima gine the “impres sion ” tha t can b e made b y ho w a p erson dres ses. This is the re ason tha t attorne ys fre quently select the hairs tyle and app arel f or witnes ses and def endants in c ourtroom pro ceedings .112 4 • Society and Social Int eraction Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 4.13 A judg e’s gavel is kno wn as a pr op designed t o add gr avity and c eremon y to the pr oceedings . (Cr edit: Brian T urner /flickr) Goffman ’s drama turg y ide as e xpand on the ide as o f Charles C ooley and the looking -glas s self . According to Cooley, we base our ima ge on wha t we think other p eople see (C ooley 1902). W e ima gine ho w w e mus t app ear to others , then re act to this sp ecula tion . We don c ertain clothes , prep are our hair in a p articular manner , wear mak eup, use c ologne , and the lik e—all with the notion tha t our presenta tion o f ourselv es is g oing to a ffect ho w others p erceive us . We expect a c ertain re action , and , if lucky , we get the one w e desire and f eel g ood about it . But more than tha t, Cooley believ ed tha t our sense o f self is b ased up on this ide a: w e ima gine ho w w e look to others , dra w conclusions b ased up on their re actions to us , and then w e dev elop our p ersonal sense o f self. In other w ords , people ’s reactions to us are lik e a mirror in which w e are reflecte d.4.3 • Social Cons tructions o f Reality 113 Key T erms achie ved status the s tatus a p erson cho oses , such as a lev el of educ ation or inc ome agricultural so ciet ies societies tha t rely on farming as a w ay of life alienat ion an individual ’s isola tion from his so ciety , his w ork, and his sense o f self anomie a situa tion in which so ciety no long er has the supp ort of a firm c ollectiv e consciousnes s ascrib ed status the s tatus outside o f an individual ’s control , such as se x or rac e bourgeoisie the o wners o f the me ans o f pro duction in a so ciety capitalism a way of org anizing an ec onom y so tha t the things tha t are use d to mak e and transp ort pro ducts (such as land , oil, factories , ships , etc .) are o wne d by individual p eople and c omp anies ra ther than b y the government clas s consciousnes s the a warenes s of one ’s rank in so ciety collect ive conscienc e the c ommunal b eliefs , morals , and a ttitudes o f a so ciety false c onsciousnes s a person ’s beliefs and ideolog y tha t are in c onflict with her b est interes ts feudal so ciet ies societies tha t op erate on a s trict hierarchic al system o f power b ased around land ownership and protection habitualizat ion the ide a tha t society is c onstructe d by us and those b efore us , and it is f ollowed lik e a ha bit hor ticultural so ciet ies societies b ased around the cultiv ation o f plants hunter -gatherer so ciet ies societies tha t dep end on hunting wild animals and g athering uncultiv ated plants for sur vival indus trial so ciet ies societies characteriz ed by a relianc e on mechaniz ed labor to cre ate ma terial g oods informat ion so ciet ies societies b ased on the pro duction o f nonma terial g oods and ser vices institutionalizat ion the act o f implanting a c onvention or norm into so ciety iron c age a situa tion in which an individual is trapp ed by so cial ins titutions looking -glas s self our reflection o f ho w w e think w e app ear to others mechanic al solidarit y a typ e of social order maintaine d by the c ollectiv e consciousnes s of a culture organic solidarit y a typ e of social order b ased around an ac ceptanc e of economic and so cial diff erenc es pastoral so ciet ies societies b ased around the domes tication o f animals proletariat the la borers in a so ciety rationalizat ion a belief tha t mo dern so ciety should b e built around logic and efficiency ra ther than morality or tradition role c onflict a situa tion when one or more o f an individual ’s roles clash role p erformanc e the e xpres sion o f a role role s train stres s tha t occurs when to o much is re quire d of a single role role -set an arra y of roles a ttache d to a p articular s tatus roles patterns o f behavior tha t are representa tive of a p erson ’s so cial s tatus self-fulfilling prophecy an ide a tha t becomes tr ue when acte d up on social integrat ion how strongly a p erson is c onnecte d to his or her so cial group societ y a group o f people who liv e in a defina ble c ommunity and share the same culture status the resp onsibilities and b enefits tha t a p erson e xperienc es ac cording to his or her rank and role in society Thomas theorem how a subjectiv e re ality c an driv e ev ents to dev elop in ac cordanc e with tha t reality , despite b eing originally unsupp orted by objectiv e re ality Section Summary 4.1 Types of Societies Societies are clas sifie d ac cording to their dev elopment and use o f technolog y. For mos t of human his tory, people liv ed in preindus trial so cieties characteriz ed by limite d technolog y and lo w pro duction o f goods. After the Indus trial R evolution , man y so cieties b ased their ec onomies around mechaniz ed labor, leading to gre ater114 4 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. profits and a trend to ward gre ater so cial mobility . At the turn o f the new millennium , a new typ e of society emerg ed. This p ostindus trial , or inf orma tion , society is built on digital technolog y and nonma terial g oods. 4.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Society Émile Durkheim b eliev ed tha t as so cieties adv ance, the y mak e the transition from mechanic al to org anic solidarity . For K arl Marx , society e xists in terms o f clas s conflict . With the rise o f capitalism , workers b ecome aliena ted from themselv es and others in so ciety . Sociologis t Max W eber note d tha t the ra tionaliza tion o f society c an b e tak en to unhe alth y extremes . 4.3 Social Constructions of R eality Society is b ased on the so cial c onstruction o f reality . Ho w w e define so ciety influenc es ho w so ciety actually is . Likewise , how w e see other p eople influenc es their actions as w ell as our actions to ward them . We all tak e on various roles throughout our liv es, and our so cial interactions dep end on wha t typ es o f roles w e as sume , who we as sume them with , and the sc ene where interaction tak es plac e. Section Quiz 4.1 Types of Societies 1.Which o f the f ollowing fictional so cieties is an e xample o f a p astoral so ciety? a.The Des wan p eople , who liv e in small trib es and b ase their ec onom y on the pro duction and trade o f textiles b.The R ositian Clan , a small c ommunity o f farmers who ha ve liv ed on their family ’s land f or c enturies c.The Hunti , a w andering group o f nomads who sp ecializ e in bree ding and training horses d.The Ama ganda, an e xtende d family o f warriors who ser ve a single noble family 2.Which o f the f ollowing o ccup ations is a p erson o f power mos t lik ely to ha ve in an inf orma tion so ciety? a.Software engineer b.Coal miner c.Children ’s book a uthor d.Sharecropp er 3.Which o f the f ollowing so cieties w ere the firs t to ha ve permanent residents? a.Indus trial b.Hunter -gatherer c.Hor ticultural d.Feudal 4.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Society 4.Organic solidarity is mos t lik ely to e xist in which o f the f ollowing typ es o f societies? a.Hunter -gatherer b.Indus trial c.Agricultural d.Feudal 5.According to Marx , the _____ o wn the me ans o f pro duction in a so ciety . a.proletaria t b.vassals c.bourg eoisie d.anomie4 • Section Quiz 115 6.Which o f the f ollowing b est depicts Marx ’s concept o f aliena tion from the pro cess of one ’s labor? a.A sup ermark et cashier alw ays scans s tore c oup ons b efore c omp any coup ons b ecause she w as ta ught to do it tha t way. b.A busines sman f eels tha t he deser ves a raise , but is ner vous to ask his mana ger for one; ins tead, he comf orts himself with the ide a tha t hard w ork is its o wn rew ard. c.An as sociate pro fessor is a fraid tha t she w on’t be giv en tenure and s tarts spre ading r umors a bout one of her as sociates to mak e herself lo ok b etter. d.A construction w orker is laid o ff and tak es a job a t a fas t food res taurant temp orarily , although he has never had an interes t in prep aring f ood before. 7.The P rotes tant w ork ethic is b ased on the c oncept o f pre destina tion , which s tates tha t ________. a.performing g ood dee ds in lif e is the only w ay to secure a sp ot in He aven b.salv ation is only achiev able through ob edienc e to Go d c.no p erson c an b e sa ved before he or she ac cepts J esus Chris t as his or her sa vior d.God has alre ady chosen those who will b e sa ved and those who will b e damne d 8.The c oncept o f the iron c age was p opulariz ed by which o f the f ollowing so ciologic al think ers? a.Max W eber b.Karl Marx c.Émile Durkheim d.Friedrich Eng els 9.Émile Durkheim ’s ide as a bout so ciety c an b est be describ ed as ________. a.functionalis t b.conflict theoris t c.symb olic interactionis t d.rationalis t 4.3 Social Constructions of R eality 10.Mar y works full-time a t an o ffice do wnto wn while her y oung children s tay at a neighb or’s house . She ’s jus t learne d tha t the childc are pro vider is le aving the c ountr y. Mar y has suc cumb ed to pres sure to v olunteer a t her church , plus her ailing mother -in-la w will b e mo ving in with her ne xt month . Which o f the f ollowing is likely to o ccur as Mar y tries to b alanc e her e xisting and new resp onsibilities? a.Role c onflict b.Self -fulfilling prophecy c.Status c onflict d.Status s train 11.According to P eter Berg er and Thomas L uckmann , society is b ased on ________. a.habitual actions b.status c.institutionaliza tion d.role p erformanc e116 4 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.Paco kno ws tha t women find him a ttractiv e, and he ’s nev er found it hard to g et a da te. But as he a ges, he dyes his hair to hide the gra y and w ears clothes tha t camoufla ge the w eight he has put on . Paco’s behavior can b e best explaine d by the c oncept o f ___________. a.role s train b.the lo oking-glas s self c.role p erformanc e d.habitualiza tion Short Answer 4.1 Types of Societies 1.In which typ e or typ es o f societies do the b enefits seem to outw eigh the c osts? Explain y our ans wer, and cite social and ec onomic re asons . 2.Is Gerhard Lenski right in clas sifying so cieties b ased on technologic al adv ances? Wha t other criteria might be appropria te, based on wha t you ha ve re ad? 4.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Society 3.Cho ose tw o of the three so ciologis ts discus sed here (Durkheim , Marx , Weber), and use their arguments to explain a current so cial ev ent such as the Oc cup y mo vement . Do their theories hold up under mo dern scrutin y? 4.Think o f the w ays workers are aliena ted from the pro duct and pro cess of their jobs . Ho w can these c oncepts be applie d to s tudents and their e ducations? 4.3 Social Constructions of R eality 5.Draw a larg e circle , and then “ slice” the circle into piec es lik e a pie , labeling e ach piec e with a role or s tatus that you o ccup y. Add as man y statuses , ascrib ed and achiev ed, tha t you ha ve. Don ’t forget things lik e dog owner , gardener , tra veler, student , runner , emplo yee. Ho w man y statuses do y ou ha ve? In which ones are there role c onflicts? 6.Think o f a self -fulfilling prophecy tha t you’ve experienc ed. Base d on this e xperienc e, do y ou a gree with the Thomas theorem? U se e xamples from current ev ents to supp ort your ans wer as w ell. Further R esear ch 4.1 Types of Societies The Maasai are a mo dern p astoral so ciety with an ec onom y larg ely s tructure d around herds o f cattle.Read more a bout the Maasai p eople and see pictures o f their daily liv es here (http://openstax.org/l/The -Maasai) . 4.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Society One o f the mos t influential piec es o f writing in mo dern his tory was K arl Marx and F riedrich Eng els’ The Communis t Manif esto.Visit this site to re ad the original do cument tha t spurre d rev olutions around the world .(http://openstax.org/l/Communis t-Party) 4.3 Social Constructions of R eality TV Tropes(http://openstax.org/l/tv -trop es)is a w ebsite where users identif y concepts tha t are c ommonly use d in litera ture , film , and other me dia. A lthough its tone is f or the mos t part humorous , the site pro vides a g ood jumping-o ff point f or rese arch . Bro wse the lis t of examples under the entr y of “self-fulfilling prophecy .” Pay careful a ttention to the re al-lif e examples . Are there ones tha t surprise d you or tha t you don ’t agree with?4 • Shor t Ans wer 117 References Intr oduction Maasai As sociation . “Facing the Lion .” Retriev ed Januar y 4, 2012 ( http://www.maasai-as sociation .org/ lion .html). 4.1 Types of Societies Immigra tion and R efug ee Bo ard o f Canada. 2005. “Israel: T reatment o f Be douin , Including Incidents o f Haras sment , Discrimina tion or A ttacks; Sta te Protection (J anuar y 2003– July 2005)” , Refworld , July 29. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.unhcr .org/refw orld/do cid/440e d71325.html). Kjeilen , Tore. “Be douin .” Lo okle x.com. Retriev ed February 17, 2012 ( http://lookle x.com/inde x.htm). Univ ersity o f Michig an. n.d. "The Curse o f Oil in Og oniland" . Retriev ed Januar y 2, 2015 (http://www.umich .edu/~snre492/c ases _03-04/Og oni/Og oni_ case_study .htm). 4.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Society Durkheim , Émile . 1960 [1893]. The Division o f Labor in So ciety . Transla ted by Georg e Simpson . New Y ork: Free P ress. Durkheim , Émile . 1982 [1895]. The R ules o f the So ciologic al Metho d. Transla ted by W. D. Halls . New Y ork: F ree Press. Eng els, Friedrich . 1892. The C ondition o f the W orking-Clas s in England in 1844 . London: Sw an Sonnenschein & Co. Geographia. 1998. “ The Be douin W ay.” Geograpia. com. Retriev ed Januar y 4, 2012 (http://www.geographia. com/eg ypt/sinai/b edouin02.htm). Gerth, H. H., and C . Wright Mills . 1946. From Max W eber: Es says in So ciolog y. New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity Press. Marx , Karl and F riedrich Eng els. 1998 [1848]. The C ommunis t Manif esto. New Y ork: P enguin Group . 4.3 Social Constructions of R eality Berg er, P. L., and T . Luckmann . 1966. The So cial C onstruction o f Reality: A T reatise in the So ciolog y of Knowledge. Garden City , NY : Anchor Bo oks. Cooley, Charles H. 1902. Human N ature and the So cial Order . New Y ork: Scribner 's. Goffman , Erving . 1959. The P resenta tion o f Self In E veryday Lif e. New Y ork: Double day. Mer ton, Robert K. 1957. “ The R ole-Set: P roblems in So ciologic al Theor y.”British J ournal o f Sociolog y 8(2):110–113. Thomas , W.I., and D .S. Thomas . 1928. The Child in Americ a: Beha vior P roblems and P rograms . New Y ork: Knopf.118 4 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 5.1 Emer gency w orkers ar e prepar ed to treat patients with a wide arr ay of illnes ses and injuries . Beyond their medical tr aining , the y build skil ls in decision making , team work, c ommunication, and s tress manag ement. These abilities can be e xtremel y valuable thr oughout the w orkers' life and car eers , even if the y mo ve int o other areas o f emplo yment. Ho wever, fas t and efficient decision making doesn 't always translat e to les s int ense environments . (Cr edit: C OD Ne wsroom/Flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 5.1 Theories o f Self-De velopment 5.2 Why Socialization Mat ters 5.3 Agents o f Socialization 5.4 Socialization Acr oss the Lif e Course When N oel w as fifteen , the y sa w a fly er a bout joining the v olunteer ambulanc e corps . Noel was intrigue d: The y had an interes t in pursuing me dicine , and lik ed volunteering , but ambulanc e work seeme d lik e something f or older p eople with pro fessional training . At the inf orma tion ses sion , Noel le arne d that junior memb ers o f the ambulanc e corps c ould help with supplies and c ommunic ations , and w ere allo wed to ride on ambulanc e calls to as sist the Emerg ency Me dical Technicians (EMT s). N oel w as thrille d and signe d up right a way. Noel w as amaz ed by ho w confidently the EMT s—some jus t a few y ears older than N oel—made c onse quential5Socializ ation decisions . The EMT s relie d he avily on their training and guidelines , but the y did so quickly . And up on arriving at the hospital with a p atient , Noel w as similarly imp acte d by the efficiency o f the nurses , doctors , and other staff. N oel dev elop ed a deep lev el of resp ect f or tha t lev el of decisiv enes s and the e xpertise it re quire d. Over their c olleg e years, Noel found themselv es dra wn to ward the more s trategic asp ects o f me dicine , and pursue d a degree in he althc are adminis tration . Me anwhile , the y did g et an EMT c ertific ation and joine d the colleg e emerg ency ser vices te am; la ter on , while in grad scho ol, Noel w as a p art-time pro fessional EMT in a small city . With g ood grades and v arie d experienc
🏥 Cultural Adaptation in Healthcare
🚨 Urgency vs. process creates tension when Noel, an EMT-turned-administrator, discovers a $250,000 billing error and alerts multiple departments immediately, clashing with the hospital's methodical culture
🔄 Socialization shapes how individuals learn to function within organizational cultures through observation, adaptation, and understanding shared values and norms
👥 Self-development theories from both psychological perspectives (Freud, Erikson, Piaget) and sociological views (Cooley, Mead) explain how people develop identities through social interaction
🧠 Moral development progresses through stages (Kohlberg's preconventional, conventional, and postconventional), with potential gender differences in moral reasoning as suggested by Gilligan
🌉 Cultural integration requires mutual effort from both new employees and organizations, as failure to properly incorporate workers leads to value rejection and eventual separation
⚖️ The conflict illustrates the shared responsibility between individuals adapting to new environments and organizations providing proper onboarding to their cultural practices
e, Noel w as recr uite d into a gre at job sev eral s tates a way. After interning in an urb an hospital and sp ending y ears as an EMT , Noel had c ome to e xpect a degree o f urgency in me dicine . Hospital adminis tration w as c ertainly not an ambulanc e facility , but the slo w pace of Noel's job w as a gonizing . Every inventor y lis t, bill o f lading , email reply , and ev en meeting sche dule w ent through a t sev eral p eople f or appro val. Noel enjo yed the job , but w as use d to w orking more quickly . One da y, Noel w as lo oking o ver an e quipment bill and notic ed a serious error tha t no one else had c aught . Nearly $250,000 in o verpayment w as a bout to b e paid to a supplier . Noel imme diately c alled the ac counting dep artment . No ans wer. Then the y sent a group Slack mes sage and fire d off an email to their b oss and a f ew other p eople in volved with the billing and p ayment pro cess. Noel w as a bout to he ad acros s the building to addres s the is sue in p erson , but finally a mes sage popp ed up: " Good eye, Noel. We'll hold this p ayment until w e clear things up ." Toward the end o f the da y, Noel rec eived a mes sage from their mana ger, Tracy , asking them to s top b y. Tracy 's office was cro wded with three other p eople , including the director o f accounting . Exp ecting to b e congra tula ted, Noel w as sho cked when T racy b egan outlining all the things N oel had done wrong . "Your frantic mes saging and o ver-the -top langua ge was incre dibly disr uptiv e...almos t irresp onsible ," Tracy said . "But I w as right ," Noel replie d in a louder v oice than the y intende d. "Right or wrong ," Tracy said , "you should ha ve told y our c ontact in ac counting and w aite d to see the outc ome . Instead, you p anick ed." "I did c all ac counting , but when I didn 't he ar b ack, I nee ded to tak e the ne xt step. I w asn't panicking; I w as being decisiv e." As N oel said this , the y were thinking o f all the times the y had sa ved someone 's lif e by making good decisions . Tracy sighe d. "Decisiv enes s isn 't good when it 's disr uptiv e. You c aused fiv e people to drop ev erything and s tart investigating . A f ew thought it w as their fa ult." Noel started to protes t but T racy sho ok her he ad. "I unders tand that you are c oming from a fas ter-paced en vironment , and I c an tell y ou've been fr ustrated. But if y ou're g oing to w ork here , you're g oing to ha ve to w ork within our culture . Ins tead o f pushing a gains t ho w w e do things , try to apprecia te them . Other wise , no one will b e happ y, least of all y ou." Tracy told N oel to tak e the ev ening to think a bout it and c ome b ack f or a talk the ne xt morning . Who w as c orrect in this situa tion? N oel sa ved the hospital hundre ds o f thousands o f dollars , or a t least the hours o f mana ging the refund pro cess. Tracy , with bro ader resp onsibilities , was c onsidering the long-term imp acts o f Noel's s tyle, and ho w N oel, as a talente d memb er o f the te am, will function within the te am. Tracy w as c oncerne d about the org aniza tion ’s culture . Culture , as discus sed in the chapter on the topic , is the share d beliefs , values and practic es o f a group . Countries , societies , religions , and sp orts te ams all ha ve culture , and c omp anies do , too. When y ou inter view f or a job , it will lik ely c ome up . Researchers who s tudy organiza tions find tha t when w orkers aren 't prop erly inc orporated into the c orporate culture , the y begin a cycle o f mutual disapp ointment , where w orkers are lik ely to reject c omp any values and ultima tely le ave or b e fired (C ebollero 2019). Why didn 't Noel enjo y the job , and wh y were p eople put o ff by Noel's appro ach? F or the mos t part, Noel w asn't120 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. prep ared for the p acing and s tyle; their previous e xperienc e was in opp osition to the culture o f the hospital . Comp any culture is e asier to le arn if someone is pre disp osed to it , while others might nee d time to unle arn past behaviors (Schein 1988). Exp erts indic ate tha t the resp onsibility f or such adapta tion is share d between the new emplo yee and the c omp any. How could N oel ha ve learne d, and wha t could T racy ha ve done to help? C omp any culture is le arne d the same way tha t other typ es o f culture are le arne d: through obser ving and adapting to the norms and v alues , unders tanding and applying b eliefs , and , in g eneral , seeking to b e pro ductiv e as a memb er o f the group . Just like a child le arns ho w to b ehave during a pla y-date or scho ol da y, people le arn to b e pro ductiv e partners through an ong oing pro cess called so cializa tion . Socializat ion is the pro cess through which p eople are ta ught to b e pro ficient memb ers o f a so ciety . It describ es the w ays tha t people c ome to unders tand so cietal norms and e xpecta tions , to ac cept so ciety ’s beliefs , and to b e aware o f societal v alues .Socializa tion is not the same as socializing (interacting with others , like family and friends); to b e precise , it is a so ciologic al pro cess tha t occurs through so cializing . While N oel's s tory is a bout a rela tively adv anced stage of life, socializa tion is cr ucial f or e arly childho od. Even the mos t basic o f human activities are le arne d. Learning to cra wl and then w alk are major miles tones , but as any parent , guardian , or family memb er o f a to ddler kno ws, other minor ac complishments c an b e life-altering for the child: climbing s tairs , safely g etting out o f bed, sitting in a regular chair , and drinking from a regular cup. Lik ewise , family b ehaviors and v alues mus t be learne d, sometimes through obser vation and sometimes through activ e ins truction . In the f ollowing sections , we will e xamine the imp ortanc e of the c omple x pro cess of socializa tion and ho w it takes plac e through interaction with man y individuals , groups , and so cial ins titutions . We will e xplore ho w socializa tion is not only critic al to children as the y dev elop but ho w it is also a lif elong pro cess through which we become prep ared for new so cial en vironments and e xpecta tions in ev ery stage of our liv es. But firs t, we will turn to scholarship a bout self -dev elopment , the pro cess of coming to rec ogniz e a sense o f self, a “ self” tha t is then a ble to b e so cializ ed. 5.1 Theories of Self -Development LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e ps ychological and sociological theories o f self-de velopment •Explain the pr ocess of mor al de velopment When w e are b orn, we ha ve a g enetic mak eup and biologic al traits . Ho wever, who w e are as human b eings develops through so cial interaction . Man y scholars , both in the fields o f psycholog y and in so ciolog y, have describ ed the pro cess of self -dev elopment as a precursor to unders tanding ho w tha t “self” becomes so cializ ed. Psychological P erspectives on Self -Development Psychoanaly st Sigmund F reud (1856–1939) w as one o f the mos t influential mo dern scientis ts to put f orth a theor y about ho w people dev elop a sense o f self. He divide d the ma tura tion pro cess into s tages, and p osite d that people ’s self -dev elopment is closely link ed to their e arly s tages o f dev elopment . According to F reud , failure to prop erly eng age in or diseng age from a sp ecific s tage results in emotional and psychologic al conse quenc es throughout adultho od. Psychologis t Erik Erikson (1902–1994) cre ated a theor y of personality dev elopment b ased, in p art, on the w ork of Freud . Ho wever, Erikson b eliev ed the p ersonality c ontinue d to chang e over time and w as nev er tr uly finishe d. His theor y includes eight s tages o f dev elopment , beginning with bir th and ending with de ath. According to Erikson , people mo ve through these s tages throughout their liv es. In c ontras t to F reud ’s focus on psychose xual s tages and b asic human urg es, Erikson ’s view o f self -dev elopment g ave cre dit to more so cial aspects , like the w ay we neg otia te between our o wn b ase desires and wha t is so cially ac cepte d (Erikson 1982).5.1 • Theories o f Self-De velopment 121 Jean Pia get (1896–1980) w as a ps ychologis t who f ocuse d on the role o f social interactions in child development . He rec ogniz ed tha t the dev elopment o f self ev olved through a neg otia tion b etween the w orld as it exists in one ’s mind and the w orld tha t exists as it is e xperienc ed so cially (Pia get 1954). A ll three o f these think ers ha ve contribute d to our mo dern unders tanding o f self -dev elopment . Sociology or Psy chology : What’ s the Diff erence? You might be w ondering: if sociologis ts and ps ychologis ts ar e both int erested in people and their beha vior, how are these tw o disciplines diff erent? What do the y agr ee on, and wher e do their ideas div erge? The ans wers ar e complicat ed, but the dis tinction is impor tant t o scholars in both fields . As a g ener al diff erence, we might sa y that while both disciplines ar e int erested in human beha vior, psychologis ts are focused on ho w the mind influenc es that beha vior, while sociologis ts study the r ole o f society in shaping beha vior. Psychologis ts ar e int erested in people ’s mental de velopment and ho w their minds pr ocess their w orld. Sociologis ts ar e mor e lik ely to focus on ho w diff erent aspects o f society c ontribut e to an individual ’s relationship with his w orld. Another w ay to think o f the diff erence is that ps ychologis ts tend t o look in ward (mental heal th, emotional pr ocesses), while sociologis ts tend t o look outw ard (social ins titutions , cul tural norms , interactions with others) t o unders tand human beha vior. Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) w as the firs t to mak e this dis tinction in r esear ch, when he at tribut ed diff erences in suicide r ates among people t o social causes (r eligious diff erences) r ather than t o ps ychological causes (lik e their mental w ellbeing ) (Durkheim 1897). T oday, we see this same dis tinction. F or example , a sociologis t studying ho w a couple g ets t o the point o f their firs t kis s on a dat e might f ocus her r esear ch on cul tural norms f or dating , social patterns o f sexual activity o ver time , or ho w this pr ocess is diff erent f or seniors than f or teens . A ps ychologis t would mor e lik ely be int erested in the person ’s earlies t sexual a warenes s or the mental pr ocessing o f sexual desir e. Sometimes sociologis ts and ps ychologis ts ha ve collabor ated to incr ease kno wledg e. In r ecent decades , however, their fields ha ve bec ome mor e clearl y separ ated as sociologis ts incr easingl y focus on lar ge societal is sues and patterns , while ps ychologis ts remain honed in on the human mind. Both disciplines mak e valuable c ontributions through diff erent appr oaches that pr ovide us with diff erent types o f useful insights . Sociological Theories of Self -Development One o f the pioneering c ontributors to so ciologic al persp ectiv es w as Charles C ooley (1864–1929). He as serted that people ’s self unders tanding is c onstructe d, in p art, by their p erception o f ho w others view them—a process terme d “the lo oking glas s self ” (Cooley 1902). Later, Georg e Herb ert Me ad (1863–1931) s tudie d the self , a p erson ’s dis tinct identity tha t is dev elop ed through social interaction . In order to eng age in this pro cess of “self, ” an individual has to b e able to view him or herself through the e yes o f others . Tha t’s not an a bility tha t we are b orn with (Me ad 1934). Through so cializa tion w e learn to put ourselv es in someone else 's sho es and lo ok a t the w orld through their p ersp ectiv e. This as sists us in b ecoming self -aware, as w e look a t ourselv es from the p ersp ectiv e of the " other ." The c ase o f Danielle , for example , illus trates wha t happ ens when so cial interaction is a bsent from e arly e xperienc e: Danielle had no ability to see herself as others w ould see her . From Me ad’s point o f view , she had no “ self. ” How do w e go from b eing newb orns to b eing humans with “ selv es?” Me ad b eliev ed tha t there is a sp ecific p ath of dev elopment tha t all p eople g o through . During the prep aratory stage, children are only c apable o f imita tion: they ha ve no a bility to ima gine ho w others see things . The y copy the actions o f people with whom the y regularly interact , such as their c aregiv ers. This is f ollowed by the pla y stage, during which children b egin to take on the role tha t one other p erson might ha ve. Thus , children might tr y on a p arent ’s point o f view b ySOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH122 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. acting out “ grownup ” behavior , like pla ying dres s-up and acting out the “mom ” role , or talking on a to y telephone the w ay the y see adults do . During the g ame s tage, children le arn to c onsider sev eral roles a t the same time and ho w those roles interact with e ach other . The y learn to unders tand interactions in volving diff erent p eople with a v ariety o f purp oses . For e xample , a child a t this s tage is lik ely to b e aware o f the diff erent resp onsibilities o f people in a res taurant who tog ether mak e for a smo oth dining e xperienc e (someone se ats you, another tak es y our order , someone else c ooks the f ood, while y et another cle ars a way dir ty dishes). Finally , children dev elop , unders tand , and le arn the ide a of the generaliz ed other , the c ommon b ehavioral expecta tions o f general so ciety . By this s tage of dev elopment , an individual is a ble to ima gine ho w he or she is view ed by one or man y others —and thus , from a so ciologic al persp ectiv e, to ha ve a “ self” (Me ad 1934; Me ad 1964). Kohlberg’ s Theory of Mor al Development Moral de velopment is an imp ortant p art of the so cializa tion pro cess. The term ref ers to the w ay people le arn wha t society c onsidere d to b e “good” and “b ad,” which is imp ortant f or a smo othly functioning so ciety . Moral development prev ents p eople from acting on uncheck ed urg es, ins tead c onsidering wha t is right f or so ciety and g ood for others . Lawrenc e Kohlb erg (1927–1987) w as interes ted in ho w people le arn to decide wha t is right and wha t is wrong . To unders tand this topic , he dev elop ed a theor y of moral dev elopment tha t includes three lev els: prec onventional , conventional , and p ostconventional . In the prec onventional s tage, young children , who lack a higher lev el of cognitiv e ability , experienc e the w orld around them only through their senses . It isn ’t until the teen y ears tha t the c onventional theor y dev elops , when youngs ters b ecome incre asingly a ware o f others’ f eelings and tak e those into c onsidera tion when determining wha t’s “good” and “b ad.” The final s tage, called postconventional , is when p eople b egin to think o f morality in abstract terms , such as Americ ans b elieving tha t everyone has the right to lif e, liberty, and the pursuit o f happines s. At this s tage, people also rec ogniz e tha t leg ality and morality do not alw ays ma tch up ev enly (Kohlb erg 1981). When hundre ds o f thousands o f Egyptians turne d out in 2011 to protes t government corruption , the y were using p ostconventional morality . The y unders tood tha t although their g overnment w as legal, it w as not morally c orrect . Gilligan’ s Theory of Mor al Development and Gender Another so ciologis t, Carol Gillig an (1936–), rec ogniz ed tha t Kohlb erg’s theor y might sho w gender bias sinc e his rese arch w as only c onducte d on male subjects . Would f emales s tudy subjects ha ve resp onde d diff erently? Would a f emale so cial scientis t notic e diff erent p atterns when analyzing the rese arch? T o ans wer the firs t ques tion , she set out to s tudy diff erenc es b etween ho w boys and girls dev elop ed morality . Gillig an’s rese arch sugg ested tha t boys and girls do ha ve diff erent unders tandings o f morality . Boys app eared to ha ve a jus tice persp ectiv e, by placing emphasis on r ules and la ws. Girls , on the other hand , seem to ha ve a c are and resp onsibility p ersp ectiv e; the y consider p eople ’s reasons b ehind b ehavior tha t seems morally wrong . While Gillig an is c orrect tha t Kohlb erg’s rese arch should ha ve include d both male and f emale subjects , her study has b een scientific ally discre dite d due to its small sample siz e. The results Gillig an note d in this s tudy also ha ve not b een replic ated by subse quent rese archers . The diff erenc es Gillig an obser ved were not an is sue of the dev elopment o f morality , but an is sue o f socializa tion . Diff erenc es in b ehavior b etween males and females is the result o f gender so cializa tion tha t teaches b oys and girls so cietal norms and b ehaviors e xpecte d of them b ased on their se x (see “ Wha t a P retty Lit tle Lady ”). Gillig an also rec ogniz ed tha t Kohlb erg’s theor y res ted on the as sumption tha t the jus tice persp ectiv e was the right , or b etter, persp ectiv e. Gillig an, in c ontras t, theoriz ed tha t neither p ersp ectiv e was “b etter”: the tw o norms o f jus tice ser ved diff erent purp oses . Ultima tely, she e xplaine d tha t boys are so cializ ed for a w ork environment where r ules mak e op erations r un smo othly , while girls are so cializ ed for a home en vironment5.1 • Theories o f Self-De velopment 123 where fle xibility allo ws for harmon y in c aretaking and nur turing (Gillig an 1982; Gillig an 1990). What a Pr etty Little Lady! “What a cut e dress!” “I lik e the ribbons in y our hair .” “Wow, you look so pr etty today.” According t
🎭 Gender Socialization Impact
👗 Appearance-focused interactions with young girls teach them that looks matter most, with 50% of girls ages 3-6 already worrying about being fat, while boys rarely receive similar appearance-based comments
🧠 Socialization critically shapes both individuals and societies by transmitting cultural values, norms, and behaviors that perpetuate distinctive ways of life across generations
🧬 The nature versus nurture debate examines how genetics and social environment interact to shape who we become, with twin studies revealing both genetic similarities and differences created through socialization
👨👩👧 Family serves as the primary agent of socialization, teaching children how to use objects, relate to others, and understand the world, while being influenced by social factors like class, race, and historical context
👥 Peer groups provide crucial socialization experiences outside the family, helping children and adolescents develop independent identities while learning social norms and expectations
🏫 Institutional agents like schools, workplaces, government, and media further shape individuals by teaching them how to navigate systems and internalizing cultural messages
o Lisa Bloom, author o fThink: Str aight T alk f or W omen t o Sta y Smar t in a Dumbed Do wn W orld , mos t of us use pleasantries lik e these when w e firs t meet lit tle girls . “So what? ” you might ask. Bloom as serts that w e are too focused on the appear ance of young girls , and as a r esul t, our society is socializing them t o belie ve that ho w the y look is o f vital impor tanc e. And Bloom ma y be on t o something . Ho w often do y ou tell a little bo y ho w at tractiv e his out fit is , how nic e looking his shoes ar e, or ho w handsome he look s today? To suppor t her as sertions , Bloom cit es, as one e xample , that about 50 per cent o f girls ag es thr ee to six w orry about being fat (Bloom 2011). W e’re talking about kinder garteners who ar e concerned about their body imag e. Sociologis ts ar e acut ely int erested in o f this type o f gender socialization, b y which societal e xpectations o f how bo ys and girls should be—ho w the y should beha ve, what t oys and c olors the y should lik e, and ho w impor tant their at tire is—are reinforced. One solution t o this type o f gender socialization is being e xperiment ed with at the E galia pr eschool in Sw eden, wher e childr en de velop in a g enderles s en vironment. Al l the childr en at E galia ar e referred to with neutr al terms lik e “friend” ins tead o f “he ” or “ she.” Pla y areas and t oys are consciousl y set up t o eliminat e an y reinforcement o f gender e xpectations (Hane y 2011). E galia s trives to eliminat e all societal g ender norms fr om these childr en’s preschool w orld. Extr eme? P erhaps . So what is the middle gr ound? Bloom sug gests that w e start with simple s teps: when intr oduc ed to a y oung girl , ask about her fa vorite book or what she lik es. In shor t, eng age with her mind … not her outw ard appear ance (Bloom 2011). 5.2 Why Socializ ation Matters LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the impor tanc e of socialization both f or individuals and society •Explain the natur e versus nur ture debat e Socializa tion is critic al both to individuals and to the so cieties in which the y liv e. It illus trates ho w completely inter twine d human b eings and their so cial w orlds are . First, it is through te aching culture to new memb ers that a so ciety p erpetua tes itself. If new g enera tions o f a so ciety don ’t learn its w ay of life, it c eases to e xist. Wha tever is dis tinctiv e about a culture mus t be transmit ted to those who join it in order f or a so ciety to survive. For U .S. culture to c ontinue , for e xample , children in the Unite d Sta tes mus t learn a bout cultural values rela ted to demo cracy: the y ha ve to le arn the norms o f voting , as w ell as ho w to use ma terial objects such as v oting machines . The y ma y learn these through w atching their p arents or guardians v ote, or, in some scho ols, by using re al machines in s tudent g overnment elections . Of c ourse , some w ould argue tha t it’s jus t as imp ortant in U .S. culture f or the y oung er g enera tion to le arn the etiquet te of eating in a res taurant or the rituals o f tailg ate p arties a t football g ames . In fact , there are man y ide as and objects tha t people in the Unite d States te ach children a bout in hop es o f keeping the so ciety ’s way of life going through another g enera tion .SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD124 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 5.2 Can y ou use y our hands t o eat? Who should pa y? Do y ou s tand when someone else g ets up , and is that dependent on their g ender? The dining manners and cus toms o f diff erent cul tures ar e learned b y socialization. (Credit: K urman Communications/flickr) Socializa tion is jus t as es sential to us as individuals . Social interaction pro vides the me ans via which w e gradually b ecome a ble to see ourselv es through the e yes o f others , and ho w w e learn who w e are and ho w w e fit into the w orld around us . In addition , to function suc cessfully in so ciety , we ha ve to le arn the b asics o f both material and nonma terial culture , everything from ho w to dres s ourselv es to wha t’s suita ble a ttire f or a sp ecific occasion; from when w e sleep to wha t we sleep on; and from wha t’s considere d appropria te to e at for dinner to how to use the s tove to prep are it . Mos t imp ortantly , we ha ve to le arn langua ge—whether it ’s the dominant langua ge or one c ommon in a sub culture , whether it ’s verbal or through signs —in order to c ommunic ate and to think . As w e sa w with Danielle , without so cializa tion w e literally ha ve no self. Natur e versus Nurtur e Some e xperts as sert tha t who w e are is a result o fnur ture —the rela tionships and c aring tha t surround us . Others argue tha t who w e are is b ased entirely in g enetics . According to this b elief, our temp eraments , interes ts, and talents are set b efore bir th. From this p ersp ectiv e, then , who w e are dep ends on nature . One w ay rese archers a ttempt to me asure the imp act o f na ture is b y studying twins . Some s tudies ha ve followed identic al twins who w ere raise d sep arately. The p airs share d the same g enetics but in some c ases w ere socializ ed in diff erent w ays. Ins tanc es o f this typ e of situa tion are rare , but s tudying the degree to which identic al twins raise d ap art are the same and diff erent c an giv e rese archers insight into the w ay our temp eraments , pref erenc es, and a bilities are shap ed by our g enetic mak eup v ersus our so cial en vironment . For e xample , in 1968, twin girls w ere put up f or adoption , sep arated from e ach other , and raise d in diff erent households . The adoptiv e parents , and c ertainly the b abies , did not re alize the girls w ere one o f five pairs o f twins who w ere made subjects o f a scientific s tudy (Flam 2007). In 2003, the tw o women , then a ge thir ty-five, were reunite d. Ely se Schein and P aula Berns tein sa t tog ether in awe, feeling lik e the y were lo oking into a mirror . Not only did the y look alik e but the y also b ehaved alik e, using5.2 • Wh y Socializa tion Ma tters 125 the same hand g estures and facial e xpres sions (S pratling 2007). Studies lik e these p oint to the g enetic ro ots o f our temp erament and b ehavior . Though g enetics and hormones pla y an imp ortant role in human b ehavior , sociolog y’s larg er concern is the effect so ciety has on human b ehavior , the “nur ture ” side o f the na ture v ersus nur ture deb ate. Wha t rac e were the twins? F rom wha t social clas s were their p arents? Wha t about g ender? R eligion? A ll these factors a ffecte d the liv es o f the twins as much as their g enetic mak eup and are critic al to c onsider as w e look a t life through the sociologic al lens . The Lif e of Chris Langan, the Smartest Man Y ou’v e Nev er Hear d Of Bounc er. Firefight er. Factory worker. Cowbo y. Chris L angan spent the majority o f his adul t life jus t getting b y with jobs lik e these . He had no c ollege degr ee, few resour ces, and a pas t filled with much disappointment. Chris Langan also had an IQ o f over 195, nearl y 100 points higher than the a verage person (Br abham 2001). So wh y didn ’t Chris bec ome a neur osur geon, pr ofessor, or aer onautical engineer? Ac cording t o Mac olm Gladw ell (2008) in his book Outliers: The St ory of Suc cess, Chris didn ’t pos sess the set o f social skil ls nec essary to suc ceed on such a high le vel—skil ls that ar en’t innat e but learned. Gladw ell look ed to a r ecent s tudy c onduct ed b y sociologis t Annet te Lareau in which she closel y shado wed 12 families fr om v arious ec onomic back grounds and e xamined their par enting t echniques . Parents fr om lo wer income families f ollowed a s trategy of “accomplishment o f natur al gr owth, ” which is t o sa y the y let their childr en develop on their o wn with a lar ge amount o f independenc e; par ents fr om higher -income families , however, “activ ely fostered and ac cessed a child’ s talents , opinions , and skil ls” (Gladw ell 2008). These par ents w ere mor e likely to eng age in anal ytical c onversation, enc ourage activ e ques tioning o f the es tablishment, and f oster development o f neg otiation skil ls. The par ents w ere also able t o intr oduc e their childr en to a wide r ange of activities , from spor ts to music t o ac celerated academic pr ograms . When one middle -clas s child w as denied entr y to a gift ed and talent ed pr ogram, the mother petitioned the school and arr anged additional t esting until her daught er w as admit ted. L ower-income par ents , however, were mor e lik ely to unques tioningl y obe y authorities such as school boar ds. Their childr en w ere not being socializ ed to comfortably confr ont the s ystem and speak up (Gladw ell 2008). What does this ha ve to do with Chris L angan, deemed b y some the smar test man in the w orld (Br abham 2001)? Chris w as born in se vere po verty, mo ving acr oss the c ountr y with an abusiv e and alc oholic s tepfather . His g enius went lar gely unnotic ed. Aft er ac cepting a ful l scholarship t o Reed Col lege, he los t his funding aft er his mother failed t o fill out nec essary paper work. Unable t o suc cessfully mak e his case t o the adminis tration, Chris , who had received s traight A ’s the pr evious semes ter, was giv en F ’s on his tr anscrip t and f orced to drop out. Aft er he enrolled in Montana Stat e, an adminis trator’s refusal t o rearr ange his clas s schedule left him unable t o find the means nec essary to travel the 16 miles t o attend clas ses. What Chris had in bril lianc e, he lack ed in pr actical intelligence, or what ps ychologis t Rober t Sternber g defines as “kno wing what t o sa y to whom, kno wing when t o say it, and kno wing ho w to sa y it f or maximum eff ect” (St ernber g et al . 2000). Such kno wledg e was ne ver par t of his socialization. Chris g ave up on school and beg an w orking an arr ay of blue -collar jobs , pursuing his int ellectual int erests on the side . Though he ’s recently garner ed at tention f or his “ Cognitiv e Theor etic Model o f the Univ erse ,” he r emains weary of and r esistant t o the educational s ystem. As Gladw ell concluded, “He ’d had t o mak e his w ay alone , and no one —not r ock s tars, not pr ofessional athlet es, not so ftware bil lionair es, and not e ven g eniuses —ever mak es it alone ” (2008).BIG PICTURE126 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 5.3 Identical twins ma y look alik e, but their diff erences can giv e us clues t o the eff ects o f socialization. These twins chose the same car eer path, but man y twins do not. (Cr edit: Senior Airman L auren Douglas/U .S. Air Force) Sociologis ts all rec ogniz e the imp ortanc e of socializa tion f or he alth y individual and so cietal dev elopment . But how do scholars w orking in the three major theoretic al paradigms appro ach this topic? Str uctural functionalis ts w ould sa y tha t socializa tion is es sential to so ciety , both b ecause it trains memb ers to op erate successfully within it and b ecause it p erpetua tes culture b y transmit ting it to new g enera tions . Without socializa tion , a so ciety ’s culture w ould p erish as memb ers die d off. A c onflict theoris t might argue tha t socializa tion repro duces ine quality from g enera tion to g enera tion b y conveying diff erent e xpecta tions and norms to those with diff erent so cial characteris tics. For e xample , individuals are so cializ ed diff erently b y gender , social clas s, and rac e. As in Chris Lang an's case, this cre ates diff erent (une qual) opp ortunities . An interactionis t studying so cializa tion is c oncerne d with fac e-to-fac e exchang es and s ymb olic c ommunic ation . For e xample , dres sing b aby boys in blue and b aby girls in pink is one small w ay we convey mes sages a bout differenc es in g ender roles . 5.3 Agents of Socializ ation LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Evaluat e the r oles o f families and peer gr oups in socialization •Describe ho w people ar e socializ ed thr ough ins titutions lik e schools , workplac es, and the g overnment Socializa tion helps p eople le arn to function suc cessfully in their so cial w orlds . Ho w do es the pro cess of socializa tion o ccur? Ho w do w e learn to use the objects o f our so ciety ’s ma terial culture? Ho w do w e come to adopt the b eliefs , values , and norms tha t represent its nonma terial culture? This le arning tak es plac e through interaction with v arious a gents o f socializa tion , like peer groups and families , plus b oth f ormal and inf ormal social ins titutions . Social Gr oup Agents Social groups o ften pro vide the firs t experienc es o f socializa tion . Families , and la ter p eer groups , communic ate expecta tions and reinf orce norms . People firs t learn to use the tangible objects o f ma terial5.3 • Ag ents o f Socializa tion 127 culture in these set tings , as w ell as b eing intro duced to the b eliefs and v alues o f society . Family Family is the firs t agent o f socializa tion . Mothers and fa thers , siblings and grandp arents , plus memb ers o f an extende d family , all te ach a child wha t he or she nee ds to kno w. For e xample , the y sho w the child ho w to use objects (such as clothes , computers , eating utensils , books, bik es); ho w to rela te to others (some as “family ,” others as “friends ,” still others as “ strang ers” or “ teachers” or “neighb ors”); and ho w the w orld w orks ( wha t is “real” and wha t is “ima gine d”). As y ou are a ware, either from y our o wn e xperienc e as a child or from y our role in helping to raise one , socializa tion includes te aching and le arning a bout an unending arra y of objects and ideas. Keep in mind , however, tha t families do not so cializ e children in a v acuum . Man y so cial factors a ffect the w ay a family raises its children . For e xample , we can use so ciologic al ima gina tion to rec ogniz e tha t individual behaviors are a ffecte d by the his toric al perio d in which the y tak e plac e. Sixty y ears a go, it w ould not ha ve been considere d esp ecially s trict f or a fa ther to hit his son with a w ooden sp oon or a b elt if he misb ehaved, but to day that same action might b e considere d child a buse . Sociologis ts rec ogniz e tha t rac e, social clas s, religion , and other so cietal factors pla y an imp ortant role in socializa tion . For e xample , poor families usually emphasiz e ob edienc e and c onformity when raising their children , while w ealth y families emphasiz e judgment and cre ativity (N ational Opinion R esearch C enter 2008). This ma y occur b ecause w orking-clas s parents ha ve les s educ ation and more rep etitiv e-task jobs f or which it is helpful to b e able to f ollow rules and c onform . Wealth y parents tend to ha ve better e duc ations and o ften work in mana gerial p ositions or c areers tha t require cre ative problem solving , so the y teach their children behaviors tha t are b eneficial in these p ositions . This me ans children are eff ectiv ely so cializ ed and raise d to take the typ es o f jobs their p arents alre ady ha ve, thus repro ducing the clas s system (K ohn 1977). Lik ewise , children are so cializ ed to a bide b y gender norms , perceptions o f rac e, and clas s-rela ted behaviors . In Sw eden , for ins tanc e, stay-at-home fa thers are an ac cepte d part of the so cial landsc ape. A g overnment policy pro vides subsidiz ed time o ff work—480 da ys for families with newb orns —with the option o f the p aid leave being share d between mothers and fa thers . As one s tay-at-home dad sa ys, being home to tak e care o f his baby son “is a re al fa therly thing to do . I think tha t’s very masculine ” (As sociated Press 2011). Close to 90 percent o f Sw edish fa thers use their p aternity le ave (about 340,000 dads); on a verage the y tak e sev en w eeks per bir th (The E conomis t, 2014). Ho w do U .S. p olicies —and our so ciety ’s expecte d gender roles —comp are? How will Sw edish children raise d this w ay be so cializ ed to p arental g ender norms? Ho w might tha t be diff erent from p arental g ender norms in the Unite d Sta tes?128 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 5.4 The socializ ed roles o f par ents and g uardians v ary by society . (Cr edit: Quaries .com/flickr) Peer Gr oups Apeer group is made up o f people who are similar in a ge and so cial s tatus and who share interes ts. Peer group socializa tion b egins in the e arlies t years, such as when kids on a pla yground te ach y oung er children the norms about taking turns , the r ules o f a g ame , or ho w to sho ot a b asket. As children gro w into teena gers, this pro cess continues . Peer groups are imp ortant to adolesc ents in a new w ay, as the y begin to dev elop an identity sep arate from their p arents and e xert indep endenc e. Additionally , peer groups pro vide their o wn opp ortunities f or socializa tion sinc e kids usually eng age in diff erent typ es o f activities with their p eers than the y do with their families . Peer groups pro vide adolesc ents’ firs t major so cializa tion e xperienc e outside the re alm o f their families . Interes tingly , studies ha ve sho wn tha t although friendships rank high in adolesc ents’ priorities , this is balanc ed by parental influenc e. Institutional Agents The so cial ins titutions o f our culture also inf orm our so cializa tion . Formal ins titutions —lik e scho ols, workplac es, and the g overnment —teach p eople ho w to b ehave in and na vigate these s ystems . Other institutions , like the me dia, c ontribute to so cializa tion b y inunda ting us with mes sages a bout norms and expecta tions . School Mos t U.S. children sp end a bout sev en hours a da y, 180 da ys a
🏫 Hidden Curriculum Socialization
🧠 Socialization occurs through key institutions like schools, workplaces, religion, government, and media, shaping individuals to function within society's expectations
🎒 Schools serve a latent function through the hidden curriculum - teaching children teamwork, bureaucracy navigation, competition, and national values alongside academic subjects
👔 Workplace socialization requires learning both material culture (operating equipment) and non-material culture (appropriate behaviors), with companies bearing responsibility for effective onboarding
📺 Mass media powerfully shapes social norms, with concerns about gender socialization in children's entertainment like Disney's "princess culture"
🔄 Socialization continues throughout the life course with age-related transition points (school, work, retirement) that vary significantly across cultures and generations
🌍 Cultural differences in socialization appear in post-high school pathways, with varying expectations about college attendance, gap years, military service, and workforce entry
y ear, in scho ol, which mak es it hard to den y the imp ortanc e scho ol has on their so cializa tion (U .S. Dep artment o f Educ ation 2004). Students are not in scho ol only to s tudy ma th, reading , scienc e, and other subjects —the manif est function o f this s ystem . Scho ols also serve a la tent function in so ciety b y so cializing children into b ehaviors lik e practicing te amwork, following a sche dule , and using te xtbooks.5.3 • Ag ents o f Socializa tion 129 FIGURE 5.5 These kinder garteners ar en’t jus t learning t o read and writ e; the y are being socializ ed to norms lik e keeping their hands t o themsel ves, standing in line , and pla ying t ogether . (Cr edit: w oodle ywonder works/flickr) Scho ol and clas sroom rituals , led by teachers ser ving as role mo dels and le aders , regularly reinf orce wha t society e xpects from children . Sociologis ts describ e this asp ect o f scho ols as the hidden curriculum , the informal te aching done b y scho ols. For e xample , in the Unite d Sta tes, scho ols ha ve built a sense o f comp etition into the w ay grades are a warde d and the w ay teachers ev alua te students (Bo wles and Gintis 1976). When children p articip ate in a rela y rac e or a ma th contes t, the y learn there are winners and losers in so ciety . When children are re quire d to w ork tog ether on a project , the y practic e teamwork with other p eople in c ooperative situa tions . The hidden curriculum prep ares children f or the adult w orld . Children le arn ho w to de al with bure aucracy , rules , expecta tions , waiting their turn , and sit ting s till f or hours during the da y. Scho ols in diff erent cultures so cializ e children diff erently in order to prep are them to function w ell in those cultures . The la tent functions o f teamwork and de aling with bure aucracy are f eatures o f U.S. culture . Scho ols also so cializ e children b y teaching them a bout citiz enship and na tional pride . In the Unite d Sta tes, children are ta ught to sa y the Ple dge of Allegianc e. Mos t dis tricts re quire clas ses a bout U .S. his tory and geograph y. As ac ademic unders tanding o f his tory ev olves, textbooks in the Unite d Sta tes ha ve been scrutiniz ed and revise d to up date attitudes to ward other cultures as w ell as p ersp ectiv es on his toric al ev ents; thus , children are so cializ ed to a diff erent na tional or w orld his tory than e arlier te xtbooks ma y ha ve done . For example , inf orma tion a bout the mis treatment o f Afric an Americ ans and N ative Americ an Indians more accura tely reflects those ev ents than in te xtbooks o f the p ast. Contr oversial T extbook s On Aug ust 13, 2001, tw enty South K orean men g ather ed in Seoul . Each chopped o ff one o f his o wn fing ers because o f textbook s. These men t ook dr astic measur es to protest eight middle school t extbook s appr oved b y Tokyo for use in Japanese middle schools . According t o the K orean g overnment (and other Eas t Asian nations),BIG PICTURE130 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. the t extbook s glos sed o ver neg ative events in Japan ’s his tory at the e xpense o f other Asian c ountries . In the earl y 1900s , Japan w as one o f Asia’ s mor e ag gressive nations . For ins tanc e, it held K orea as a c olon y betw een 1910 and 1945. T oday, Koreans ar gue that the Japanese ar e whit ewashing that c olonial his tory thr ough these t extbook s. One major criticism is that the y do not mention that, during W orld W ar II, the Japanese f orced Korean w omen int o se xual sla very. The t extbook s describe the w omen as ha ving been “ drafted” t o work, a euphemism that do wnpla ys the brutality o f what actual ly oc curr ed. Some Japanese t extbook s dismis s an impor tant K orean independenc e demons tration in 1919 as a “ riot.” In r eality , Japanese soldiers at tack ed peac eful demons trators, lea ving r oughl y 6,000 dead and 15,000 w ounded (Cr amp ton 2002). The pr otest affirms that t extbook s are a significant t ool o f socialization in s tate-run education s ystems . The W orkplace FIGURE 5.6 Workplac e socialization oc curs inf ormal ly and f ormal ly, and ma y include mat erial and non-mat erial culture (Cr edit: U .S. Depar tment o f Agricul ture/flickr). Just as children sp end much o f their da y at scho ol, man y U.S. adults a t some p oint in vest a signific ant amount of time a t a plac e of emplo yment . Although so cializ ed into their culture sinc e bir th, workers re quire new socializa tion into a w orkplac e, in terms o f both ma terial culture (such as ho w to op erate the c opy machine) and nonma terial culture (such as whether it ’s oka y to sp eak directly to the b oss or ho w to share the refrig erator). In the chapter intro duction , Noel did not fully embrac e the culture o f their new c omp any. Imp ortantly , the oblig ation o f such so cializa tion is not simply on the w orker: Org aniza tional b ehavior and other busines s experts plac e resp onsibility on c omp anies; org aniza tions mus t ha ve strong onb oarding and so cializa tion programs in order to build sa tisfaction , pro ductivity , and w orkplac e retention (C ebollero 2019). Different jobs re quire diff erent typ es o f socializa tion . In the p ast, man y people w orked a single job until retirement . Today, the trend is to s witch jobs a t least onc e a dec ade. Betw een the a ges o f eighteen and f orty-six , the a verage Ba by Bo omer o f the y oung er set held 11.3 diff erent jobs (U .S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics, 2014). This me ans tha t people mus t become so cializ ed to, and so cializ ed by, a v ariety o f work en vironments . Religion While some religions are inf ormal ins titutions , here w e focus on practic es followed by formal ins titutions . Religion is an imp ortant a venue o f socializa tion f or man y people . The Unite d Sta tes is full o f synagogues , temples , churches , mosques , and similar religious c ommunities where p eople g ather to w orship and le arn. Like other ins titutions , these plac es te ach p articip ants ho w to interact with the religion ’s ma terial culture ( like a me zuzah , a pra yer rug, or a c ommunion w afer). F or some p eople , imp ortant c eremonies rela ted to family5.3 • Ag ents o f Socializa tion 131 structure —lik e marria ge and bir th—are c onnecte d to religious c elebra tions . Man y religious ins titutions also uphold g ender norms and c ontribute to their enf orcement through so cializa tion . From c eremonial rites o f passage tha t reinf orce the family unit to p ower dynamics tha t reinf orce gender roles , org aniz ed religion f osters a share d set o f socializ ed values tha t are p assed on through so ciety . Government Although w e do not think a bout it , man y of the rites o f passage people g o through to day are b ased on a ge norms es tablishe d by the g overnment . To be define d as an “ adult ” usually me ans b eing eighteen y ears old , the age at which a p erson b ecomes leg ally resp onsible f or him- or herself. And sixty -five years old is the s tart of “old a ge” sinc e mos t people b ecome eligible f or senior b enefits a t tha t point . Each time w e emb ark on one o f these new c ategories —senior , adult , taxp ayer—we mus t be so cializ ed into our new role . Seniors mus t learn the rop es o f Me dicare, Social Security b enefits , and senior shopping disc ounts . When U .S. males turn eighteen , the y mus t regis ter with the Selectiv e Ser vice Sy stem within thir ty da ys to b e entere d into a da tabase f or p ossible militar y ser vice. These g overnment dicta tes mark the p oints a t which w e require so cializa tion into a new c ategory. Mass Media Mas s me dia distribute imp ersonal inf orma tion to a wide a udienc e, via television , new spapers, radio , and the Internet . With the a verage person sp ending o ver four hours a da y in front o f the television (and children averaging ev en more screen time), me dia gre atly influenc es so cial norms (R oberts, Foehr, and Rideout 2005). People le arn a bout objects o f ma terial culture ( like new technolog y and transp ortation options), as w ell as nonma terial culture —wha t is tr ue (beliefs), wha t is imp ortant ( values), and wha t is e xpecte d (norms). Girls and Mo vies FIGURE 5.7 Some r esear chers , par ents , and childr en's adv ocat es ar e concerned about the eff ects o f raising girls within what the y cal l "princ ess cul ture." Man y plac e blame on ent ertainment c ompanies , such as Disne y, for itsSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD132 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. portrayals o f girls in its mo vies . Movies aimed at y oung people ha ve featur ed a hos t of girls and w omen leads .Snow Whit e,Cinder ella, and Sleeping Beauty gave way toThe Lit tle Mermaid ,Beauty and the Beas t, and Mulan . In man y of those cases , if the char acter is not a princ ess to begin with, she typical ly ends the mo vie b y marr ying a princ e or, in the case o f Mulan, a militar y gener al. Although not al l “princ esses” in Disne y mo vies pla y a pas sive role in their liv es, the y typical ly find themsel ves needing t o be r escued b y a man, and the happ y ending the y all sear ch for includes marriag e. Alongside this pr evalenc e of princ esses, man y par ents ar e expressing c oncern about the cul ture of princ esses that Disne y has cr eated. P eggy Or enstein addr esses this pr oblem in her popular book, Cinder ella Ate My Daught er. Orenstein w onders wh y every little girl is e xpect ed to be a “ princ ess” and wh y pink has bec ome an al l-consuming obses sion f or man y young girls . Another mother w onder ed what she did wr ong when her thr ee-year-old daught er refused t o do “ nonprinc essy” things , including running and jumping . The eff ects o f this princ ess cul ture can ha ve negative consequenc es for girls thr oughout lif e. An earl y emphasis on beauty and can lead t o reduc ed int erest in math and scienc e among girls , as w ell as a voiding educational sc enarios that ar e "typical ly feminine " (Co yne 2016). Others ackno wledg e these is sues , but find princ ess mo vies and "princ ess cul ture" les s alarming . Some r emind concerned par ents that childr en ha ve an arr ay of media and activities ar ound them, and the childr en ma y be happ y wearing their princ ess out fit while dig ging f or w orms or g oing t o hock ey practic e, which run c ount er to feminine stereotypes ( Wagner 2019). Others indicat e that r ather than disal lowing princ ess mo vies and mer chandise , engaging with the childr en as the y enjo y them might be mor e eff ectiv e. And man y people ackno wledg e that girls and women ar e often curr ently por trayed diff erently than the y were in y ears pas t. Disne y seems t o ha ve gotten the mes sage about the c oncerns . Its 2009 Tiana and the F rogwas specifical ly bil led as "a princ ess mo vie f or people who don 't lik e princ ess mo vies ," and f eatur es a talent ed chef and busines s owner —who didn 't need a man t o rescue her —as its main char acter.Brave's Merida and the title char acter in Moana seem t o go out o f their w ay to separ ate themsel ves fr om tr aditional princ esses, and under take great acts o f bravery to help others .Frozenfocuses on sis terly love rather than r omantic lo ve. And though she w as ne ver meant t o be a princ ess, Star W ars' Rey was the g o-to girls Hal loween c ostume f or years aft er she w as intr oduc ed in the mo vies . 5.4 Socializ ation Acr oss the Lif e Course LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain ho w socialization oc curs and r ecurs thr oughout lif e •Appl y socialization t o ag e-related tr ansition points •Describe when and ho w resocialization oc curs Socializa tion isn ’t a one -time or ev en a shor t-term ev ent. We aren ’t “stamp ed” by some so cializa tion machine as w e mo ve along a c onveyor b elt and thereb y so cializ ed onc e and f or all . In fact , socializa tion is a lif elong process. In the Unite d Sta tes, socializa tion throughout the lif e course is determine d gre atly b y age norms and “ time - rela ted rules and regula tions” (Set ters ten 2002). As w e gro w older , we enc ounter a ge-rela ted transition p oints that require so cializa tion into a new role , such as b ecoming scho ol age, entering the w orkf orce, or retiring . For example , the U .S. g overnment manda tes tha t all children a ttend scho ol. Child la bor la ws, enacte d in the e arly twentieth c entur y, nationally declare d tha t childho od be a time o f learning , not o f labor. In c ountries such as Niger and Sierra Leone , however, child la bor remains c ommon and so cially ac cepta ble, with lit tle legisla tion to regula te such practic es (UNICEF 2012).5.4 • Socializa tion Acr oss the Lif e Course 133 Life After High School Ar ound the W orld In the Unit ed Stat es, recent high school gr aduat es ha ve incr easingl y been f ocusing on c ollege attendanc e. In recent y ears , about tw o-thir ds o f high school gr aduat es ar e enr olled in c ollege betw een their t een y ears and ag e twenty -four. About one -thir d of the same population primarl y par ticipat es in the w ork f orce, meaning that the y are emplo yed or ar e looking f or emplo yment (Bur eau o f Labor Statis tics 2020). Of those who at tend c ollege, mos t (about 69 per cent) ar e consider ed immediat e enr ollers, meaning that the y begin c ollege in the firs t fall academic t erm immediat ely aft er their high school gr aduation (NCES 2020). Other c ountries , especial ly high-inc ome nations in W estern Eur ope, have similar tr ends in c ollege education, but fewer students s tart immediat ely. Gap y ears , overseas e xperienc es, or mandat ory wait times al l lead s tudents t o a wide arr ay of pre-college des tinations . In Denmark, f or example numbers o f students who tak e a " year out" ar e so high that the g overnment has sought t o giv e students cash bonuses f or at tending immediat ely (Anderson 2009). F or se veral decades , onl y about 25 per cent o f Denmark's high school gr aduat es enr olled in c ollege right away, and that number c ontinued t o drop in the 2010s , with a r ecord low of onl y 15 per cent in 2018 (Ritzau 2019). Compar e that t o the U .S. numbers mentioned abo ve, wher e over tw o thir ds o f the s tudents enr oll in college immediat ely. And not e that in Denmark, c ollege is almos t univ ersal ly free. In the Unit ed Stat es, this lif e transition point is socializ ed quit e diff erently. Taking a y ear o ff much les s common than some other c ountries , but has c ertainl y pick ed up in r ecent y ears . In mos t cases , U.S. y outh ar e enc ouraged to select a f ew tar get colleges or pot ential w orkf orce op tions b y their lat e teens , and t o get started on those path ways soon aft er high school . As mentioned abo ve, man y U.S. s tudents do not at tend c ollege, but mos t of those s tudents ar e in the w orkf orce (including the militar y). Other nations ha ve entir ely diff erent appr oaches based on a vailable educational ins titutions , financial circums tanc es, and famil y needs . In some nations , students o ften g o to college soon aft er high school , but do so in other c ountries (including the U .S.). Do zens o f nations r equir e militar y conscrip tion—militar y ser vice—for men, and a f ew (such as Sw eden, Isr ael, Nor way, Eritr ea, and V enezuela) f or w omen as w ell. How might y our lif e be diff erent if y ou liv ed in one o f these other c ountries? Can y ou think o f similar social norms —related to life ag e-transition points —that v ary from c ountr y to countr y? Man y of life’s so cial e xpecta tions are made cle ar and enf orced on a cultural lev el. Through interacting with others and w atching others interact , the e xpecta tion to fulfill roles b ecomes cle ar. While in elementar y or middle scho ol, the prosp ect o f having a b oyfriend or girlfriend ma y ha ve been c onsidere d undesira ble. The socializa tion tha t tak es plac e in high scho ol chang es the e xpecta tion . By obser ving the e xcitement and imp ortanc e attache d to da ting and rela tionships within the high scho ol so cial sc ene, it quickly b ecomes app arent tha t one is no w expecte d not only to b e a child and a s tudent , but also a signific ant other . Gradua tion from f ormal e ducation—high scho ol, vocational scho ol, or c olleg e—involves so cializa tion into a new set o f expecta tions . Educational e xpecta tions v ary not only from culture to culture , but also from clas s to clas s. While middle - or upp er-clas s families ma y expect their da ughter or son to a ttend a f our-year univ ersity a fter gradua ting from high scho ol, other families ma y expect their child to imme diately b egin w orking full-time , as man y within their family ha ve done b efore.BIG PICTURE134 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The Long R oad to Adulthood f or Millennials Socialization diff erences also v ary by gener ation. As y ou wil l see in the chap ter on Aging and the Elderl y, Mil lennials (those born fr om the earl y 1980's t o the middle 1990's) ha ve very diff erent at titudes about when childhood ends , the prime o f life begins , and when people bec ome " old." (Preview: Mil lennials thought childhood ended lat er and people became old earlier than did Bab y Boomers and Gen X ers at the same ag e.) Millennials w ere deepl y aff ected b y the financial R ecession in 2008. While the r ecession w as in ful l swing , man y were in the pr ocess of ent ering , attending , or gr aduating fr om high school and c ollege. With emplo yment pr ospects at his torical lo ws, large numbers o f graduat es w ere unable t o find w ork, sometimes mo ving back in with their parents and s trug gling t o pa y back s tudent loans . According t o the New York Times , this ec onomic s tall caused the Mil lennials t o pos tpone what mos t Americans consider t o be adul thood: “ The tr aditional cy cle seems t o ha ve gone o ff course , as y oung people r emain unt ether ed to romantic par tners or t o permanent homes , going back t o school f or lack o f
🔄 Lifelong Socialization Process
🧩 Socialization transforms individuals through continuous learning of social norms, values, and behaviors across different life stages from childhood through adulthood to senior years
👨👩👧👦 Primary agents like family establish foundational identity, while 🏫 secondary agents including schools, peers, media, and workplaces reinforce cultural expectations through both formal education and hidden curriculum
🔄 Resocialization occurs when individuals must abandon previous identities and adopt new behaviors in total institutions (prisons, military, cults), often beginning with degradation ceremonies that strip away old identities
🧠 Both nature (genetic makeup) and nurture (social environment) shape development, with sociological research emphasizing how social factors like class and gender significantly influence behavior patterns
🔍 Anticipatory socialization prepares people for future roles, while major life transitions (college graduation, marriage, parenthood, retirement) require adapting to new social expectations
💼 Institutional socialization extends beyond childhood, as organizations like corporations apply resocialization principles to change employee behaviors through training programs
bet ter op tions , traveling , avoiding commitments , competing f erociousl y for unpaid int ernships or t empor ary (and o ften grueling ) Teach f or America jobs , forestalling the beginning o f adul t life” (Henig 2010). The t erm Boomer ang Gener ation describes r ecent c ollege graduat es, for whom lack o f adequat e emplo yment upon c ollege graduation o ften leads t o a r eturn t o the par ental home (Da vidson, 2014). The fiv e miles tones that define adul thood, Henig writ es, are “completing school , lea ving home , bec oming financial ly independent, marr ying , and ha ving a child” (Henig 2010). These social miles tones ar e taking long er for Mil lennials to attain, if the y’re attained at al l. Sociologis ts w onder what long-t erm impact this g ener ation ’s situation ma y ha ve on society as a whole . In the pr ocess of socialization, adul thood brings a ne w set o f chal leng es and e xpectations , as w ell as ne w roles t o fill. As the aging pr ocess mo ves forward, social r oles c ontinue t o evolve. Pleasur es o f youth, such as wild nights out and serial dating , bec ome les s acceptable in the e yes o f society . Responsibility and c ommitment ar e emphasiz ed as pillars o f adul thood, and men and w omen ar e expect ed to “settle do wn.” During this period, man y people ent er int o marriag e or a civil union, bring childr en int o their families , and f ocus on a car eer path. The y bec ome par tners or parents ins tead o f students or significant others . Just as y oung childr en pr etend t o be doct ors or la wyers, pla y house , and dr ess up , adul ts also eng age in anticipa tory socializa tion , the pr epar ation f or futur e life roles . Examples w ould include a c ouple who c ohabitat e before marriag e or soon-t o-be par ents who r ead infant car e book s and pr epar e their home f or the ne w arriv al. As part of anticipat ory socialization, adul ts who ar e financial ly able begin planning f or their r etirement, sa ving mone y, and looking int o futur e heal thcar e op tions . The tr ansition int o an y ne w lif e role, despit e the social s tructur e that suppor ts it, can be difficul t. About a decade aft er the nation beg an to recover fr om the R ecession, it w as hit b y another . Mil lennials , who had entered a v ery chal lenging emplo yment situation, w ere saddled with deb t and had v ery little in sa vings . By Jul y 2020, the Mil lennial unemplo yment r ate was 11.5 per cent, which w as actual ly higher than their unemplo yment r ate during the 2008 R ecession. Gen Z , the gr oup o f people born aft er the Mil lennials , fared e ven w orse —with an 18 percent unemplo yment r ate (Ho ffower 2020). The cy cle o f financial insecurity and the pot ential socialization impacts ma y happen ag ain in this decade . Resocializ ation In the pro cess ofreso cializat ion, old b ehaviors tha t were helpful in a previous role are remo ved because the y are no long er o f use . Resocializa tion is nec essary when a p erson mo ves to a senior c are c enter , goes to boarding scho ol, or ser ves a sentenc e in the prison s ystem . In the new en vironment , the old r ules no long erSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD5.4 • Socializa tion Acr oss the Lif e Course 135 apply . The pro cess of reso cializa tion is typic ally more s tres sful than normal so cializa tion b ecause p eople ha ve to unle arn b ehaviors tha t ha ve become cus tomar y to them . While reso cializa tion has a sp ecific me aning , man y organiza tions c onsider their training or retraining pro cesses to emb ody elements o f reso cializa tion . The mos t common w ay reso cializa tion o ccurs is in a total ins titution where p eople are isola ted from so ciety and are f orced to f ollow someone else ’s rules . A ship a t sea is a total ins titution , as are religious c onvents , prisons , or some cult org aniza tions . The y are plac es cut o ff from a larg er so ciety . The 6.9 million Americ ans who liv ed in prisons and p enitentiaries a t the end o f 2012 are also memb ers o f this typ e of ins titution (U .S. Dep artment o f Justice 2012). Man y individuals are reso cializ ed into an ins titution through a tw o-part pro cess. First, memb ers entering an institution mus t leave behind their old identity through wha t is kno wn as a degrada tion c eremon y. In a degradat ion c eremon y, new memb ers lose the asp ects o f their old identity and are giv en new identities . The process is sometimes g entle . To enter a senior c are home , an elderly p erson o ften mus t leave a family home and giv e up man y belongings which w ere p art of his or her long-s tanding identity . Though c aretak ers guide the elderly c omp assiona tely, the pro cess can s till b e one o f los s. In man y cults , this pro cess is also g entle and happ ens in an en vironment o f supp ort and c aring . In other situa tions , the degrada tion c eremon y can b e more e xtreme . New prisoners lose free dom , rights (including the right to priv acy), and p ersonal b elongings . When entering the militar y, soldiers ha ve their hair cut shor t. Their old clothes are remo ved, and the y wear ma tching unif orms . These individuals mus t giv e up any mark ers o f their f ormer identity in order to b e reso cializ ed into an identity as a “ soldier .” FIGURE 5.8 In basic tr aining , members o f the Air F orce are taught t o walk, mo ve, and look lik e each other . (Cr edit: Staff Ser geant Desir ee N. P alacios , U.S. Air F orce/Wikimedia Commons) After new memb ers o f an ins titution are s tripp ed of their old identity , the y build a new one tha t ma tches the new so ciety . In the militar y, soldiers g o through b asic training tog ether , where the y learn new r ules and b ond with one another . The y follow structure d sche dules set b y their le aders . Soldiers mus t keep their are as cle an for insp ection , learn to march in c orrect f orma tions , and salute when in the presenc e of sup eriors . Learning to de al with lif e after ha ving liv ed in a total ins titution re quires y et another pro cess of reso cializa tion . In the U .S. militar y, soldiers le arn discipline and a c apacity f or hard w ork. The y set aside p ersonal g oals to136 5 • Socializa tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. achiev e a mis sion , and the y tak e pride in the ac complishments o f their units . Man y soldiers who le ave the militar y transition these skills into e xcellent c areers . Others ha ve signific ant challeng es up on le aving , unc ertain a bout the outside w orld and wha t to do ne xt. The pro cess of reso cializa tion to civilian lif e is not a simple one . Other typ es o f org aniza tions ma y utiliz e or e xtend the c oncept o f reso cializa tion with reg ard to changing people 's behaviors . Corporate trainers (and training rese archers) sometimes emphasiz e the nee d for trainees to she d their old b ehaviors and adopt entirely new ones . When the p eople return to their jobs a fter training , they ma y be called to le ave their old b ehaviors b ehind . Similarly , if an entire te am g oes for training , the y ma y be called to le ave their culture b ehind ( Weinb auer-Heidel 2019). N ot all such training w ould apply the reso cializa tion metaphor , but b ehavioral or p ersonal-pro fessional are as such as s tres s mana gement or priority /project mana gement might b orro w from reso cializa tion principles in order to mak e the training effectiv e.5.4 • Socializa tion Acr oss the Lif e Course 137 Key T erms anticip ator y so cializat ion the w ay we prep are f or future lif e roles degradat ion c eremon y the pro cess by which new memb ers o f a total ins titution lose asp ects o f their old identities and are giv en new ones generaliz ed other the c ommon b ehavioral e xpecta tions o f general so ciety hidden curriculum the inf ormal te aching done in scho ols tha t socializ es children to so cietal norms moral de velopment the w ay people le arn wha t is “ good” and “b ad” in so ciety nature the influenc e of our g enetic mak eup on self -dev elopment nur ture the role tha t our so cial en vironment pla ys in self -dev elopment peer group a group made up o f people who are similar in a ge and so cial s tatus and who share interes ts reso cializat ion the pro cess by which old b ehaviors are remo ved and new b ehaviors are le arne d in their plac e self a person ’s dis tinct sense o f identity as dev elop ed through so cial interaction socializat ion the pro cess wherein p eople c ome to unders tand so cietal norms and e xpecta tions , to ac cept society ’s beliefs , and to b e aware o f societal v alues Section Summary 5.1 Theories of Self -Development Psychologic al theories o f self -dev elopment ha ve been bro adene d by so ciologis ts who e xplicitly s tudy the role of society and so cial interaction in self -dev elopment . Charles C ooley and Georg e Me ad b oth c ontribute d signific antly to the so ciologic al unders tanding o f the dev elopment o f self. La wrenc e Kohlb erg and C arol Gillig an dev elop ed their ide as fur ther and rese arche d ho w our sense o f morality dev elops . Gillig an adde d the dimension o f gender diff erenc es to K ohlb erg’s theor y. 5.2 Why Socializ ation Matters Socializa tion is imp ortant b ecause it helps uphold so cieties and cultures; it is also a k ey part of individual development . Research demons trates tha t who w e are is a ffecte d by both na ture (our g enetic and hormonal mak eup) and nur ture (the so cial en vironment in which w e are raise d). So ciolog y is mos t concerne d with the way tha t society ’s influenc e affects our b ehavior p atterns , made cle ar b y the w ay behavior v aries acros s clas s and g ender . 5.3 Agents of Socializ ation Our direct interactions with so cial groups , like families and p eers , teach us ho w others e xpect us to b ehave. Likewise , a so ciety ’s formal and inf ormal ins titutions so cializ e its p opula tion . Scho ols, workplac es, and the media c ommunic ate and reinf orce cultural norms and v alues . 5.4 Socializ ation Acr oss the Lif e Course Socializa tion is a lif elong pro cess tha t reo ccurs as w e enter new phases o f life, such as adultho od or senior a ge. Resocializa tion is a pro cess tha t remo ves the so cializa tion w e ha ve dev elop ed over time and replac es it with newly le arne d rules and roles . Bec ause it in volves remo ving old ha bits tha t ha ve been built up , reso cializa tion can b e a s tres sful and difficult pro cess.138 5 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Section Quiz 5.1 Theories of Self -Development 1.Socializa tion , as a so ciologic al term , describ es: a.how people interact during so cial situa tions b.how people le arn so cietal norms , beliefs , and v alues c.a person ’s internal mental s tate when in a group set ting d.the diff erenc e between intro verts and e xtro verts 2.The Harlo ws’ study on rhesus monk eys sho wed tha t: a.rhesus monk eys raise d by other prima te sp ecies are p oorly so cializ ed b.monk eys can b e ade qua tely so cializ ed by imita ting humans c.food is more imp ortant than so cial c omf ort d.social c omf ort is more imp ortant than f ood 3.Wha t occurs in La wrenc e Kohlb erg’s conventional lev el? a.Children dev elop the a bility to ha ve abstract thoughts . b.Morality is dev elop ed by pain and ple asure . c.Children b egin to c onsider wha t society c onsiders moral and immoral . d.Parental b eliefs ha ve no influenc e on children ’s morality . 4.Wha t did C arol Gillig an b eliev e earlier rese archers into morality had o verlo oked? a.The jus tice persp ectiv e b.Symp athetic re actions to moral situa tions c.The p ersp ectiv e of females d.How so cial en vironment a ffects ho w morality dev elops 5.Wha t is one w ay to dis tinguish b etween ps ycholog y and so ciolog y? a.Psycholog y focuses on the mind , while so ciolog y focuses on so ciety . b.Psychologis ts are interes ted in mental he alth , while so ciologis ts are interes ted in so cietal functions . c.Psychologis ts lo ok in ward to unders tand b ehavior while so ciologis ts lo ok outw ard. d.All of the a bove 6.How did ne arly c omplete isola tion as a child a ffect Danielle ’s verbal abilities? a.She c ould not c ommunic ate at all . b.She nev er le arne d words , but she did le arn signs . c.She c ould not unders tand much , but she c ould use g estures . d.She c ould unders tand and use b asic langua ge lik e “yes” and “no .” 5.2 Why Socializ ation Matters 7.Why do so ciologis ts nee d to b e careful when dra wing c onclusions from twin s tudies? a.The results do not apply to singletons . b.The twins w ere o ften raise d in diff erent w ays. c.The twins ma y turn out to actually b e fra ternal . d.The sample siz es are o ften small .5 • Section Quiz 139 8.From a so ciologic al persp ectiv e, which factor do es not gre atly influenc e a p erson ’s so cializa tion? a.Gender b.Clas s c.Blood typ e d.Race 9.Chris Lang an’s story illus trates tha t: a.children raise d in one -parent households tend to ha ve higher IQs . b.intellig ence is more imp ortant than so cializa tion . c.socializa tion c an b e more imp ortant than intellig ence. d.neither so cializa tion nor intellig ence affects c olleg e admis sions . 5.3 Agents of Socializ ation 10.Why are w ealth y parents more lik ely than p oor p arents to so cializ e their children to ward cre ativity and problem solving? a.Wealth y parents are so cializing their children to ward the skills o f white -collar emplo yment . b.Wealth y parents are not c oncerne d about their children reb elling a gains t their r ules . c.Wealth y parents nev er eng age in rep etitiv e tasks . d.Wealth y parents are more c oncerne d with mone y than with a g ood educ ation . 11.How do scho ols prep are children to one da y enter the w orkf orce? a.With a s tandardiz ed curriculum b.Through the hidden curriculum c.By so cializing them in te amwork d.All of the a bove 12.Which one o f the f ollowing is not a way people are so cializ ed by religion? a.People le arn the ma terial culture o f their religion . b.Life stages and roles are c onnecte d to religious c elebra tion . c.An individual ’s personal internal e xperienc e of a divine b eing le ads to their faith . d.Plac es o f worship pro vide a sp ace for share d group e xperienc es. 13.Which o f the f ollowing is a manif est function o f scho ols? a.Unders tanding when to sp eak up and when to b e silent b.Learning to re ad and write c.Following a sche dule d.Knowing lo cker ro om etiquet te 14.Which o f the f ollowing is typic ally the e arlies t agent o f socializa tion? a.Scho ol b.Family c.Mas s me dia d.Workplac e140 5 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 5.4 Socializ ation Acr oss the Lif e Course 15.Which o f the f ollowing is not an a ge-rela ted transition p oint when Americ ans mus t be so cializ ed to new roles? a.Infancy b.Scho ol age c.Adultho od d.Senior citiz en 16.Which o f the f ollowing is tr ue reg arding U .S. so cializa tion o f rec ent high scho ol gradua tes? a.The y are e xpecte d to tak e a y ear “off” before c olleg e. b.The y are re quire d to ser ve in the militar y for one y ear. c.The y are e xpecte d to enter c olleg e, trade scho ol, or the w orkf orce shor tly a fter gradua tion . d.The y are re quire d to mo ve away from their p arents . Short Answer 5.1 Theories of Self -Development 1.Think o f a current is sue or p attern tha t a so ciologis t might s tudy . Wha t typ es o f ques tions w ould the sociologis t ask , and wha t rese arch metho ds might he emplo y? N ow consider the ques tions and metho ds a psychologis t might use to s tudy the same is sue. Comment on their diff erent appro aches . 2.Explain wh y it’s imp ortant to c onduct rese arch using b oth male and f emale p articip ants . Wha t sociologic al topics might sho w gender diff erenc es? P rovide some e xamples to illus trate your ide as. 5.2 Why Socializ ation Matters 3.Why are twin s tudies an imp ortant w ay to le arn a bout the rela tive eff ects o f genetics and so cializa tion on children? Wha t ques tions a bout human dev elopment do y ou b eliev e twin s tudies are b est for ans wering? For wha t typ es o f ques tions w ould twin s tudies not b e as helpful? 4.Why do y ou think tha t people lik e Chris Lang an c ontinue to ha ve difficulty ev en a fter the y are help ed through so cietal s ystems? Wha t is it the y’ve mis sed tha t prev ents them from functioning suc cessfully in the social w orld? 5.3 Agents of Socializ ation 5.Do y ou think it is imp ortant tha t parents discus s gender roles with their y oung children , or is g ender a topic better left f or la ter? Ho w do p arents c onsider g ender norms when buying their children b ooks, mo vies , and toys? Ho w do y ou b eliev e the yshould consider it? 6.Base d on y our obser vations , when are adolesc ents more lik ely to lis ten to their p arents or to their p eer groups when making decisions? Wha t typ es o f dilemmas lend themselv es to ward one so cial a gent o ver another? 5.4 Socializ ation Acr oss the Lif e Course 7.Consider a p erson who is joining a sorority or fra ternity , attending c olleg e or b oarding scho ol, or ev en a child b eginning kinderg arten. Ho w is the pro cess the s tudent g oes through a f orm o f socializa tion? Wha t new cultural b ehaviors mus t the s tudent adapt to? 8.Do y ou think reso cializa tion re quires a total ins titution? Wh y, or wh y not? C an y ou think o f an y other w ays someone c ould b e reso cializ ed?5 • Shor t Ans wer 141 Further R esear ch 5.1 Theories of Self -Development Lawrenc e Kohlb erg w as mos t famous f or his rese arch using moral dilemmas . He presente d dilemmas to b oys and ask ed them ho w the y would judg e the situa tions .Visit this site to re ad a bout K ohlb erg’s mos t famous moral dilemma, kno wn as the Heinz dilemma. (http://openstax.org/l/Dilemma) . 5.2 Why Socializ ation Matters Check out this article a bout other sets o f twins who grew up ap art and disc overed each other la ter in lif e (http://openstax.org/l/twins) . 5.3 Agents of Socializ ation Glas sdoor.com pro vides review s of comp anies and also ar ticles on finding the c orrect fit . Take a lo ok a t wha t Glas sdoor.com's blog (https:/ /openstax.org/l/comp any_culture) has to sa y on these topics and e xplore some comp anies y ou might lik e in order to le arn
🏠 Socialization Across Lifespans
🧠 Socialization theories explain how individuals develop their sense of self through interactions with family, peers, media, and institutions
👶 Life course socialization begins with childhood development (Freud, Piaget, Kohlberg) and continues through adulthood with changing roles and expectations
🏫 Agents of socialization including family, education, peers, and media shape our values, gender roles, and cultural understanding differently across societies
💼 Organizational socialization transforms individuals into workers through formal and informal processes that transmit corporate culture and expectations
🌐 Cross-cultural differences in socialization practices (like Sweden's gender-neutral approach vs. traditional models) demonstrate how societies shape identity differently
🔄 Resocialization challenges occur during major life transitions, as seen in veterans' difficulties reintegrating into civilian life after military service
a bout their c orporate culture and w orker experienc e. 5.4 Socializ ation Acr oss the Lif e Course Homeles snes s is an endemic problem among v eterans . Man y soldiers le ave the militar y or return from w ar and ha ve difficulty reso cializing into civilian lif e. Learn more a bout this problem a t the National C oalition for Homeles s Veterans ' website (http://openstax.org/l/NCHV ). References Intr oduction Cebollero , Chris . 2019. " Organiza tional So cializa tion: Wha t Busines ses Often F orget When Onb oarding N ew Emplo yees." Forbes C oaches C ouncil Blog . February 26, 2019. ( https:/ /www.forbes.com/sites / forbescoachesc ouncil/2019/02/26/org aniza tional-so cializa tion-wha t-busines ses-often-f orget-when- onb oarding-new-emplo yees/?sh=6db8c89e4fa f) Schein , Edgar H. 1988. " Organiza tional So cializa tion and the P rofession o f Mana gement ." MIT Slo an R eview . Octob er 15 1988. ( https:/ /sloanreview .mit .edu/ar ticle/org aniza tional-so cializa tion-and-the -pro fession-o f- mana gement /) 5.1 Theories of Self -Development Cooley, Charles Hor ton. 1902. “ The Lo oking Glas s Self. ” Pp . 179–185 in Human N ature and So cial Order . New York: Scribner ’s. Bloom, Lisa. 2011. “Ho w to T alk to Lit tle Girls .”Huffington P ost, June 22. R etriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 (http://www.huffingtonp ost.com/lisa-blo om/ho w-to -talk -to-little-gir_b_882510.html). Erikson , Erik . 1982. The Lif ecycle C omplete d: A R eview . New Y ork: N orton. Durkheim , Émile . 2011 [1897]. Suicide . London: R outle dge. Freud , Sigmund . 2000 [1904]. Three Es says on Theories o f Sexuality . New Y ork: Basic Bo oks. Gillig an, Carol . 1982. In a Diff erent V oice: Psychologic al Theor y and W omen ’s Dev elopment . Cambridg e, MA: Har vard Univ ersity P ress. Gillig an, Carol . 1990. Making C onnections: The R elational W orlds o f Adolesc ent Girls a t Emma W illard Scho ol. Cambridg e, MA: Har vard Univ ersity P ress. Hane y, Phil . 2011. “ Genderles s Prescho ol in Sw eden .”Baby & Kids , June 28. R etriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 (http://www.neatorama. com/2011/06/28/g enderles s-prescho ol-in-s weden/).142 5 • F urther R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Harlo w, Harr y F. 1971. Learning to Lo ve. New Y ork: Ballantine . Harlo w, Harr y F., and Marg aret K uenne Harlo w. 1962. “ Social Depriv ation in Monk eys.”Scientific Americ an Novemb er:137–46. Kohlb erg, Lawrenc e. 1981. The P sycholog y of Moral Dev elopment: The N ature and V alidity o f Moral Sta ges. New Y ork: Harp er and R ow. Mead, Georg e H. 1934. Mind , Self and So ciety , edite d by C. W. Morris . Chic ago: Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. Mead, Georg e H. 1964. On So cial P sycholog y, edite d by A. Stra uss. Chic ago: Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. Piaget, Jean. 1954. The C onstruction o f Reality in the Child . New Y ork: Basic Bo oks. 5.2 Why Socializ ation Matters Brabham , Denis . 2001. “ The Smar t Guy .”Newsday, Augus t 21. R etriev ed Januar y 31, 2012 (http://www.meg afounda tion .org/CTMU /Press/The Smar tGuy .pdf). Flam , Faye. 2007. “ Sep arated Twins She d Light on Identity Is sues .”The Philadelphia Inquirer , Dec emb er 9. Retriev ed Januar y 31, 2012 ( http://www.meg afounda tion .org/CTMU /Press/The Smar tGuy .pdf). Gladw ell, Malc olm . 2008. “ The T rouble W ith Geniuses , Part 2.”Outliers: The Stor y of Suc cess. New Y ork: Lit tle, Brown and C omp any. Spratling , Cassandra. 2007. “N ature and Nur ture .”Detroit F ree P ress. Novemb er 25. R etriev ed Januar y 31, 2012 ( http://articles .southb endtribune .com/2007-11-25/new s/26786902_1_ twins -adoption-identic al- strang ers). Sternb erg, R.J., G.B. Forsythe , J. He dlund , J. Hor vath, S. Sno ok, W.M. W illiams , R.K. Wagner , and E.L. Grig orenk o. 2000. Practic al Intellig ence in E veryday Lif e. New Y ork: C ambridg e Univ ersity P ress. 5.3 Agents of Socializ ation Associated Press. 2011. “ Swedish Dads Sw ap W ork f or Child C are.”The G aines ville Sun ,Octob er 23. R etriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 ( http://www.gaines ville .com/ar ticle/20111023/wire/111029834?templa te=printpic art. Barnes , Bro oks. 2010. “Pixar R emo ves Its F irst Female Director .”The N ew Y ork Times , Dec emb er 20. R etriev ed Augus t 2, 2011 ( http://artsbeat.blogs .nytimes .com/2010/10/20/firs t-woman-to -direct -a-pixar -film-is - instead-firs t-to-be-replac ed/?ref=ar ts. Bowles , Samuel , and Herb ert Gintis . 1976. Scho oling in C apitalis tic Americ a: Educ ational R eforms and the Contradictions o f Economic Lif e. New Y ork: Basic Bo oks. Coyne, Sarah M. and R uh Lindner , Jennif er and Rasmus sen, Eric E. and N elson , David A . and Birkb eck, Victoria. 2016. "P retty as a P rinc ess: Longitudinal Eff ects o f Eng agement W ith Disne y Princ esses on Gender Stereotyp es, Bo dy Es teem , and P roso cial Beha vior in Children ." Child Dev elopment . Volume 87, Is sue 6. https:/ /srcd.onlinelibrar y.wile y.com/doi/full/10.1111/c dev.12569 Crampton , Thomas . 2002. “ The Ong oing Ba ttle o ver Japan’s Textbooks.”New Y ork Times ,February 12. Retriev ed Augus t 2, 2011 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2002/02/12/new s/12iht -rtexts_ed3_.html). Kohn , Melvin L. 1977. Clas s and C onformity: A Study in V alues . Homew ood, IL: Dorse y Press. National Opinion R esearch C enter . 2007. General So cial Sur veys, 1972–2006: Cumula tive Codeb ook. Chic ago: National Opinion R esearch C enter . O’Connor , Lydia. 2011. “ The P rinc ess Eff ect: Are Girls T oo ‘Tangle d’ in Disne y’s Fantas y?”Annenb erg Digital News, Januar y 26. R etriev ed Augus t 2, 2011 ( http://www.neontomm y.com/new s/2011/01/princ ess-effect- are-girls -too-tangle d-disne ys-fantas y).5 • R eferences 143 Roberts, Donald F ., Ulla G . Foehr, and V ictoria Rideout . 2005. “P arents , Children , and Me dia: A K aiser F amily Founda tion Sur vey.” The Henr y J. Kaiser F amily F ounda tion . Retriev ed February 14, 2012 (http://www.kff. org/entme dia/uplo ad/7638. pdf). Rose, Stev e. 2011. “ Studio Ghibli: Le ave the Bo ys Behind .”The Guardian , July 14. R etriev ed Augus t 2, 2011. (http://www.guardian .co.uk/film/2011/jul/14/s tudio -ghibli-arriet ty-heroines). “South K oreans Sev er F ingers in Anti-J apan P rotes t.” 2001. The T elegraph . Retriev ed Januar y 31, 2012 (http://www.telegraph .co.uk/new s/1337272/South-K oreans-sev er-fing ers-in-anti-J apan-protes t.html). U.S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics. 2014. “Numb er o f Jobs Held , Labor Mark et A ctivity , and Earnings Gro wth Among the Y oung est Ba by Bo omers .” Septemb er 10. R etriev ed Oct . 27th , 2012 ( www.bls.gov/nls / nlsfaqs .htm). U.S. Dep artment o f Education , National C enter f or E duc ation Sta tistics. 2004. “ Average Length o f Scho ol Year and A verage Length o f Scho ol Da y, by Selecte d Characteris tics: Unite d Sta tes, 2003-04. ”Private Scho ol Univ erse Sur vey (PS S). Retriev ed July 30, 2011 ( http://nces.ed.gov/sur veys/pss/tables /table_2004_06.asp). Wagner , Jennif er. 2016. "So Wha t If My Da ughter Lo ves T o Pla y Princ ess." Parent .com. Septemb er 27, 2016. (https:/ /www.parent .com/blogs /conversa tions /embracing-the -princ ess-culture -one -story-at-a-time) "Why Sw edish Men tak e so much P aternity Le ave." 2014. The E conomis t. Retriev ed Oct . 27th , 2014. (http://www.economis t.com/blogs /economis t-explains /2014/07/ec onomis t-explains -15) 5.4 Socializ ation Acr oss the Lif e Course Andersen . 2009. " Commit tee prop oses c ash inc entiv es for sp eedy s tudents . Jyllands -Posten. The C openha gen Post 5 Ma y 2009. Bureau of Labor Sta tistics. 2020. " Colleg e Enrollment and W ork A ctivity o f Recent High Scho ol and C olleg e Gradua tes Summar y" April 28 2020. ( https:/ /www.bls.gov/new s.rele ase/hs gec.nr0.htm) Davidson , Adam . 2014. "It 's Official , the Bo omerang Kids W on't Le ave."New Y ork Times , June 20. R etriev ed Octob er 27, 2014 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2014/06/22/ma gazine/its -official-the -boomerang-kids -wont- leave.html?_r=0). Henig , Robin Marantz. 2010. “ Wha t Is It Ab out Tw enty -Somethings? ”New Y ork Times , Augus t 18. R etriev ed Dec emb er 28, 2011 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2010/08/22/ma gazine/22A dultho od- t.html?adxnnl=1&adxnnlx=1325202682- VVzEPjqlY dkfm WonoE3S pg). Hoffawer, Hillar y. 2020. " One char t sho ws jus t ho w badly y oung adults are g etting slamme d by the c orona virus recession ." Busines s Insider . Augus t 12 2020. ( https:/ /www.busines sinsider .com/ho w-corona virus- recession-is -affecting-millennials -gen-z -2020-8) NCES. 2020. "F ast Facts: Imme diate T ransition to C olleg e." National C enter f or E duc ation Sta tistics. Retriev ed April 6 2020. ( https:/ /nces.ed.gov/fastfacts /displa y.asp?id=51) Ritza u. 2019. "R ekordfå s tudenter læser videre me d det samme " (English title transla tion: "R ecord f ew students mo ve on imme diately.") Ritza u News Ag ency . June 11 2019. ( https:/ /fagbladet3f. dk/artikel/ rekordfaa-s tudenter -laeser -videre -me d-det -samme) Setters ten, Richard A ., Jr. 2002. “ Socializa tion in the Lif e Course: N ew F rontiers in Theor y and R esearch .”New Frontiers in So cializa tion , Vol. 7. Oxf ord, UK: Elsevier Scienc e Ltd. UNICEF . 2011. “P ercenta ge of Children Ag ed 5–14 Eng aged in Child La bour.” Retriev ed Dec emb er 28, 2011 (http://www.childinf o.org/labour_countr ydata.php). UNICEF . 2012. "P ercenta ge of Children Ag ed 5-14 Eng aged in Child La bour." Retriev ed Oct . 27th , 2014 (http://www.unic ef.org/search/144 5 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. search .php en=P ercenta ge+of+children+Ag ed+5-14+eng aged+in+child+la bour&go.x=0&g o.y=0) U.S. Dep artment o f Justice. 2012. " Corrections P opula tions in the US, 2012. " Retriev ed Octob er 27, 2014 (http://www.bjs.gov/content /pub/p df/cpus12. pdf). Weinb auer-Heidel , Ina and Ib eschitz -Manderb ach, Masha. 2019. " Wha t Mak es T raining R eally W ork." Tredition Publishing . Januar y 24 2019. P age 37.5 • R eferences 145 146 5 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 6.1 The national t our o f the T ea P arty Expr ess visit ed Minnesota and held a r ally outside the s tate capit ol building . Tarana Burk e, who originat ed the t erm “ me t oo” in the c ontext of suppor ting or ackno wledging se xual harassment or as saul t victims , has spok en fr equentl y on the e volution and is sues r egarding the Me Too mo vement. (Credit: a . Fibonac ci Blue/flickr; b Mar co Verch) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 6.1 Types o f Groups 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e 6.3 Formal Or ganizations Throughout the his tory of the Unite d Sta tes, individuals ha ve forme d groups in order to achiev e goals and bring a bout chang e. Some groups are lo osely define d, while others ha ve highly org aniz ed structure and mis sion . And in some c ases , groups c an ha ve signific ant influenc e on culture , society , the econom y, and g overnment . In 2009, p eople protes ting g overnment sp ending held a series o f “tea parties,” ref erencing the Bos ton T ea Party, an anti-taxa tion ev ent tha t led up to the R evolutionar y War. Tea Party activis ts also opp osed big government , high tax es, and p olitic al corruption and supp orted gun rights and traditional family v alues . The y called for “awarenes s to an y issue which challeng es the security , sovereignty , or domes tic tranquility o f our beloved na tion , the Unite d Sta tes o f Americ a” (Tea Party, Inc . 2021). The mo vement grew into a major p olitic al force, with chapters p opping up in ne arly ev ery community acros s the c ountr y. By 2010, T ea Party candida tes had w on se ats in the U .S. House o f Representa tives and the Sena te, demons trating the p olitic al power o f the group and its mes sage. As gras sroots activism fade d, the T ea Party gaine d influenc e within the R epublic an P arty. Man y of its ide as ha ve been as simila ted into the mains tream conser vative mo vement and R epublic an P arty pla tform .6Groups and Organiz ation In 2016, highly suc cessful F ox News hos t Gretchen C arlson file d a la wsuit a gains t Fox chairman , Roger Ailes , for se xual haras sment . The suit le d other w omen to c ome f orward with similar alleg ations a gains t Ailes and others in the enter tainment indus try. Soon a fter, actres s Alyssa Milano p osted this s tatement on Twit ter: “If all the w omen who ha ve been se xually haras sed or as saulte d wrote 'Me to o’ as a s tatus, we might giv e people a sense o f the ma gnitude o f the problem .” The phrase , “Me T oo” had b een firs t use d in this c onte xt in 2006 b y activis t Tarana B urke, in an eff ort to emp ower w omen o f color . Within a da y of Milano ’s post, the “Me T oo” phrase or hashta g was use d over 500,000 times on Twit ter, and w as use d in o ver 12 million p osts by 4.7 million people on F acebook. Thousands o f people , including other c elebrities , share d their o wn s tories o f sexual haras sment , abuse , or as sault. (Me TooMvmt .org, 2020) The “Me Too” mo vement b ecame the le ad s tory on man y new scasts and talk sho ws. Over the months tha t followed, the mo vement sp arked ref orms within comp anies and g overnments to c omb at sexual haras sment and b etter supp ort women . The mo vement inspire d abuse victims to c ome f orward and le d to the sanction or remo val of prominent individuals ac cuse d of serial haras sment or a buse in ac ademia, me dia, g overnment , and other indus tries . The T ea Party ev olved into an org aniza tion . From a lo osely as sociated set o f local chapters , it dev elop ed into several closely a ffilia ted nonpro fits (file d with the IRS ), a p olitic al faction within the R epublic an P arty, and a caucus within C ongres s. Wha t about the Me Too mo vement? B urke started it in 2006 and w as w orking to enact chang e long b efore the hashta g sp arked more a warenes s and new p olicies . The Me Too has brought tog ether people to w ork in groups , but it has y et to f orm into a p ermanent Me Too org aniza tion . As enduring so cial units , groups help f oster share d value s ystems and are k ey to the s tructure o f society as w e kno w it. There are three primar y so ciologic al persp ectiv es for studying groups: F unctionalis t, Conflict , and Interactionis t. We can lo ok a t the T ea Party and the Me Too mo vements through the lenses o f these metho ds to better unders tand the roles and challeng es tha t the y offer. The F unctionalis t persp ectiv e is a big-picture , macro -lev el view tha t looks a t ho w diff erent asp ects o f society are inter twine d. This p ersp ectiv e is b ased on the ide a tha t society is a w ell-b alanc ed system with all p arts necessary to the whole , and it s tudies the roles these p arts pla y in rela tion to the whole . A F unctionalis t might look a t the macro -lev el nee ds tha t each mo vement ser ves. For e xample , a Str uctural F unctionalis t might ask how the T ea Party arose to v oice the c oncerns o f a larg e sector o f society tha t felt p olitic ally underrepresente d, or ho w Me Too dro ve people to p ay attention to se xual haras sment and g ender ine quality . This appro ach might look a t ho w each group ena bled the v oicing o f disc ontent and so s tabiliz ed so ciety . The C onflict p ersp ectiv e is another macro analytic al view , one tha t focuses on the g enesis and gro wth o f inequality . A c onflict theoris t studying the T ea Party Mo vement might lo ok a t ho w it check ed interes ts tha t have manipula ted the p olitic al system o ver the las t 30 y ears. Or this p ersp ectiv e might e xplore ho w Me Too challeng ed org aniza tions tha t ha ve allo wed se xual haras sment to p ersis t in order to protect those in p ower. A third p ersp ectiv e is the Symb olic Interaction or Interactionis t persp ectiv e. This metho d of analyzing groups takes a micro -lev el view . Ins tead o f studying the big picture , these rese archers lo ok a t the da y-to-day interactions o f groups . Studying these details , the Interactionis t looks a t issues lik e leadership s tyle and group dynamics . In the c ase o f the T ea Party Mo vement , Interactionis ts might ask , “Ho w do es the T ea Party dynamic in N ew Y ork diff er from tha t in A tlanta? ” Or , in the c ase o f the Me Too, rese archers ma y seek to le arn a bout who defines the a genda and appro ach within the mo vement . 6.1 Types of Gr oups LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e betw een primar y and sec ondar y groups . •Recogniz e in-gr oups and out -groups as sub types o f primar y and sec ondar y groups •Define r eference groups Mos t of us f eel c omf ortable using the w ord “ group ” without giving it much thought . Often , we me an diff erent148 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. things when using tha t word. We might sa y tha t a group o f kids all sa w the dog , and it c ould me an 250 s tudents in a lecture hall or f our siblings pla ying on a front la wn. In ev eryday use , it c an b e a g eneric term , although it carries imp ortant clinic al and scientific me anings . Moreo ver, the c oncept o f a group is c entral to much o f ho w we think a bout so ciety and human interaction . So ho w can w e hone the me aning more precisely f or sociologic al purp oses? Defining a Gr oup The term group is an amorphous one and c an ref er to a wide v ariety o f gatherings , from jus t two people (think about a “ group project ” in scho ol when y ou p artner with another s tudent), a club , a regular g athering o f friends , or p eople who w ork tog ether or share a hobb y. In shor t, the term ref ers to an y collection o f at least two people who interact with some fre quency and who share a sense tha t their identity is someho w aligne d with the group . Of c ourse , every time p eople are g athere d, it is not nec essarily a group . A rally is usually a one -time event, for ins tanc e, and b elonging to a p olitic al party do esn’t imply interaction with others . People who happ en to b e in the same plac e at the same time but who do not interact or share a sense o f identity —such as a bunch of people s tanding in line a t Starbucks —are c onsidere d an aggreg ate, or a cro wd. Another e xample o f a nongroup is p eople who share similar characteris tics but are not tie d to one another in any way. These p eople are c onsidere d acateg ory, and as an e xample all children b orn from appro xima tely 1980–2000 are ref erre d to as “Millennials .” Wh y are Millennials a c ategory and not a group? Bec ause while some o f them ma y share a sense o f identity , the y do not , as a whole , interact fre quently with e ach other . Interes tingly , people within an a ggreg ate or c ategory can b ecome a group . During disas ters , people in a neighb orho od (an a ggreg ate) who did not kno w each other might b ecome friendly and dep end on e ach other a t the lo cal shelter . After the disas ter when p eople g o back to simply living ne ar e ach other , the f eeling o f cohesiv enes s ma y las t sinc e the y ha ve all share d an e xperienc e. The y might remain a group , practicing emerg ency re adines s, coordina ting supplies f or ne xt time , or taking turns c aring f or neighb ors who nee d extra help . Similarly , there ma y be man y groups within a single c ategory. Consider te achers , for e xample . Within this category, groups ma y exist lik e teachers’ unions , teachers who c oach, or s taff memb ers who
🔄 Primary vs Secondary Groups
👪 Primary groups are small, intimate collections of people engaged in long-term emotional relationships that serve expressive functions, with family being the quintessential example
🏢 Secondary groups are typically larger, impersonal, and task-oriented, serving instrumental functions rather than emotional ones, like classrooms or offices
🔄 Groups can transform over time - coworkers or even online communities can evolve from secondary to primary status as members develop deeper emotional connections and support systems
👥 In-groups and out-groups shape identity and behavior, creating powerful dynamics of inclusion and exclusion that can lead to both positive affiliation and negative behaviors like bullying
📊 Reference groups provide standards of measurement against which people compare themselves, influencing norms, behaviors, and social identities
👑 Group leadership varies by size and type, with small primary groups featuring informal leadership while secondary groups typically require more formal, structured leadership styles
are in volved with the PT A. Types of Gr oups Sociologis t Charles Hor ton C ooley (1864–1929) sugg ested tha t groups c an bro adly b e divide d into tw o categories: primar y groups and secondar y groups (Cooley 1909). A ccording to C ooley, primar y groups pla y the mos t critic al role in our liv es. The primar y group is usually fairly small and is made up o f individuals who generally eng age fac e-to-fac e in long-term emotional w ays. This group ser ves emotional nee ds:expres sive funct ions rather than pra gma tic ones . The primar y group is usually made up o f signific ant others , those individuals who ha ve the mos t imp act on our so cializa tion . The b est example o f a primar y group is the family . Secondar y groups are o ften larg er and imp ersonal . The y ma y also b e task -focuse d and time -limite d. These groups ser ve an instrumental funct ion rather than an e xpres sive one , me aning tha t their role is more g oal- or task -oriente d than emotional . A clas sroom or o ffice can b e an e xample o f a sec ondar y group . Neither primar y nor sec ondar y groups are b ound b y strict definitions or set limits . In fact , people c an mo ve from one group to another . A group o f coworkers, for e xample , can s tart as a sec ondar y group , but as the emplo yees w ork tog ether o ver the y ears, the y ma y find c ommon interes ts and s trong ties tha t trans form them into a primar y group . As w e will discus s in the chapter on Me dia and T echnolog y, even online netw orks o f people with c ommon interes ts can sometimes mo ve from sec ondar y to primar y group s tatus.6.1 • T ypes o f Groups 149 Best Friends She’ s Nev er Met Writer Al lison L evy w orked alone . While she lik ed the fr eedom and fle xibility o f working fr om home , she sometimes missed ha ving a c ommunity o f coworkers, both f or the pr actical purpose o f brains torming and socializing . Levy did what man y do in the Int ernet ag e: she f ound a gr oup o f other writ ers online thr ough a w eb forum. Ov er time , a gr oup of appr oximat ely tw enty writ ers, who al l wrote for a similar audienc e, broke off from the lar ger gr oup and s tarted a private invitation-onl y forum. While writ ers in g ener al represent al l genders , ages, and int erests, this gr oup ended up being a c ollection o f twenty - and thir ty-something w omen who al l wrote fiction f or childr en and y oung adul ts. At firs t, the writ ers’ f orum w as clearl y a sec ondar y group unit ed b y the members’ pr ofessions and w ork situations . As L evy explained, “ On the Int ernet, y ou can be pr esent or absent as o ften as y ou w ant. No one is e xpecting y ou to show up .” It w as a useful plac e to resear ch inf ormation about publishers , recently-published book s and authors , and indus try trends . But as time pas sed, L evy found it ser ved a diff erent purpose . Sinc e the gr oup shar ed other char acteristics be yond their writing (such as ag e and g ender), their c onversation natur ally turned t o mat ters such as child-r earing , aging par ents , heal th, and e xercise. Levy found it w as a s ympathetic plac e to talk about an y number o f subjects , not jus t writing . Further, when people didn ’t pos t for se veral da ys, others e xpressed c oncern, asking whether an yone had hear d from the mis sing writ ers. It r eached a point wher e mos t members w ould t ell the gr oup if they were traveling or needed t o be o ffline f or awhile . The gr oup c ontinued t o shar e. One member on the sit e who w as g oing thr ough a difficul t famil y illnes s wr ote, “I don’t kno w wher e I’d be without y ou w omen. It is so gr eat t o ha ve a plac e to vent that I kno w isn ’t hur ting an yone.” Others shar ed similar sentiments . So is this a primar y group? Mos t of these people ha ve ne ver met each other . The y live in Ha waii, Aus tralia, Minnesota , and acr oss the w orld. The y ma y ne ver meet. L evy wr ote recently to the gr oup, saying , “Mos t of my ‘real- life’ friends and e ven m y husband don ’t really get the writing thing . I don ’t kno w what I’ d do without y ou.” Despit e the dis tanc e and the lack o f physical c ontact, the gr oup clearl y fills an e xpressive need. FIGURE 6.2 Engineering and c onstruction s tudents g ather ar ound a job sit e. Ho w do y our academic int erests defineSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD150 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. your in- and out -groups? (Cr edit: USA CEpublicaffairs/flickr) In-Gr oups and Out-Gr oups One o f the w ays tha t groups c an b e powerful is through inclusion , and its in verse , exclusion . The f eeling tha t we belong in an elite or select group is a he ady one , while the f eeling o f not b eing allo wed in , or o f being in comp etition with a group , can b e motiv ating in a diff erent w ay. Sociologis t William Sumner (1840–1910) develop ed the c oncepts o fin-group and out-group to explain this phenomenon (Sumner 1906). In shor t, an in-group is the group tha t an individual f eels she b elongs to , and she b eliev es it to b e an integral p art of who she is . An out -group , conversely , is a group someone do esn’t belong to; o ften w e ma y feel disdain or comp etition in rela tionship to an out -group . Sports te ams , unions , and sororities are e xamples o f in-groups and out -groups . Primar y groups c onsis t of both in-groups and out -groups , as do sec ondar y groups . While group a ffilia tions c an b e neutral or p ositiv e, the c oncept o f in-groups and out -groups c an also e xplain some neg ative human b ehavior , such as white supremacis t mo vements . By defining others as “not lik e us” and inferior , in-groups c an end up practicing ethno centrism , racism , sexism , ageism , and heterose xism—manners of judging others neg atively b ased on their culture , rac e, sex, age, or se xuality . Often , in-groups c an f orm within a sec ondar y group . For ins tanc e, a w orkplac e can ha ve cliques o f people , from senior e xecutiv es who pla y golf tog ether , to engineers who write c ode tog ether , to y oung singles who socializ e after hours . While these in-groups might sho w fa voritism and a ffinity f or other in-group memb ers, the o verall org aniza tion ma y be una ble or un willing to ackno wledge it. Theref ore, it p ays to b e wary of the politics o f in-groups , sinc e memb ers ma y exclude others as a f orm o f gaining s tatus within the group . Bullying and Cyberbullying: Ho w Technology Has Changed the Game Mos t of us kno w that the old rh yme “ sticks and s tones ma y break m y bones , but w ords wil l never hur t me ” is inac curate. Words can hur t, and ne ver is that mor e appar ent than in ins tanc es o f bul lying . Bul lying o ften reaches extreme le vels o f cruel ty in childr en and y oung adul ts. People at these s tages o f life are especial ly vulner able t o opinions o f others and deepl y invested in their peer gr oups . Today, cyberbul lying is on the rise . Cyberbul lying can involve sending thr eatening t exts, har assing someone in a public f orum (such as F acebook), hacking someone ’s account and pr etending t o be him or her , pos ting embarr assing imag es online , and so on. A s tudy b y the Cyberbul lying R esear ch Cent er found that 28 per cent o f teens ha ve been a victim o f cyberbul lying (Hinduja and Patchin, 2019). Se vere bul lying can lead s tudents t o commit or c ontemplat e suicide . A 2010 s tudy f ound that 20 percent o f middle school s tudents admit ted to “seriousl y thinking about c ommit ting suicide ” as a r esul t of online bullying (Hinduja and P atchin 2010). Wher eas bul lying fac e-to-face requir es wil lingnes s to int eract with y our victim, cyberbul lying al lows bul lies t o har ass others fr om the priv acy o f their homes without witnes sing the damag e firs thand. This f orm o f bul lying is par ticularl y dang erous because it ’s widel y accessible and ther efore easier t o carr y out. Cyberbul lying firs t made int ernational headlines in 2010 when a fift een-y ear-old girl , Phoebe P rince, in South Hadle y, Mas sachuset ts, commit ted suicide aft er being r elentles sly bul lied b y girls at her school . In the aft ermath of her death, the bul lies w ere prosecut ed and the s tate pas sed anti-bul lying legislation. This mark ed a significant chang e in ho w bul lying , including cyberbul lying , is vie wed in the Unit ed Stat es. No w ther e are numer ous resour ces for schools , families , and c ommunities t o provide education and pr evention on this is sue. The Whit e House hos ted a Bul lying P revention summit in Mar ch 2011, and P resident and Firs t Lady Obama ha ve used Facebook and other social media sit es to discus s the impor tanc e of the is sue. According t o a r epor t released in 2013 b y the National Cent er for Educational Statis tics, close t o 1 in e very 3 (27.8 per cent) s tudents r epor t being bul lied b y their school peers . Seventeen per cent o f students r epor ted being the victims o f cyberbul lying .BIG PICTURE6.1 • T ypes o f Groups 151 Will legislation chang e the beha vior o f would-be cyberbul lies? That r emains t o be seen. But w e can hope communities wil l work t o protect victims bef ore the y feel the y mus t resor t to extreme measur es. Reference Gr oups FIGURE 6.3 Athlet es ar e often vie wed as a r eference group f or young people . (Cr edit: nonor ganical/ flickr) Areferenc e group is a group tha t people c omp are themselv es to —it pro vides a s tandard o f me asurement . In U.S. so ciety , peer groups are c ommon ref erenc e groups . Kids and adults p ay attention to wha t their p eers w ear, wha t music the y lik e, wha t the y do with their free time —and the y comp are themselv es to wha t the y see . Mos t people ha ve more than one ref erenc e group , so a middle scho ol boy might lo ok not jus t at his clas sma tes but also a t his older brother ’s friends and see a diff erent set o f norms . And he might obser ve the b ehaviors o f his favorite a thletes f or y et another p oint o f ref erenc e. Some other e xamples o f ref erenc e groups c an b e one ’s cultural c enter , workplac e, family g athering , and ev en parents . Often , ref erenc e groups c onvey comp eting mes sages. For ins tanc e, on television and in mo vies , young adults o ften ha ve wonder ful ap artments and c ars and liv ely so cial liv es despite not holding a job . In music videos , young w omen might danc e and sing in a se xually a ggres sive way tha t sugg ests experienc e beyond their years. At all a ges, we use ref erenc e groups to help guide our b ehavior and es tablish our so cial norms . So ho w imp ortant is it to surround y ourself with p ositiv e ref erenc e groups? Y ou ma y not rec ogniz e a ref erenc e group , but it s till influenc es the w ay you act . Identif ying y our ref erenc e groups c an help y ou unders tand the sourc e of the so cial identities y ou aspire to or w ant to dis tanc e yourself from .152 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. College: A W orld of In-Gr oups, Out-Gr oups, and R eference Gr oups FIGURE 6.4 Which fr aternity or sor ority w ould y ou fit int o, if an y? Sor ority r ecruitment da y offers s tudents an oppor tunity t o learn about these diff erent gr oups . (Cr edit: T exas A &M/flickr) For a s tudent ent ering c ollege, the sociological s tudy o f groups tak es on an immediat e and pr actical meaning . Aft er all, when w e arriv e someplac e ne w, mos t of us glanc e around t o see ho w well we fit in or s tand out in the w ays we want. This is a natur al response t o a r eference group, and on a lar ge campus , ther e can be man y competing gr oups . Say you ar e a s trong athlet e who w ants t o pla y intr amur al spor ts, and y our fa vorite musicians ar e a local punk band. You ma y find y ourself eng aged with tw o very diff erent r eference groups . These r eference groups can also bec ome y our in-gr oups or out -groups . For ins tanc e, diff erent gr oups on campus might solicit y ou to join. Ar e ther e fraternities and sor orities at y our school? If so , chanc es ar e the y wil l try to convinc e students —that is , students the y deem w orthy—to join them. And if y ou lo ve pla ying soc cer and w ant t o pla y on a campus t eam, but y ou’re wearing shr edded jeans , combat boots , and a local band T -shir t, you might ha ve a hard time c onvincing the soc cer team t o giv e you a chanc e. While mos t campus gr oups r efrain fr om insul ting competing gr oups , ther e is a definit e sense o f an in-gr oup v ersus an out -group. “Them? ” a member might sa y. “They’re all right, but their par ties ar e no wher e near as c ool as ours .” Or, “Only serious engineering g eeks join that group.” This immediat e cat egorization int o in-gr oups and out -groups means that s tudents mus t choose car efully, sinc e what ever gr oup the y associat e with might define their friends f or se veral years t o come . 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the w ays that siz e influenc es gr oup dynamics •Differentiat e among s tyles o f leadership •Interpr et the impact o f groups on individual beha viorSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD6.2 • Gr oup Siz e and S tructur e153 FIGURE 6.5 Cadets il lustrate ho w strongl y conformity can define gr oups . (Cr edit: W est Point — The U .S. Militar y Academ y/flickr) Dyads, T riads, and Large Gr oups A small group is typic ally one where the c ollection o f people is small enough tha t all memb ers o f the group kno w each other and share simultaneous interaction , such as a nucle ar family , a dy ad, or a triad . Georg Simmel (1858–1915) wrote e xtensiv ely a bout the diff erenc e between a dyad, or tw o-memb er group , and a triad , which is a three -memb er group (Simmel 1902). In the f ormer , if one p erson withdra ws, the group c an no long er exist. We can think o f a div orce, which eff ectiv ely ends the “ group ” of the marrie d couple or o f two best friends nev er sp eaking a gain. In a triad , however, the dynamic is quite diff erent . If one p erson withdra ws, the group liv es on . A triad has a diff erent set o f rela tionships . If there are three in the group , two-agains t-one dynamics c an dev elop , and a majority opinion ma y form on an y issue. Small groups g enerally ha ve strong internal c ohesiv enes s and a sense o f connection . Small groups ma y fac e challeng es when tr ying to achiev e larg e goals. The y can s truggle to b e he ard or to b e a f orce for chang e if the y are pushing a gains t larg er groups . It is difficult to define e xactly when a small group b ecomes a larg e group . Perhaps it o ccurs when one group grows so larg e tha t there are to o man y people to join in a simultaneous discus sion . Sometimes it o ccurs when a group joins with other groups as p art of a mo vement . These larg er groups ma y share a g eographic sp ace, such as a fra ternity or sorority on the same c ampus , or the y might b e spre ad out around the glob e. The larg er the group , the more a ttention it c an g arner , and the more pres sure memb ers c an put to ward wha tever g oal they wish to achiev e. At the same time , the larg er the group b ecomes , the more the risk gro ws for division and lack o f cohesion . Group Leadership Often , larg er groups re quire some kind o f leadership . In small , primar y groups , leadership tends to b e informal . After all , mos t families don ’t tak e a v ote on who will r ule the group , nor do mos t groups o f friends . This is not to sa y tha tde facto leaders don ’t emerg e, but f ormal le adership is rare . In sec ondar y groups , leadership is usually more o vert. The y often outline roles and resp onsibilities , with a chain o f command to follow. Some sec ondar y groups , like the militar y, have highly s tructure d and cle arly unders tood chains o f command , and sometimes liv es dep end on those . After all , how w ell c ould soldiers function in a b attle if different p eople w ere c alling out orders and if the y had no ide a whom to lis ten to? Other sec ondar y groups , like a workplac e or a clas sroom, also ha ve formal le aders , but the s tyles and functions o f leadership c an v ary signific antly .154 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Leadership funct ion refers to the main g oal of the le ader , which ma y be ins trumental or e xpres sive. An instrumental le ader is one who is g oal-oriente d and larg ely c oncerne d with ac complishing set tasks . We can ima gine tha t an arm y general or a F ortune 500 CEO w ould b e an ins trumental le ader . In c ontras t,expres sive leaders are more c oncerne d with promoting emotional s trength and he alth , and ensuring tha t people f eel supp orted. Social and religious le aders —ra bbis , pries ts, imams , directors o f youth homes and so cial ser vice programs —are o ften p erceived as e xpres sive leaders . Sometimes p eople e xpect men to tak e on ins trumental roles and w omen to as sume e xpres sive roles . Women and men who e xhibit the other -gender manner c an b e seen as deviants and c an enc ounter resis tanc e. Yet, both men and w omen pref er le aders who use a combina tion o f expres sive and ins trumental le adership (Bo atwright and F orres t, 2000). Sociologis ts rec ogniz e three leadership s tyles .Demo crat ic le aders encoura ge group p articip ation in all decision making . The y work hard to build c onsensus b efore cho osing a c ourse o f action and mo ving f orward. This typ e of leader is p
🏢 Leadership Styles and Organizational Dynamics
👑 Leadership styles vary dramatically in approach and effectiveness: democratic leaders build consensus but risk slow decisions, laissez-faire leaders empower self-management but risk lack of direction, and authoritarian leaders command decisively but risk alienating team members
👩💼 Women leaders face unique challenges including the "likability trap" where leadership qualities conflict with gender expectations, creating barriers to advancement in politics and business despite equal or superior qualifications
🧍♂️ Conformity pressure significantly influences group behavior, as demonstrated by Asch's experiments where individuals frequently chose incorrect answers to align with the group, revealing how social influence can override individual judgment
👥 Formal organizations operate as bureaucracies with hierarchies of authority, clear division of labor, explicit rules, and impersonality—creating efficiency but often at the cost of flexibility and personal connection
🚶♀️ The bystander effect demonstrates how diffusion of responsibility in groups reduces individual likelihood to help in emergencies, especially when the victim is unknown
articularly c ommon , for e xample , in a club where the memb ers v ote on which activities or projects to pursue . Demo cratic le aders c an b e well lik ed, but there is o ften a dang er tha t decisions will proceed slo wly sinc e consensus building is time -consuming . A fur ther risk is tha t group memb ers might pick sides and entrench themselv es into opp osing factions ra ther than re aching a solution . In contras t, alaissez-faire (French f or “le ave it alone ”) le ader is hands -off, allo wing group memb ers to self - mana ge and mak e their o wn decisions . An e xample o f this kind o f leader might b e an ar t teacher who op ens the ar t cupb oard, leaves ma terials on the shelv es, and tells s tudents to help themselv es and mak e some ar t. While this s tyle c an w ork w ell with highly motiv ated and ma ture p articip ants who ha ve cle ar g oals and guidelines , it risks group dis solution and a lack o f progres s. Finally ,authoritarian le aders issue orders and as sign tasks with lit tle to no f eedback from group memb ers. These le aders are o ften ins trumental le aders with a s trong f ocus on meeting g oals. Often , entrepreneurs fall into this mold , like Facebook founder Mark Z uckerberg. Not surprisingly , authoritarian le aders risk aliena ting the w orkers. When decisions nee d to made quickly or inf orme d by a high lev el of expertise, however, this s tyle of leadership c an b e re quire d. In diff erent circums tanc es, each o f these le adership s tyles c an b e eff ectiv e and suc cessful. Consider wha t leadership s tyle y ou pref er. Wh y? Do y ou lik e the same s tyle in diff erent are as o f your lif e, such as a clas sroom, a workplac e, and a sp orts te am?6.2 • Gr oup Siz e and S tructur e155 Women Political Candidates FIGURE 6.6 Kamala Harris, like many other women leaders, faces unique and sometimes conflicting expectations. She may want to lead, but some care more about whether she is liked. (Credit: California National Guard/flickr) Kamala Harris broke a significant barrier when she became the first woman and first person of Black and South Asian descent to be elected vice president of the United States. A prominent presidential candidate in her own right during the 2020 primary election, Harris was asked by then-candidate Joe Biden to be his running mate in order to secure his electoral victory. You may be surprised, howeve r, to learn that more than ten other women were on the ballot for president or vice president on November 3, 2020. Many were not on the ballot in every state, and at least one (Ricki Sue King) actually encouraged people not to vote for he r. Shirley Chisholm, Lenora Fulani, Jill Stein, Hillary Clinton and many other women have been candidates, but the United States has yet to elect a woman to the presidency. Researchers and political analysts have long established that gender plays a significant role in how political leaders (both candidates and elected officials) are perceived. As a starting point, research indicates that, even among women, the public prefer masculine qualities in presidents. For example, a study in which subjects completed the Bem Sex-Role Inventory and Implicit Leadership Inventory found that the hypothetical “Ideal” president possessed more masculine qualities than feminine qualities (Powell and Butterfield 2011). Beyond the implicit preference toward masculine qualities, women candidates face what is sometimes referred to the “likability trap.” Essentially, the public expects and prefers certain qualities from its leaders, and also expects and prefers certain qualities based on the candidates’ gende r. For women presidential candidates, these expectations often conflict. For example, when a male candidate ranks low on feminine qualities, their likeability is not significantly affected. But when a female candidate, like Hillary Clinton, ranks low on feminine qualities, their likability is significantly impacted. Interestingly, the same survey found that Kamala Harris had a much more balanced gender quality rating than Clinton did. The researchers qualified that since Kamala Harris ran for vice president, rather than president, the ratings cannot be directly compared to Clinton’s. This difference, though, may indicate why many women are elected to legislative and gubernatorial roles, but not to the presidencyBIG PICTURE156 6 • Groups and Organization Access for free at openstax.org. (Conr oy, Mar tin, and Nadler , 2020). These same per ceptions pr esent themsel ves in the w orkplac e. Prescrip tive stereotypes —that is , ideas about ho w men or w omen should beha ve—limit w omen ’s adv ancement t o leadership positions . Men ar e often appr eciat ed for being ambitious , while w omen who e xhibit as sertive beha vior ar e gener ally per ceived as selfish or o verly competitiv e (Baldoni, 2020). F urthermor e, when men help out in the w orkplac e, their c ontribution is appr eciat ed while the same task carried out b y women g oes unackno wledg ed. Scholars obser ve that w omen ar e underr epresent ed in the t op le vels o f U.S. busines ses and F ortune 500 c ompanies (Heilman 2012). FIGURE 6.7 This g ag gift demons trates ho w female leaders ma y be vie wed if the y violat e social norms . (Cr edit: istolethetv /flickr) Conf ormity We all lik e to fit in to some degree . Lik ewise , if w e want to s tand out , then w e want to cho ose ho w w e stand out and f or wha t reasons . For e xample , a p erson who lo ves cut ting-e dge fashion might dres s in thought -pro voking new s tyles to set a new trend . Conformit yis the e xtent to which an individual c omplies with group norms or e xpecta tions . As y ou might recall, we use ref erenc e groups to as sess and unders tand ho w to act , to dres s, and to b ehave. Not surprisingly , young p eople are p articularly a ware o f who c onforms and who do es not . A high scho ol boy whose mother mak es him w ear irone d but ton-do wn shir ts might protes t tha t everyone else w ears T -shir ts and he will lo ok stupid . Another high scho ol boy might lik e wearing those shir ts as a w ay of standing out . Ho w much do y ou6.2 • Gr oup Siz e and S tructur e157 enjo y being notic ed? Do y ou c onsciously pref er to c onform to group norms so as not to b e single d out? Are there p eople in y our clas s who imme diately c ome to mind when y ou think a bout those who don ’t want to conform? Psychologis t Solomon Asch (1907–1996) c onducte d experiments tha t illus trated ho w gre at the pres sure to conform is , specific ally within a small group (1956). R ead a bout his w ork in the So ciologic al Research f eature and c onsider wha t you w ould do in Asch ’s experiment . Would y ou sp eak up? Wha t would help y ou sp eak up and wha t would disc oura ge it? Conf orming to Expectations In 1951, ps ychologis t Solomon Asch sat a smal l group o f about eight people ar ound a table . Onl y one o f the people sit ting ther e was the true subject; the r est were as sociat es o f the e xperiment er. Ho wever, the subject w as led t o belie ve that the others w ere all, like him, people br ought in f or an e xperiment in visual judgments . The group w as sho wn tw o car ds, the firs t car d with a single v ertical line , and the sec ond car d with thr ee v ertical lines differing in length. The e xperiment er pol led the gr oup and ask ed each par ticipant one at a time which line on the second car d mat ched up with the line on the firs t car d. However, this w as not r eally a t est of visual judgment. R ather , it w as Asch ’s study on the pr essures o f conformity . He w as curious t o see what the eff ect o f mul tiple wr ong ans wers w ould be on the subject, who pr esumabl y was able t o tell which lines mat ched. In or der t o test this , Asch had each plant ed respondent ans wer in a specific way. The subject w as seat ed in such a w ay that he had t o hear almos t everyone else ’s ans wers bef ore it w as his turn. Sometimes the nonsubject members w ould unanimousl y choose an ans wer that w as clearl y wr ong. So what w as the c onclusion? Asch f ound that thir ty-seven out o f fifty t est subjects r esponded with an “ obviousl y erroneous” ans wer at leas t onc e. When fac ed b y a unanimous wr ong ans wer fr om the r est of the gr oup, the subject c onformed t o a mean o f four o f the s taged ans wers. Asch r evised the s tudy and r epeat ed it, wher ein the subject s till hear d the s taged wr ong ans wers, but w as al lowed to writ e do wn his ans wer rather than speak it aloud. In this v ersion, the number o f examples o f conformity ––giving an inc orrect ans wer so as not t o contr adict the gr oup––fell by tw o thir ds. He also f ound that gr oup siz e had an impact on ho w much pr essure the subject f elt to conform. The r esul ts sho wed that speaking up when onl y one other person g ave an err oneous ans wer w as far mor e common than when fiv e or six people def ended the inc orrect position. Final ly, Asch disc overed that people w ere far mor e lik ely to giv e the c orrect ans wer in the fac e of near -unanimous c onsent if the y had a single al ly. If e ven one person in the gr oup also dis sent ed, the subject c onformed onl y a quar ter as o ften. Clearl y, it w as easier t o be a minority o f two than a minority o f one . Asch c oncluded that ther e are tw o main causes f or conformity: people w ant t o be lik ed b y the gr oup or the y belie ve the gr oup is bet ter inf ormed than the y are. He f ound his s tudy r esul ts dis turbing . To him, the y revealed that int elligent, w ell-educat ed people w ould, with v ery little c oaxing , go along with an untruth. He belie ved this resul t highlight ed real pr oblems with the education s ystem and v alues in our society (Asch 1956). Stanle y Milgr am, a Y ale ps ychologis t, had similar r esul ts in his e xperiment that is no w kno wn simpl y as the Milgr am Experiment. In 1962, Milgr am f ound that r esear ch subjects w ere overwhelmingl y wil ling t o per form acts that dir ectly conflict ed with their c onscienc es when dir ected b y a person o f authority . In the e xperiment, subjects were wil ling t o adminis ter painful , even supposedl y deadl y, shock s to others who ans wered ques tions inc orrectly. To learn mor e about similar r esear ch, visit ht tp://www .prisone xp.org/SOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH158 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The Bystander Eff ect and Diffusion of R esponsibility Social ps ychologis ts ha ve rec ogniz ed tha t other p eople ’s presenc e influenc es our b ehavior , whether w e are aware o f it or not . One e xample is the bystander eff ect, a situa tion in which p eople are les s lik ely to inter fere during an emerg ency or when a so cial norm is b eing viola ted if there are others around . The y feel les s resp onsible b ecause o f the presenc e of other b ystanders (Be yer et al ., 2017). This is kno wn as diffusion o f resp onsibility . Mos t of the time p eople rep ort tha t the y don ’t want to g et in volved and tha t’s wh y the y don ’t resp ond when the y see something wrong . The y as sume someone else will s tep up and help . Researchers ha ve found tha t people are les s lik ely to help if the y don ’t kno w the victim (Cherr y 2020). Think a bout it this w ay, you’re w alking to clas s and there are sev eral s tudents around . Someone falls on the ground ha ving a seizure . Wha t would y ou do? The b ystander eff ect sugg ests tha t unles s you kno w the p erson who has fallen , you are more lik ely to w alk a way than help . Ho wever, social ps ychologis ts believ e tha t you are much more lik ely to help , or a t least stop and check , if y ou are the only one around . 6.3 Formal Organiz ations LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Distinguish the types o f formal or ganizations •Recogniz e the char acteristics o f bur eaucr acies •Identif y the impact o f the McDonaldization o f society A complaint o f mo dern lif e is tha t society is domina ted by larg e and imp ersonal sec ondar y org aniza tions . From scho ols to busines ses to he althc are to g overnment , these org aniza tions , ref erre d to as formal organizat ions , are highly bure aucra tized. Indee d, all f ormal org aniza tions are , or lik ely will b ecome , bure aucracies . We will discus s the purp ose o f formal org aniza tions and the s tructure o f their bure aucracies . Types of F ormal Organiz ations FIGURE 6.8 Girl Sc out tr oops and c orrectional facilities ar e both f ormal or ganizations . (Cr edit: (a) moonlightbulb/ flickr; (b) CxOxS /flickr) Sociologis t Amitai Etzioni (1975) p osite d tha t formal org aniza tions fall into three c ategories .Normat ive organizat ions , also c alledvoluntar y or ganizat ions , are b ased on share d interes ts. As the name sugg ests, joining them is v oluntar y. People find memb ership rew arding in an intangible w ay. The y rec eive non-ma terial benefits . The A udub on So ciety and a ski club are e xamples o f norma tive org aniza tions . Coerciv e or ganizat ions are groups tha t we mus t be coerced, or pushe d, to join . These ma y include prison or a reha bilita tion c enter . Symb olic interactionis t Erving Go ffman s tates tha t mos t coerciv e org aniza tions are total institutions (1961). A total ins titution is one in which inma tes or militar y soldiers liv e a c ontrolle d lif estyle and6.3 • F ormal Or ganiza tions 159 in which total reso cializa tion tak es plac e. The third typ e is utilitarian or ganizat ions , which , as the name sugg ests, are joine d because o f the nee d for a specific ma terial rew ard. High scho ol and the w orkplac e fall into this c ategory—one joine d in pursuit o f a diploma, the other in order to mak e mone y. Norma tive or V oluntar y Coer cive Utilitarian Benefit o f Membership Intangible benefit Corr ectiv e benefit Tangible benefit Type o f Membership Volunt eer basis Requir ed Contr actual basis Feeling o f Connect ednes s Shar ed affinity No affinity Some affinity TABLE 6.1Table o f Formal Or ganiza tions This table sho ws Etzioni’ s thr ee types o f formal organizations . (Cr edit: Etzioni 1975) The Structur e of Bur eaucr acies Bureaucracies are an ide al typ e of formal org aniza tion . By ide al, sociologis ts don ’t me an “b est.” Ra ther , bure aucracies ha ve a c ollection o f characteris tics tha t mos t of them e xhibit . Pioneer so ciologis t Max W eber characteriz ed a bure aucracy as ha ving a hierarch y of authority , a cle ar division o f labor, explicit r ules , and imp ersonality (1922). P eople o ften c omplain a bout bure aucracies ––declaring them slo w, rule-bound , difficult to na vigate, and unfriendly . Let ’s tak e a lo ok a t terms tha t define a bure aucracy to unders tand wha t the y me an. Hierarch y of authorit yrefers to the chain o f command tha t plac es one individual or o ffice in charg e of another , who in turn mus t ans wer to her o wn sup eriors . For e xample , as an emplo yee a t Walmar t, your shift mana ger as signs y ou tasks . Your shift mana ger ans wers to his s tore mana ger, who mus t ans wer to her regional mana ger, and so on , up to the CEO who mus t ans wer to the b oard memb ers, who in turn ans wer to the stockholders . Everyone in this bure aucracy f ollows the chain o f command . Bureaucracies ha ve aclear division of lab or: each individual has a sp ecializ ed task to p erform . For e xample , at a univ ersity , psycholog y pro fessors te ach ps ycholog y, but the y do not a ttempt to pro vide s tudents with financial aid f orms . The Offic e of Admis sions o ften tak es on this task . In this c ase, it is a cle ar and commonsense division . But wha t about in a res taurant where f ood is b acked up in the kitchen and a hos tess is standing ne arby texting on her phone? Her job is to se at cus tomers , not to deliv er food. Is this a smar t division of labor? Bureaucracies ha veexplicit r ules , rules tha t are outline d, writ ten do wn, and s tandardiz ed. For e xample , at your c olleg e or univ ersity , the s tudent guidelines are c ontaine d within the Student Handb ook. As technolog y chang es and c ampuses enc ounter new c oncerns lik e cyb erbullying , identity theft , and other problems tha t arise , org aniza tions scramble to ensure their e xplicit r ules c over these emerging is sues . Finally , bure aucracies are also characteriz ed byimp ersonalit y, which tak es p ersonal f eelings out o f professional situa tions . This characteris tic grew , to some e xtent , out o f a desire to a void nep otism , backro om deals, and other typ es o f favoritism , while simultaneously protecting cus tomers and others ser ved by the organiza tion . Imp ersonality B ureaucracies c an eff ectiv ely and efficiently ser ve volumes o f cus tomers quickly . However, explicit r ules , cle ar division o f labor, and a s trict hierarch y of authority do es not allo w them to e asily adjus t to unique or new situa tions . As a result , cus tomers fre quently c omplain tha t stores with bure aucra tic structures , like Walmar t, care lit tle a bout individuals , other busines ses, and the c ommunity a t larg e. Bureaucracies are o ften merito cracies , me aning tha t hiring and promotion is b ased on pro ven and documente d skills , rather than on nep otism or random choic e. In order to g et into a pres tigious c olleg e, you160 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. need to p erform w ell on the S AT and ha ve an impres sive transcript . In order to b ecome a la wyer and represent clients , you mus t gradua te la w scho ol and p ass the s tate bar e xam . Of c ourse , there are man y well-do cumente d examples o f suc cess by those who did not pro ceed through traditional merito cracies . Think a bout technolog y comp anies with f ounders who dropp ed out o f colleg e, or p erformers who b ecame famous a fter a Y ouTube video w ent viral . In addition , org aniza tions tha t aspire to b ecome merito cracies enc ounter challeng es. Ho w w ell do y ou think establishe d merito cracies identif y talent? W ealth y families hire tutors , inter view c oaches , tes t-prep ser vices, and c onsultants to help their kids g et into the b est scho ols. This s tarts as e arly as kinderg arten in N ew Y ork City , where c omp etition f or the mos t highly -reg arde d scho ols is esp ecially fierc e. Are these scho ols, man y of which ha ve copious scholarship funds tha t are intende d to mak e the scho ol more demo cratic, really o ffering all applic ants a fair shak e? There are sev eral p ositiv e asp ects o f bure aucracies . The y are intende d to impro ve efficiency , ensure e qual opp ortunities , and ser ve a larg e popula tion . And
🏢 Bureaucracy's Evolving Impact
🔄 Industrial-era bureaucracies with rigid hierarchies are increasingly misaligned with today's workplace needs for flexibility, problem-solving, and rapid adaptation
🍔 McDonaldization has spread efficiency, predictability, calculability, and control beyond fast food into healthcare, education, and government institutions, creating both benefits and concerning standardization
🧠 The Iron Rule of Oligarchy perpetuates power imbalances in large organizations, often preserving privilege despite claims of meritocracy
🛒 While criticized for creating generic experiences and "McJobs," standardized organizations like Costco and Chipotle demonstrate alternative approaches with better wages, benefits, and quality standards
👥 Group dynamics significantly influence individual behavior through conformity pressures, leadership styles (authoritarian, democratic, laissez-faire), and in-group/out-group distinctions
🔍 Organizations fall into three categories—normative/voluntary, coercive, and utilitarian—each serving different social functions and employing varying methods of member recruitment
there are times when rigid hierarchies are nee ded. But rememb er tha t man y of our bure aucracies grew larg e at the same time tha t our scho ol mo del w as develop ed–– during the Indus trial R evolution . Young w orkers w ere traine d, and org aniza tions w ere built f or mas s pro duction , assembly line w ork, and factor y jobs . In these sc enarios , a cle ar chain o f command w as critic al. Now, in the inf orma tion a ge, this kind o f rigid training and adherenc e to proto col can actually decre ase both pro ductivity and efficiency . Today’s workplac e re quires a fas ter p ace, more problem solving , and a fle xible appro ach to w ork. Too much adherenc e to e xplicit r ules and a division o f labor c an le ave an org aniza tion b ehind . And unf ortuna tely, onc e establishe d, bure aucracies c an tak e on a lif e of their o wn. Ma ybe you ha ve he ard the e xpres sion “ trying to turn a tank er around mid-o cean,” which ref ers to the difficulties o f changing direction with something larg e and set in its w ays. Sta te governments and current budg et crises are e xamples o f this challeng e. It is almos t imp ossible to mak e quick chang es, leading s tates to fail , year a fter y ear, to addres s incre asingly unb alanc ed budg ets. Finally , bure aucracies , grew as ins titutions a t a time when privileg ed white males held all the p ower. While ostensibly b ased on merito cracy , bure aucracies c an p erpetua te the e xisting b alanc e of power b y only recognizing the merit in traditionally male and privileg ed paths. Michels (1911) sugg ested tha t all larg e org aniza tions are characteriz ed by the Iron R ule of Olig arch y,wherein an entire org aniza tion is r uled by a f ew elites . Do y ou think this is tr ue? C an a larg e org aniza tion b e collaborative? FIGURE 6.9 This McDonald’ s storefront in E gypt sho ws the McDonaldization o f society . (Cr edit: s _w_ellis/flickr)6.3 • F ormal Or ganiza tions 161 The McDonaldiz ation of Society The McDonaldizat ion of So ciet y(Ritz er 1993) ref ers to the incre asing presenc e of the fas t food busines s model in c ommon so cial ins titutions , including g overnment , educ ation , and ev en rela tionships . The term itself isn't widely use d in public ations , rese arch , or c ommon c onversa tion , but its eff ects are v ery familiar , even commonplac e. The McDonald's mo del includes efficiency (the division o f labor), pre dicta bility , calcula bility , and c ontrol (monitoring ). For e xample , in y our a verage chain gro cery store , people a t the regis ter check out customers while s tockers k eep the shelv es full o f goods and deli w orkers slic e me ats and cheese to order (efficiency ). Whenev er you enter a s tore within tha t gro cery chain , you rec eive the same typ e of goods, see the same s tore org aniza tion , and find the same brands a t the same pric es (pre dicta bility ). You will find tha t goods are sold b y the p ound , so tha t you c an w eigh y our fr uit and v egetable purchase ra ther than simply gues sing a t the pric e for tha t bag of onions . The emplo yees use a timec ard to c alcula te their hours and rec eive overtime pay (calcula bility ). Finally , you will notic e tha t all s tore emplo yees are w earing a unif orm , and usually a name tag, so tha t the y can b e easily identifie d. There are security c ameras to monitor the s tore , and some p arts of the store , such as the s tockro om, are g enerally c onsidere d off-limits to cus tomers (c ontrol). This appro ach is so common in chain s tores tha t you might not ev en notic e it; in fact , if y ou w ent to a larg e-chain res turant or a store lik e Walmar t, seeing a w orker or a pro cess tha t didn ’t ha ve these unif orm characteris tics w ould seem odd. While McDonaldiza tion has resulte d in impro ved pro fits and an incre ased availability o f various g oods and services to more p eople w orldwide , it has also re duced the v ariety o f goods a vailable in the mark etplac e while rendering a vailable pro ducts unif orm , generic , and bland . Think o f the diff erenc e between a mas s-pro duced shoe and one made b y a lo cal cobbler , between a chick en from a family -owne d farm and a c orporate gro wer, or between a cup o f coffee from the lo cal diner and one from Starbucks . Some more c ontemp orar y eff orts can b e referre d to as “ de-McDonaldiza tion ”: farmers mark ets, microbrew eries , and v arious do -it-yourself trends . And with rec ent adv ertising and pro ducts emphasizing individuality , even McDonald ’s seems to b e de - McDonaldizing itself. The c orporate imp act o f this phenomenon is interes ting on its o wn, but so ciologis ts and ordinar y citiz ens are often more c oncerne d about its echo es in other are as o f society . A primar y example , discus sed extensiv ely later on in this te xt, is e ducation . Curricula and te aching practic es w ere long the domain o f local dis tricts under s tate guidanc e. Some e xperts felt tha t this le d to b oth inefficiency and underp erformanc e. Star ting in the 1990s and esp ecially in the e arly 2000s with the N o Child Left Behind la w, national s tandards b egan to override lo cal appro aches . But the desire d outc ome (impro ved educ ation) is difficult to me asure and far more difficult to achiev e. Due to funding g aps, difficult s tandards , and intense public and lo cal government opp osition , the la w w as larg ely seen as ha ving limite d imp act and w as ev entually phase d out . Healthc are has also g one to a mas s pro duction and efficiency mo del. As y ou will e xplore la ter in the te xt, U.S. healthc are pro viders and insurers fac ed overwhelming incre ases in demand , partly the result o f Americ a’s aging and les s he alth y popula tion . In the 1990s , pro viders c onsolida ted in wha t was c alled hospital “merg er mania. ” Lo cal hospitals and ev en small do ctors’ o ffices w ere merg ed or ac quire d by larg er systems (F uchs 1997). The trend c ontinue d with new gro wth in pro viders lik e urg ent c are o ffices. Other efficiency and standardiza tion metho ds include teleme dicine , new typ es o f he althc are pro fessionals , insuranc e manda tes, and ar tificial intellig ence. Secr ets of the McJob We often talk about bur eaucr acies dispar agingl y, and no or ganization tak es mor e heat than fas t food r estaur ants . Several book s and mo vies , such as Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side o f the Al l-American Meal by Eric Schos sler, paint an ugl y pictur e of what g oes in, what g oes on, and what c omes out o f fas t food chains . From their en vironmentalSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD162 6 • Gr oups and Or ganiza tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. impact t o their r ole in the U .S. obesity epidemic, fas t food chains ar e connect ed to numer ous societal il ls. Furthermor e, working at a fas t food r estaur ant is o ften dispar aged, and e ven referred to dismis sively, as ha ving a McJob r ather than a r eal job . But busines s school pr ofessor Jerr y Ne wman w ent under cover and w orked behind the c ount er at se ven fas t food restaur ants t o disc over what r eally goes on ther e. His book, My Secr et Lif e on the Mc Job, documents his e xperienc e. Unlik e Schos sler, Newman f ound that these r estaur ants o ffer much g ood alongside the bad. Specifical ly, he as serted that the emplo yees w ere hones t and har dworking , that manag ement w as o ften impr essive, and that the jobs requir ed a lot mor e skil l and eff ort than mos t people imagined. In the book, Ne wman cit es a pharmac eutical executiv e who sa ys a fas t-food ser vice job on an applicant ’s résumé is a plus because it indicat es the emplo yee is reliable and can handle pr essure. Busines ses lik e Chipotle , Paner a, and Cos tco attemp t to combat man y of the eff ects o f McDonaldization. In fact, Costco is kno wn f or pa ying its emplo yees an a verage of $20 per hour , or slightl y mor e than $40,000 per y ear. Nearl y 90% o f their emplo yees r eceive heal th insur ance from Cos tco, a number that is unhear d of in the r etail sect or. While Chipotle is not kno wn f or the high w ages o f its emplo yees, it is kno wn f or at temp ting t o sel l high-quality f oods from r esponsibl y sour ced pr oviders . This is a diff erent appr oach fr om what Schos sler describes among bur ger chains lik e McDonalds . So, what do y ou think? Ar e these Mc Jobs and the or ganizations that o ffer them s till ser ving an impor tant r ole in the econom y and people ’s car eers? Or ar e the y dead-end jobs that typif y all that is neg ative about lar ge bur eaucr acies? Have you e ver w orked in one? W ould y ou?6.3 • F ormal Or ganiza tions 163 Key T erms aggreg ate a collection o f people who e xist in the same plac e at the same time , but who don ’t interact or share a sense o f identity authoritarian le ader a leader who is sues orders and as signs tasks bure aucracies formal org aniza tions characteriz ed by a hierarch y of authority , a cle ar division o f labor, explicit r ules , and imp ersonality . categ ory people who share similar characteris tics but who are not c onnecte d in an y way clear division of lab or the fact tha t each individual in a bure aucracy has a sp ecializ ed task to p erform coerciv e or ganizat ions organiza tions tha t people do not v oluntarily join , such as prison or a mental hospital conformit y the e xtent to which an individual c omplies with group or so cietal norms demo crat ic le ader a leader who enc oura ges group p articip ation and c onsensus -building b efore mo ving into action dyad a tw o-memb er group explicit r ules the typ es o f rules in a bure aucracy; r ules tha t are outline d, rec orde d, and s tandardiz ed expres sive funct ion a group function tha t ser ves an emotional nee d expres sive leader a leader who is c oncerne d with pro cess and with ensuring ev eryone’s emotional wellb eing formal or ganizat ions larg e, imp ersonal org aniza tions group any collection o f at least two people who interact with some fre quency and who share some sense o f aligne d identity hierarch y of authorit y a cle ar chain o f command f ound in a bure aucracy imp ersonalit y the remo val of personal f eelings from a pro fessional situa tion in-group a group a p erson b elongs to and f eels is an integral p art of his identity instrumental funct ion being oriente d to ward a task or g oal instrumental le ader a leader who is g oal oriente d with a primar y focus on ac complishing tasks Iron R ule of Olig arch y the theor y tha t an org aniza tion is r uled by a f ew elites ra ther than through collaboration laissez-faire le ader a hands -off le ader who allo ws memb ers o f the group to mak e their o wn decisions leadership funct ion the main f ocus or g oal of a le ader leadership s tyle the s tyle a le ader uses to achiev e goals or elicit action from group memb ers McDonaldizat ion of So ciet y the incre asing presenc e of the fas t food busines s mo del in c ommon so cial institutions merito cracy a bure aucracy where memb ership and adv ancement is b ased on merit —pro ven and documente d skills normat ive or v oluntar y or ganizat ions organiza tions tha t people join to pursue share d interes ts or b ecause they pro vide some intangible rew ards out-group a group tha t an individual is not a memb er o f, and ma y ev en c omp ete with primar y groups small , inf ormal groups o f people who are closes t to us referenc e groups groups to which an individual c omp ares herself secondar y groups larg er and more imp ersonal groups tha t are task -focuse d and time limite d total ins titution an org aniza tion in which p articip ants liv e a c ontrolle d lif estyle and in which total reso cializa tion o ccurs triad a three -memb er group utilitarian or ganizat ions organiza tions tha t are joine d to fill a sp ecific ma terial nee d164 6 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Section Summary 6.1 Types of Gr oups Groups larg ely define ho w w e think o f ourselv es. There are tw o main typ es o f groups: primar y and sec ondar y. As the names sugg est, the primar y group is the long-term , comple x one . People use groups as s tandards o f comp arison to define themselv es—both who the y are and who the y are not . Sometimes groups c an b e use d to exclude p eople or as a to ol tha t strengthens prejudic e. 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e The siz e and dynamic o f a group gre atly a ffects ho w memb ers act . Primar y groups rarely ha ve formal le aders , although there c an b e inf ormal le adership . Groups g enerally are c onsidere d larg e when there are to o man y memb ers f or a simultaneous discus sion . In sec ondar y groups there are tw o typ es o f leadership functions , with expres sive leaders f ocuse d on emotional he alth and w ellnes s, and ins trumental le aders more f ocuse d on results . Further , there are diff erent le adership s tyles: demo cratic le aders , authoritarian le aders , and lais sez- faire le aders . Within a group , conformity is the e xtent to which p eople w ant to g o along with the norm . A numb er o f experiments ha ve illus trated ho w strong the driv e to c onform c an b e. It is w orth considering re al-lif e examples of ho w conformity and ob edienc e can le ad p eople to ethic ally and morally susp ect acts . 6.3 Formal Organiz ations Larg e org aniza tions fall into three main c ategories: norma tive/voluntar y, coerciv e, and utilitarian . We liv e in a time o f contradiction: while the p ace of chang e and technolog y are re quiring p eople to b e more nimble and less bure aucra tic in their thinking , larg e bure aucracies lik e hospitals , scho ols, and g overnments are more hamp ered than ev er b y their org aniza tional f orma t. At the same time , the p ast few dec ades ha ve seen the development o f a trend to bure aucra tize and c onventionaliz e local ins titutions . Incre asingly , Main Streets acros s the c ountr y resemble e ach other; ins tead o f a Bob ’s Coffee Shop and J ane’s Hair Salon there is a Dunkin Donuts and a Sup ercuts . This trend has b een ref erre d to as the McDonaldiza tion o f society . Section Quiz 6.1 Types of Gr oups 1.Wha t do es a F unctionalis t consider when s tudying a phenomenon lik e the T ea Party mo vement? a.The minute functions tha t every person a t the protes ts pla ys in the whole b.The internal c onflicts tha t pla y out within such a div erse and le aderles s group c.How the mo vement c ontributes to the s tability o f society b y offering the disc ontente d a sa fe, controlle d outlet f or dis sension d.The factions and divisions tha t form within the mo vement 2.Wha t is the larg est diff erenc e between the F unctionalis t and C onflict p ersp ectiv es and the Interactionis t persp ectiv e? a.The f ormer tw o consider long-term rep ercus sions o f the group or situa tion , while the la tter f ocuses on the present . b.The firs t two are the more c ommon so ciologic al persp ectiv e, while the la tter is a new er so ciologic al model. c.The firs t two focus on hierarchic al roles within an org aniza tion , while the las t tak es a more holis tic view . d.The firs t two persp ectiv es addres s larg e-scale is sues facing groups , while the las t examines more detaile d asp ects .6 • Section Summar y165 3.Wha t role do sec ondar y groups pla y in so ciety? a.The y are transactional , task -based, and shor t-term , filling practic al nee ds. b.The y pro vide a so cial netw ork tha t allo ws people to c omp are themselv es to others . c.The memb ers giv e and rec eive emotional supp ort. d.The y allo w individuals to challeng e their b eliefs and prejudic es. 4.When a high scho ol student g ets te ased by her b asketball te am f or rec eiving an ac ademic a ward, she is dealing with c omp eting ______________. a.primar y groups b.out-groups c.referenc e groups d.secondar y groups 5.Which o f the f ollowing is not an e xample o f an in-group? a.The K u Klux Klan b.A fra ternity c.A synagogue d.A high scho ol 6.Wha t is a group whose v alues , norms , and b eliefs c ome to ser ve as a s tandard f or one 's own b ehavior? a.Secondar y group b.Formal org aniza tion c.Referenc e group d.Primar y group 7.A parent who is w orrying o ver her teena ger’s dang erous and self -des tructiv e behavior and lo w self -esteem may wish to lo ok a t her child ’s: a.referenc e group b.in-group c.out-group d.All of the a bove 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e 8.Two people who ha ve jus t had a b aby ha ve turne d from a _______ to a _________. a.primar y group; sec ondar y group b.dyad; triad c.couple; family d.de facto group; nucle ar family 9.Who is more lik ely to b e an e xpres sive leader? a.The sales mana ger o f a fas t-gro wing c osmetics c omp any b.A high scho ol te acher a t a ref orm scho ol c.The director o f a summer c amp f or chronic ally ill children d.A mana ger a t a fas t-food res taurant166 6 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 10.Which o f the f ollowing is not an appropria te group f or demo cratic le adership? a.A fire s tation b.A colleg e clas sroom c.A high scho ol prom c ommit tee d.A homeles s shelter 11.In Asch ’s study on c onformity , wha t contribute d to the a bility o f subjects to resis t conforming? a.A very small group o f witnes ses b.The presenc e of an ally c.The a bility to k eep one ’s ans wer priv ate d.All of the a bove 12.Which typ e of group le adership has a c ommunic ation p attern tha t flo ws from the top do wn? a.Authoritarian b.Demo cratic c.Lais sez-faire d.Expres sive 6.3 Formal Organiz ations 13.Which is not an e xample o f a norma tive org aniza tion? a.A book club b.A church y outh group c.A People f or the Ethic al Treatment o f Animals (PET A) protes t group d.A study hall 14.Which o f these is an e xample o f a total ins titution? a.Jail b.High scho ol c.Politic al party d.A gym 15.Why do p eople join utilitarian org aniza tions? a.Because the y feel an a ffinity with others there b.Because the y rec eive a tangible b enefit from joining c.Because the y ha ve no choic e d.Because the y feel pres sure d to do so 16.Which o f the f ollowing is not a characteris tic o f bure aucracies? a.Coercion to join b.Hierarch y of authority c.Explicit r ules d.Division o f labor 17.Wha t are some o f the intende d positiv e asp ects o f bure
🔍 Group Dynamics & Organizations
🧩 Primary and secondary groups shape our social connections, with technology blurring traditional boundaries between in-person and online relationships
👥 Leadership styles (authoritarian, democratic, laissez-faire) significantly impact group effectiveness, with gender often influencing how leadership behaviors are perceived
🏢 Bureaucracies feature hierarchical structures, specialized roles, and standardized procedures that increase efficiency but may reduce individual autonomy
🍔 McDonaldization represents the standardization of society, offering worldwide availability and consistency while potentially reducing variety and creativity
🔄 Conformity and deviance operate as powerful social forces, with group pressure often compelling individuals to conform even against their better judgment
💼 Formal organizations increasingly shape modern life, creating both opportunities and challenges as they balance efficiency with human needs
aucracies? a.Incre ased pro ductivity b.Incre ased efficiency c.Equal tre atment f or all d.All of the a bove6 • Section Quiz 167 18.Wha t is an adv anta ge of the McDonaldiza tion o f society? a.There is more v ariety o f goods. b.There is les s theft . c.There is more w orldwide a vailability o f goods. d.There is more opp ortunity f or busines ses. 19.Wha t is a disadv anta ge of the McDonaldiza tion o f society? a.There is les s variety o f goods. b.There is an incre ased nee d for emplo yees with p ostgradua te degrees . c.There is les s comp etition so pric es are higher . d.There are f ewer jobs so unemplo yment incre ases . Short Answer 6.1 Types of Gr oups 1.How has technolog y chang ed your primar y groups and sec ondar y groups? Do y ou ha ve more (and sep arate) primar y groups due to online c onnectivity? Do y ou b eliev e tha t someone , like Lev y, can ha ve a tr ue primar y group made up o f people she has nev er met? Wh y, or wh y not? 2.Comp are and c ontras t two diff erent p olitic al groups or org aniza tions , such as the Me Too and T ea Party movements . Ho w do the groups diff er in terms o f leadership , memb ership , and activities? Ho w do the group ’s goals influenc e particip ants? Are an y of them in-groups (and ha ve the y cre ated out -groups)? Explain y our ans wer. 3.The c oncept o f hate crimes has b een link ed to in-groups and out -groups . Can y ou think o f an e xample where p eople ha ve been e xclude d or tormente d due to this kind o f group dynamic? 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e 4.Think o f a sc enario where an a uthoritarian le adership s tyle w ould b e beneficial . Explain . Wha t are the reasons it w ould w ork w ell? Wha t are the risks? 5.Describ e a time y ou w ere le d by a le ader using , in y our opinion , a le adership s tyle tha t didn ’t suit the situa tion . When and where w as it? Wha t could she or he ha ve done b etter? 6.Ima gine y ou are in Asch ’s study . Would y ou find it difficult to giv e the c orrect ans wer in tha t scenario? Wh y or wh y not? Ho w w ould y ou chang e the s tudy no w to impro ve it? 7.Wha t kind o f leader do y ou tend to b e? Do y ou embrac e diff erent le adership s tyles and functions as the situa tion chang es? Giv e an e xample o f a time y ou w ere in a p osition o f leadership and wha t function and style y ou e xpres sed. 6.3 Formal Organiz ations 8.Wha t do y ou think a bout the rec ent sp otlight on fas t food res taurants? Do y ou think the y contribute to society ’s ills? Do y ou b eliev e the y pro vide a nee ded ser vice? Ha ve you ev er w orked a job lik e this? Wha t did you le arn? 9.Do y ou c onsider to day’s larg e comp anies lik e General Motors , Amaz on, or F acebook to b e bure aucracies? Why, or wh y not? Which o f the main characteris tics o f bure aucracies do y ou see in them? Which are absent? 10.Where do y ou pref er to shop , eat out , or gra b a cup o f coffee? Larg e chains lik e Walmar t or smaller retailers? Starbucks or a lo cal res taurant? Wha t do y ou b ase y our decisions on? Do es this section chang e how you think a bout these choic es? Wh y, or wh y not?168 6 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Further R esear ch 6.1 Types of Gr oups For more inf orma tion a bout cyb erbullying c auses and s tatistics, check out this website on cyb erbullying rese arch (http://openstax.org/l/Cyb erbullying ). 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e Wha t is y our le adership s tyle? This leadership s tyle quiz (http://openstax.org/l/Le adership) helps y ou find out . 6.3 Formal Organiz ations As mentione d above, the c oncept o f McDonaldiza tion is a gro wing one . Check out this article discus sing the phenomenon o f McDonaldiza tion fur ther (http://openstax.org/l/McDonaldiza tion) . References Intr oduction Cabrel , Javier. 2011. “NOFX - Oc cup y LA.”LAWeekly .com, Novemb er 28. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 (http://blogs .laweekly .com/w estcoastsound/2011/11/no fx_-_occup y_la_-_11-28-2011. php (http://blogs .laweekly .com/ w estcoastsound/2011/11/no fx_-_occup y_la_-_11-28-2011. php) ). Tea Party, Inc . 2014. “ Tea Party.” Retriev ed Dec emb er 31, 2020 ( http://www.teaparty.org). MeTooMvmt .org, 2021. “His tory and Inc eption .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 31, 2020. ( https:/ /meto omvmt .org/get-to- kno w-us /his tory-inc eption/). 6.1 Types of Gr oups Cooley, Charles Hor ton.1963 [1909]. Social Org aniza tions: A Study o f the Larg er Mind . New Y ork: Sho cken. Cyb erbullying R esearch C enter . n.d. Retriev ed Novemb er 30, 2011 ( http://www.cyberbullying .us). Hinduja, Sameer , and J ustin W . Patchin .2010. “B ullying , Cyb erbullying , and Suicide .”Archiv es o f Suicide Research 14(3): 206–221. Hinduja, Sameer , and J ustin W . Patchin .2019. “ Summar y of Our Cyb erbullying R esearch (2007-2019). ” Cyb erbullying R esearch C enter , https:/ /cyberbullying .org/summar y-of-our -cyb erbullying-rese arch/. Retriev ed February 14, 2021 Khandaro o, Stacy T . 2010. “Pho ebe Princ e Case a ‘ Watershe d’ in F ight Ag ains t Scho ol B ullying .”Chris tian Scienc e Monitor , April 1. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.csmonitor .com/US A/Educ ation/2010/ 0401/Pho ebe-Princ e-case-a-w atershe d-in-fight -agains t-scho ol-bullying ). Occup y Wall Street . Retriev ed Novemb er 27, 2011. ( http://occup ywallst.org/about/). Schwartz, Ma ttathias . 2011. “P re-Occupie d: The Origins and F uture o f Oc cup y Wall St .”New Y orker Ma gazine , Novemb er 28. Sumner , William . 1959 [1906]. Folkw ays. New Y ork: Do ver. “Times T opics: Oc cup y Wall Street .”New Y ork Times .2011. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 (http://topics .nytimes .com/top/ref erenc e/times topics /org aniza tions /o/o ccup y_wall_street / inde x.html?scp=1-sp ot&sq=o ccup y%20w all%20s treet &st=cse). We Are the 99 P ercent. Retriev ed Novemb er 28, 2011 ( http://wearethe99p ercent.tumblr .com/p age/2). 6.2 Group Siz e and Structur e Asch , Solomon . 1956. “ Studies o f Indep endenc e and C onformity: A Minority o f One Ag ains t a Unanimous6 • F urther R esear ch 169 Majority .”Psychologic al Monographs 70(9, Whole N o. 416). Baldoni , John . 2020. "Double -edged workplac e ambition: Go od for men , bad for w omen ." Smar tBrief. A ugus t 7, 2020. ht tps:/ /www.smar tbrief. com/original/2020/08/double -edged-w orkplac e-ambition-g ood-men-b ad- women Boatwright , K.J., and L. F orres t. 2000. “Le adership P referenc es: The Influenc e of Gender and N eeds for Connection on W orkers’ Ide al Preferenc es for Le adership Beha viors .”The J ournal o f Leadership Studies 7(2): 18–34. Beyer, F., Sidar us, N., Bonic alzi, S., & Ha ggard, P. (2017). Be yond self -ser ving bias: diffusion o f resp onsibility reduces sense o f agency and outc ome monitoring .Social c ognitiv e and a ffectiv e neuroscienc e, 12(1), 138–145. ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.1093/sc an/ns w160 Cherr y, K. 2020. “ The Diffusion o f Responsibility C oncept in P sycholog y.”Very Well Mind . Retriev ed Octob er 28, 2020 ( https:/ /www.verywellmind .com/wha t-is-diffusion-o f-resp onsibility -2795095). Conro y, M,, Mar tin, D. J., and N alder . KL. (2020). “ Gender , Sex, and the R ole o f Stereotyp es in E valua tions o f Hillar y Clinton and the 2016 P residential C andida tes.”Journal o f Women , Politics & P olicy 41(2): 194-218. Cox, Ana Marie . 2006. “Ho w Americ ans V iew Hillar y: Popular but P olarizing .”Time , Augus t 19. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.time .com/time/ma gazine/ar ticle/0,9171,1229053,00.html). Dowd, Ma ureen . 2008. “ Can Hillar y Cry Her W ay to the White House? ”New Y ork Times , Januar y 9. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2008/01/09/opinion/08do wd.html?p agewante d=all). Heilman , Madeline E. 2012. “ Gender s tereotyp es and w orkplac e bias .” Research in Org aniza tional Beha vior . 32: 113-135 HeroicIma gina tion T V. (2011, Septemb er 28). The B ystander Eff ect. [Video]. Y ouTube. Click to view c ontent (https:/ /www.youtub e.com/emb ed/z4S1LLr SzVE) https:/ /www.youtub e.com/w atch?v=z4S1LLr SzVE Kurtieb en, Danielle . 2010. “ Sarah P alin , Hillar y Clinton , Michelle Ob ama, and W omen in P olitics .”US N ews and World R eport, Septemb er 30. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.usnew s.com/opinion/ar ticles /2010/ 09/30/sarah-p alin-hillar y-clinton-michelle -obama-and-w omen-in-p olitics). Milgram , Stanle y. 1963. “Beha vioral Study o f Ob edienc e.”Journal o f Abnormal and So cial P sycholog y67: 371–378. Simmel , Georg . 1950. The So ciolog y of Georg Simmel . Glenc oe, IL: The F ree P ress. Weeks , Linton . 2011. “ The F eminine Eff ect on P olitics .” National Public Radio (NPR), J une 9. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.npr .org/2011/06/09/137056376/the -feminine -effect-on-presidential- politics). 6.3 Formal Organiz ations Di Meglio , Franc esca. 2007. “Le arning on the Mc Job.”Bloomb erg B usines sweek, March 22. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.busines sweek.com/s tories /2007-03-22/le arning-on-the -mcjobbusines sweek- busines s-new s-stock-mark et-and-financial-advic e). Etzioni , Amitai . 1975. A Comp arative Analy sis o f Comple x Org aniza tions: On P ower, Involvement , and Their Correla tes. New Y ork: F ree P ress. Fuchs , Victor R .. 1997. “Mana ged Care and Merg er Mania, ”JAMA 277.11 (920-921). Goffman , Erving . 1961. Asylums: Es says on the So cial Situa tion o f Mental P atients and Other Inma tes. Chic ago, IL: A ldine . <div class=" player-una vailable "><h1 class=" message ">An err or occurr ed.</h1><div class=" submessage "><a170 6 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Michels , Robert. 1949 [1911]. Politic al Parties. Glenc oe, IL: F ree P ress. Newman , Jerry. 2007. My Secret Lif e on the Mc Job. New Y ork: McGra w-Hill . Ritz er, Georg e. 1993. The McDonaldiza tion o f Society . Thousand Oaks , CA: Pine F orge. Schlos ser, Eric . 2001. Fast Food Nation: The Dark Side o f the A ll-Americ an Me al. Bos ton: Houghton Mifflin Comp any. Unite d Sta tes Dep artment o f Labor. Bureau of Labor Sta tistics Occup ational Outlo ok Handb ook,2010–2011 Edition . Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.bls.gov/oco/ocos162.htm). Weber, Max . 1968 [1922]. Econom y and So ciety: An Outline o f Interpreta tive So ciolog y. New Y ork: Be dmins ter.6 • R eferences 171 172 6 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 7.1In their push f or marijuana leg alization, adv ocat es w orked to chang e the notion that cannabis users were as sociat ed with criminal beha vior. (Cr edit: Cannabis Cul ture/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 7.1 Devianc e and Contr ol 7.2 Theor etical P erspectiv es on De vianc e and Crime 7.3 Crime and the L aw After dec ades o f clas sific ation as an illeg al subs tanc e, marijuana is no w leg al in some f orm in nearly ev ery state in the c ountr y. Mos t of the others ha ve decriminaliz ed the dr ug and/or ha ve made it available f or me dical use . Considering public opinion and the p olicy s tanc es o f governors and legisla tors jus t ten or fifteen y ears a go, this is a remarka ble turn o f events . In 2013, the P ew R esearch C enter f ound f or the firs t time tha t a majority o f people in the Unite d Sta tes (52 percent) fa vored leg alizing marijuana. Until tha t point , mos t people w ere in fa vor o f retaining the dr ug's status as illeg al. (The ques tion a bout marijuana ’s leg al status w as firs t ask ed in a 1969 G allup p oll, and only 12 percent o f U.S. adults fa vored leg aliza tion a t tha t time .) Marijuana had f or y ears b een seen as a dang er to society , esp ecially to y outh , and man y people applie d stereotyp es to users , often c onsidering them lazy or burdens on so ciety , and o ften c onfla ting marijuana use with neg ative stereotyp es a bout rac e. In es senc e, marijuana users w ere c onsidere d deviants . Public opinion has c ertainly chang ed. Tha t 2013 s tudy sho wed supp ort for leg aliza tion had jus t gone o ver the 50 p ercent mark . By 2019, the numb er w as up to 67 p ercent. Fully tw o-thirds o f Americ ans fa vored permit ting some typ es o f leg al usa ge, as w ell as decriminaliza tion and elimina tion o f jail time f or users o f the dr ug7Deviance, Crime, and Social Contr ol (Daniller 2019). Go vernment o fficials to ok note , and s tates b egan changing their p olicies . Now, man y people who had onc e shunne d canna bis users are finding b enefits o f the subs tanc e, and p erhaps rethinking their p ast opinions . As in man y asp ects o f sociolog y, there are no a bsolute ans wers a bout devianc e. Wha t people a gree is deviant differs in v arious so cieties and sub cultures , and it ma y chang e over time . Tattoos, vegan lif estyles , single p arentho od, bre ast implants , and ev en jogging w ere onc e considere d deviant but are no w widely ac cepte d. The chang e pro cess usually tak es some time and ma y be ac comp anie d by signific ant disa greement , esp ecially f or so cial norms tha t are view ed as es sential . For e xample , div orce affects the so cial ins titution o f family , and so div orce carrie d a deviant and s tigma tized status a t one time . Marijuana use w as onc e seen as deviant and criminal , but U .S. so cial norms on this is sue are changing . 7.1Deviance and Contr ol LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define de vianc e, and e xplain the natur e of deviant beha vior •Differentiat e betw een methods o f social c ontr ol FIGURE 7.2Are financial crimes de viant? Wh y do w e consider them les s harmful than other types o f crimes , even though the y ma y impact man y mor e victims? (Cr edit: Jus tin Ruckman/flickr) Wells F argo CEO J ohn Stumpf w as forced to resign a fter his c omp any enrolle d cus tomers in unnec essary auto insuranc e programs , while also fra udulently cre ating b ank ac counts without client c onsent . Both o f these actions are prohibite d by a rang e of laws and regula tions . Over a million victims w ere charg ed improp er fees or overcharg ed for insuranc e; some suff ered re ductions in their cre dit sc ores , and an es tima ted 25,000 p eople had their c ars improp erly rep ossessed. Even though these actions w ere f ound to b e criminal , no one from Wells F argo fac ed jail time , as is c ommon in financial crimes . Devianc e do es not alw ays align with punishment , and p erceptions o f its imp act v ary gre atly. Wha t, exactly , is devianc e? And wha t is the rela tionship b etween devianc e and crime? A ccording to so ciologis t William Graham Sumner ,devianc eis a viola tion o f establishe d conte xtual , cultural , or so cial norms , whether folkw ays, mores , or c odifie d law (1906). It c an b e as minor as picking y our nose in public or as major as commit ting murder . Although the w ord “ devianc e” has a neg ative connota tion in ev eryday langua ge, sociologis ts rec ogniz e tha t devianc e is not nec essarily b ad (Scho epflin 2011). In fact , from a s tructural functionalis t persp ectiv e, one o f the p ositiv e contributions o f devianc e is tha t it f osters so cial chang e. For174 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. example , during the U .S. civil rights mo vement , Rosa P arks viola ted so cial norms when she refuse d to mo ve to the “Black section ” of the bus , and the Lit tle R ock Nine brok e cus toms o f segreg ation to a ttend an Arkansas public scho ol. “Wha t is deviant b ehavior? ” cannot b e ans wered in a s traightf orward manner . Whether an act is la beled deviant or not dep ends on man y factors , including lo cation , audienc e, and the individual c ommit ting the act (Beck er 1963). Lis tening to music on y our phone on the w ay to clas s is c onsidere d ac cepta ble b ehavior . Listening to music during y our 2 p .m. sociolog y lecture is c onsidere d rude . Lis tening to music when on the witnes s stand b efore a judg e ma y cause y ou to b e held in c ontempt o f court and c onse quently fine d or jaile d. As norms v ary acros s cultures and time , it also mak es sense tha t notions o f devianc e chang e. Sixty y ears a go, public scho ols in the Unite d Sta tes had dres s codes tha t often b anne d women from w earing p ants to clas s. Today, it’s so cially ac cepta ble f or w omen to w ear p ants , but les s so f or men to w ear skir ts. And more rec ently , the act o f wearing or not w earing a mask b ecame a ma tter o f devianc e, and in some c ases , politic al affilia tion and leg ality . Whether an act is deviant or not dep ends on so ciety ’s resp onse to tha t act . Why I Driv e a Hearse When sociologis t Todd Schoep flin r an int o his childhood friend Bil l, he w as shock ed to see him driving a hearse f or everyday task s, ins tead o f an or dinar y car . A pr ofessional ly trained r esear cher , Schoep flin w onder ed what eff ect driving a hearse had on his friend and what eff ect it might ha ve on others on the r oad. W ould using such a v ehicle f or everyday err ands be c onsider ed de viant b y mos t people? Schoep flin int erviewed Bil l, curious firs t to kno w wh y he dr ove such an unc onventional car . Bill had simpl y been on the look out f or a r eliable wint er car; on a tight budg et, he sear ched used car ads and s tumbled upon one f or the hearse . The car r an w ell, and the pric e was right, so he bought it. Bill admit ted that others’ r eactions t o the car had been mix ed. His par ents w ere appal led, and he r eceived odd stares fr om his c oworkers. A mechanic onc e refused t o work on it, and s tated that it w as “a dead person machine .” On the whole , however, Bill received mos tly positiv e reactions . Str angers g ave him a thumbs -up on the high way and stopped him in parking lots t o chat about his car . His girlfriend lo ved it, his friends w anted to tak e it tailg ating , and people o ffered to buy it. Could it be that driving a hearse isn ’t really so de viant aft er al l? Schoep flin theoriz ed that, al though vie wed as outside c onventional norms , driving a hearse is such a mild f orm o f devianc e that it actual ly bec omes a mark o f dis tinction. Conf ormis ts find the choic e of vehicle intrig uing or appealing , while nonc onformis ts see a f ellow oddbal l to whom the y can r elate. As one o f Bill’s friends r emark ed, “Every guy w ants t o own a unique car lik e this , and youcan c ertainl y pul l it o ff.” Such anec dotes remind us that although de vianc e is o ften vie wed as a violation o f norms , it’s not al ways vie wed in a neg ative light (Schoep flin 2011).SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD7.1 • De vianc e and Contr ol 175 FIGURE 7.3A hearse with the lic ense plat e “L ASTRYD.” Ho w would y ou vie w the o wner o f this car? (Cr edit: Brian Teutsch/flickr) Deviance, Crime, and Society Devianc e is a more enc omp assing term than crime , me aning tha t it includes a rang e of activities , some o f which are crimes and some o f which are not . Sociologis ts ma y study b oth with e qual interes t, but , as a whole , society view
🚨 Deviance, Crime, and Social Control
🔍 Deviance is highly relative and context-dependent, with behaviors considered deviant in one setting being perfectly acceptable in another, while 🏛️ crime represents formal violations of law with greater societal significance
🌱 Social norms are enforced through both formal sanctions (arrests, fines) and informal sanctions (disapproving looks, verbal reprimands), creating a system of social control that maintains social order
🧩 Functionalist perspectives view deviance as necessary for society—Durkheim saw it as challenging existing views, while Merton's strain theory explains how limited access to legitimate means creates various adaptations to societal goals
⚖️ Conflict theory examines how power and inequality shape definitions of deviance, with powerful elites determining what behaviors are criminalized and how severely they're punished
🏙️ Social disorganization theory connects crime to community conditions, suggesting that poverty and family disruption weaken social ties and increase likelihood of criminal behavior
🏷️ The criminalization of behaviors often reflects racial and ethnic prejudices rather than inherent harm, as seen in the history of marijuana prohibition targeting Mexican immigrants and anti-LGBTQ laws
s crime as far more signific ant. Crime preo ccupies sev eral lev els o f government , and it driv es concerns among families and c ommunities . Devianc e ma y be considere d rela tive: Beha viors ma y be considere d deviant b ased mos tly on the circums tanc es in which the y occurre d; those circums tanc es ma y driv e the p erception o f devianc e more than the b ehavior itself. R elatively minor acts o f devianc e can ha ve long-term imp acts on the p erson and the p eople around them . For e xample , if an adult , who should “kno w better,” sp oke loudly or told jok es a t a funeral , the y may be chas tised and f orev er mark ed as disresp ectful or unusual . But in man y cultures , funerals are f ollowed by so cial g atherings – some taking on a p arty-like atmosphere – so those same jo vial b ehaviors w ould b e perfectly ac cepta ble, and ev en enc oura ged, jus t an hour la ter. As discus sed earlier , we typic ally le arn these so cial norms as children and ev olve them with e xperienc e. But the rela tivity o f devianc e can ha ve signific ant so cietal imp acts , including p erceptions and prosecutions o f crime . The y ma y often b e based on racial , ethnic , or rela ted prejudic es. When 15- year-old Eliza beth E ckford o f the Lit tle R ock Nine a ttempte d to enter her leg ally desegreg ated high scho ol, she w as a biding b y the la w; but she w as c onsidere d deviant b y the cro wd of White p eople tha t haras sed and insulte d her . (These ev ents are discus sed in more detail in the E ducation chapter .) Consider the e xample o f marijuana leg aliza tion mentione d earlier . Wh y was marijuana illeg al in the firs t plac e? In fact , it w asn’t. Humans ha ve use d canna bis op enly in their so cieties f or thousands o f years. While it was not a widely use d subs tanc e in the Unite d Sta tes, it had b een ac cepte d as a me dicinal and recre ational option , and w as neither prohibite d nor signific antly regula ted until the e arly 1900s . Wha t chang ed? In the e arly 1900s , an influx o f immigrants b egan entering the c ountr y from Me xico. These new comers to ok up residenc e in White c ommunities , spoke a diff erent langua ge, and b egan c omp eting f or jobs and resourc es. The y use d marijuana more fre quently than mos t Americ ans. Police and others b egan to circula te rumors regarding the subs tanc e’s link to violenc e and immorality . Newspapers and la wmak ers sp oke about the “Marijuana Menac e” and the “ evil w eed,” and ar ticles and ima ges b egan to p ortray it as a c orrupting f orce on Americ a’s youth . Beginning in 1916, s tate after s tate began p assing la ws prohibiting marijuana use , and in 1937 C ongres s passed a f ederal la w banning it ( White 2012). P enalties f or its usa ge incre ased over time ,176 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. spiking during the W ar on Dr ugs, with racially and ethnic ally disp arate applic ations . But more rec ently , as discus sed in the intro duction , marijuana is onc e again seen as an imp ortant me dical tre atment and an accepta ble recre ational pursuit . Wha t chang ed this time? Perceptions and pro clama tions o f devianc e ha ve long b een a me ans to oppres s people b y labeling their priv ate behavior as criminal . Until the 1970s and 1980s , same -sex acts w ere prohibite d by state la ws. It w as illeg al to be gay or lesbian , and the res trictions e xtende d to simple displa ys lik e holding hands . Other la ws prohibite d clothing deeme d “inappropria te” for one ’s biologic al se x. As a result , militar y ser vice memb ers and ev en w ar veterans w ere dishonora bly discharg ed (losing all b enefits) if the y were disc overed to b e gay. Police haras sed and humilia ted LGBTQ people and regularly raide d gay bars. And anti-L GBTQ street violenc e or ha te crimes were tacitly p ermit ted because the y were rarely prosecute d and o ften lightly punishe d. While mos t states had elimina ted their anti-L GBTQ la ws by the time the Supreme C ourt struck them do wn in 2003, 14 s tates s till had some v ersion o f them on the b ooks. To fur ther e xplore the rela tivity o f devianc e and its rela tionship to p erceptions o f crime , consider g ambling . Excessive or high-risk g ambling is usually seen as deviant , but more mo dera te gambling is g enerally ac cepte d. Still , gambling has long b een limite d in mos t of the Unite d Sta tes, making it a crime to p articip ate in c ertain types o f gambling or to do so outside o f specifie d locations . For e xample , a s tate ma y allo w betting on horse races but not on sp orts. Chang es to these la ws are o ccurring , but f or dec ades , a g enerally non-deviant b ehavior has b een made criminal: When other wise la w-abiding p eople decide d to eng age in lo w-stakes and non- excessive gambling , the y were bre aking the la w. Sociologis ts ma y study the es sential ques tion arising from this situa tion: Are these g amblers b eing deviant b y bre aking the la w, even when the actual b ehavior a t hand is not generally c onsidere d deviant? Social Contr ol When a p erson viola tes a so cial norm , wha t happ ens? A driv er caught sp eeding c an rec eive a sp eeding tick et. A student who w ears a b athrob e to clas s gets a w arning from a pro fessor. An adult b elching loudly is a voide d. All so cieties practic esocial c ontrol , the regula tion and enf orcement o f norms . The underlying g oal of social control is to maintain social order , an arrang ement o f practic es and b ehaviors on which so ciety ’s memb ers base their daily liv es. Think o f social order as an emplo yee handb ook and so cial c ontrol as a mana ger. When a worker viola tes a w orkplac e guideline , the mana ger steps in to enf orce the r ules; when an emplo yee is doing an exceptionally g ood job a t following the r ules , the mana ger ma y praise or promote the emplo yee. The me ans o f enf orcing r ules are kno wn as sanct ions . Sanctions c an b e positiv e as w ell as neg ative.Posit ive sanct ions are rew ards giv en f or c onforming to norms . A promotion a t work is a p ositiv e sanction f or w orking hard .Negative sanct ions are punishments f or viola ting norms . Being arres ted is a punishment f or shoplifting . Both typ es o f sanctions pla y a role in so cial c ontrol . Sociologis ts also clas sify sanctions as f ormal or inf ormal . Although shoplifting , a form o f social devianc e, ma y be illeg al, there are no la ws dicta ting the prop er w ay to scra tch y our nose . Tha t do esn’t me an picking y our nose in public w on’t be punishe d; ins tead, you will enc ounter informal sanct ions . Inf ormal sanctions emerg e in face-to-fac e so cial interactions . For e xample , wearing flip -flops to an op era or s wearing loudly in church ma y draw disappro ving lo oks or ev en v erbal reprimands , where as b ehavior tha t is seen as p ositiv e—such as helping an elderly p erson c arry gro cery bags acros s the s treet —ma y rec eive positiv e inf ormal re actions , such as a smile or p at on the b ack. Formal sanct ions , on the other hand , are w ays to o fficially rec ogniz e and enf orce norm viola tions . If a s tudent viola tes a c olleg e’s code o f conduct , for e xample , the s tudent might b e expelled. Someone who sp eaks inappropria tely to the b oss could b e fire d. Someone who c ommits a crime ma y be arres ted or imprisone d. On the p ositiv e side , a soldier who sa ves a lif e ma y rec eive an o fficial c ommenda tion . The ta ble b elow sho ws the rela tionship b etween diff erent typ es o f sanctions .7.1 • De vianc e and Contr ol 177 Informal Formal Positiv e An e xpression o f thank s A pr omotion at w ork Neg ative An angr y comment A parking fine TABLE 7.1Informal/F ormal Sanctions Formal and inf ormal sanctions ma y be positiv e or neg ative. Inf ormal sanctions arise in social int eractions , wher eas f ormal sanctions o fficial ly enforce norms . 7.2Theor etical P erspectives on Deviance and Crime LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the functionalis t vie w of devianc e in society thr ough f our sociologis t’s theories •Explain ho w conflict theor y unders tands de vianc e and crime in society •Describe the s ymbolic int eractionis t appr oach t o de vianc e, including labeling and other theories FIGURE 7.4Functionalis ts belie ve that de vianc e pla ys an impor tant r ole in society and can be used t o chal leng e people ’s vie ws. Protesters, such as these PET A members , often use this method t o draw at tention t o their cause . (Credit: Da vid Shankbone/flickr) Why do es devianc e occur? Ho w do es it a ffect a so ciety? Sinc e the e arly da ys of sociolog y, scholars ha ve develop ed theories tha t attempt to e xplain wha t devianc e and crime me an to so ciety . These theories c an b e group ed ac cording to the three major so ciologic al paradigms: functionalism , symb olic interactionism , and conflict theor y. Functionalism Sociologis ts who f ollow the functionalis t appro ach are c oncerne d with the w ay the diff erent elements o f a society c ontribute to the whole . The y view devianc e as a k ey comp onent o f a functioning so ciety . Strain theor y, social disorg aniza tion theor y, and cultural devianc e theor y represent three functionalis t persp ectiv es on devianc e in so ciety .178 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Émile Durkheim: The Essential Natur e of Deviance Émile Durkheim b eliev ed tha t devianc e is a nec essary part of a suc cessful so ciety . One w ay devianc e is functional , he argue d, is tha t it challeng es p eople ’s present view s (1893). F or ins tanc e, when Black s tudents acros s the Unite d Sta tes p articip ated in sit -ins during the civil rights mo vement , the y challeng ed so ciety ’s notions o f segreg ation . Moreo ver, Durkheim note d, when devianc e is punishe d, it re affirms currently held social norms , which also c ontributes to so ciety (1893). Seeing a s tudent giv en detention f or skipping clas s reminds other high scho olers tha t pla ying ho oky isn ’t allo wed and tha t the y, too, could g et detention . Durkheim ’s point reg arding the imp act o f punishing devianc e sp eaks to his arguments a bout la w. Durkheim saw la ws as an e xpres sion o f the “ collectiv e conscienc e,” which are the b eliefs , morals , and a ttitudes o f a society . “A crime is a crime b ecause w e condemn it ,” he said (1893). He discus sed the imp act o f societal siz e and c omple xity as c ontributors to the c ollectiv e conscienc e and the dev elopment o f jus tice systems and punishments . For e xample , in larg e, indus trializ ed so cieties tha t were larg ely b ound tog ether b y the interdep endenc e of work (the division o f labor), punishments f or devianc e were g enerally les s sev ere. In smaller , more homog eneous so cieties , devianc e might b e punishe d more sev erely . Robert Merton: Str ain Theory Sociologis t Robert Mer ton a gree d tha t devianc e is an inherent p art of a functioning so ciety , but he e xpande d on Durkheim ’s ide as b y dev eloping strain theor y, which notes tha t access to so cially ac cepta ble g oals pla ys a part in determining whether a p erson c onforms or devia tes. From bir th, we’re enc oura ged to achiev e the “Americ an Dre am” of financial suc cess. A p erson who a ttends busines s scho ol, rec eives an MB A, and g oes on to mak e a million-dollar inc ome as CEO o f a c omp any is said to b e a suc cess. Ho wever, not ev eryone in our society s tands on e qual f ooting . Tha t MB A-turne d-CEO ma y ha ve gro wn up in the b est scho ol dis trict and had means to hire tutors . Another p erson ma y gro w up in a neighb orho od with lo wer-quality scho ols, and ma y not be able to p ay for e xtra help . A p erson ma y ha ve the so cially ac cepta ble g oal of financial suc cess but lack a socially ac cepta ble w ay to re ach tha t goal. According to Mer ton’s theor y, an entrepreneur who c an’t afford to launch their o wn c omp any ma y be tempte d to emb ezzle from their emplo yer for start-up funds . Mer ton define d fiv e ways people resp ond to this g ap b etween ha ving a so cially ac cepte d goal and ha ving no socially ac cepte d way to pursue it . 1. Conformity : Those who c onform cho ose not to devia te. The y pursue their g oals to the e xtent tha t the y can through so cially ac cepte d me ans. 2. Inno vation : Those who inno vate pursue g oals the y cannot re ach through legitima te me ans b y ins tead using criminal or deviant me ans. 3. Ritualism : People who ritualiz e lower their g oals until the y can re ach them through so cially ac cepta ble ways. These memb ers o f society f ocus on c onformity ra ther than a ttaining a dis tant dre am. 4. Retre atism : Others retre at and reject so ciety ’s goals and me ans. Some p eople who b eg and p eople who are homeles s ha ve withdra wn from so ciety ’s goal of financial suc cess. 5. Rebellion : A handful o f people reb el and replac e a so ciety ’s goals and me ans with their o wn. Terroris ts or free dom fighters lo ok to o verthro w a so ciety ’s goals through so cially unac cepta ble me ans. Social Disorganiz ation Theory Dev elop ed by rese archers a t the Univ ersity o f Chic ago in the 1920s and 1930s ,social disor ganizat ion theor y asserts tha t crime is mos t lik ely to o ccur in c ommunities with w eak so cial ties and the a bsenc e of social control . An individual who gro ws up in a p oor neighb orho od with high ra tes o f drug use , violenc e, teena ge delinquency , and depriv ed parenting is more lik ely to b ecome eng aged in crime than an individual from a wealth y neighb orho od with a g ood scho ol system and families who are in volved positiv ely in the c ommunity .7.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on De vianc e and Crime 179 FIGURE 7.5Proponents o f social disor ganization theor y belie ve that individuals who gr ow up in impo verished ar eas are mor e lik ely to par ticipat e in de viant or criminal beha viors . (Cr edit: Apol lo 1758/Wikimedia Commons) Social disorg aniza tion theor y points to bro ad so cial factors as the c ause o f devianc e. A p erson isn ’t born as someone who will c ommit crimes but b ecomes one o ver time , often b ased on factors in their so cial environment . Robert Sampson and B yron Gro ves (1989) f ound tha t poverty and family disr uption in giv en localities had a s trong p ositiv e correla tion with so cial disorg aniza tion . The y also determine d tha t social disorg aniza tion w as, in turn , associated with high ra tes o f crime and delinquency —or devianc e. Recent s tudies Sampson c onducte d with L ydia Be an (2006) rev ealed similar findings . High ra tes o f poverty and single -parent homes c orrela ted with high ra tes o f juv enile violenc e. Research into so cial disorg aniza tion theor y can gre atly influenc e public p olicy . For ins tanc e, studies ha ve found tha t children from disadv anta ged communities who attend prescho ol programs tha t teach b asic so cial skills are signific antly les s lik ely to eng age in criminal activity . (Lally 1987) Conflict Theory Conflict theor ylooks to so cial and ec onomic factors as the c auses o f crime and devianc e. Unlik e functionalis ts, conflict theoris ts don ’t see these factors as p ositiv e functions o f society . The y see them as evidenc e of ine quality in the s ystem . The y also challeng e so cial disorg aniza tion theor y and c ontrol theor y and argue tha t both ignore racial and so cioeconomic is sues and o versimplif y so cial trends (A kers 1991). C onflict theoris ts also lo ok for ans wers to the c orrela tion o f gender and rac e with w ealth and crime . Karl Marx: An Unequal System Conflict theor ywas gre atly influenc ed by the w ork o f German philosopher , economis t, and so cial scientis t Karl Marx . Marx b eliev ed tha t the g eneral p opula tion w as divide d into tw o groups . He la beled the w ealth y, who controlle d the me ans o f pro duction and busines s, the b ourg eois . He la beled the w orkers who dep ende d on the bourg eois f or emplo yment and sur vival the proletaria t. Marx b eliev ed tha t the b ourg eois c entraliz ed their power and influenc e through g overnment , laws, and other a uthority a gencies in order to maintain and e xpand their p ositions o f power in so ciety . Though Marx sp oke little o f devianc e, his ide as cre ated the f ounda tion f or conflict theoris ts who s tudy the intersection o f devianc e and crime with w ealth and p ower. C. W right Mills: The P ower Elite In his b ookThe P ower Elite (1956), so ciologis t C. Wright Mills describ ed the e xistenc e of wha t he dubb ed the power elite , a small group o f wealth y and influential p eople a t the top o f society who hold the p ower and resourc es. Wealth y executiv es, politicians , celebrities , and militar y leaders o ften ha ve ac cess to na tional and180 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. interna tional p ower, and in some c ases , their decisions a ffect ev eryone in so ciety . Bec ause o f this , the r ules o f society are s tack ed in fa vor o f a privileg ed few who manipula te them to s tay on top . It is these p eople who decide wha t is criminal and wha t is not , and the eff ects are o ften f elt mos t by those who ha ve little p ower. Mills’ theories e xplain wh y celebrities c an c ommit crimes and suff er lit tle or no leg al retribution . For e xample ,USA Todaymaintains a da tabase o f NFL pla yers ac cuse d and c onvicte d of crimes . 51 NFL pla yers had b een convicte d of commit ting domes tic violenc e between the y ears 2000 and 2019. The y ha ve been sentenc ed to a collectiv e 49 da ys in jail , and mos t of those sentenc es w ere def erre d or other wise re duced. In mos t cases , susp ensions and fines levie d by the NFL or individual te ams w ere more sev ere than the jus tice system 's (Schrotenb
🔍 Crime, Class, and Control
💰 Wealth inequality shapes criminal justice, with wealthy offenders like Bernie Madoff ($50 billion fraud) receiving proportionally lighter sentences than poor offenders of similar crimes
🧠 Labeling theory reveals how society's designation of behaviors as "deviant" transforms individuals' self-concepts, especially through secondary deviance where people adopt the troublemaker identity
🔄 Differential association theory explains deviance as learned behavior through social connections, making crime often multigenerational as children model parents' behaviors
🌉 Control theory demonstrates how strong social bonds (attachment, commitment, involvement, belief) connect people to society and reduce likelihood of criminal behavior
🏛️ The criminal justice system disproportionately punishes lower classes, as evidenced by the 100:1 sentencing disparity between crack (associated with poor) and cocaine (associated with wealthy) until 2010
⚖️ Felon disenfranchisement strips voting rights from 5.3 million Americans, raising questions about whether denying civic participation further encourages deviant behavior
oer 2020 and clickit tick et.com 2019). Crime and Social Class While crime is o ften as sociated with the underprivileg ed, crimes c ommit ted by the w ealth y and p owerful remain an under -punishe d and c ostly problem within so ciety . The FBI rep orted tha t victims o f burglar y, larc eny, and motor v ehicle theft los t a total o f $15.3 billion dollars in 2009 (FB1 2010). In c omp arison , when former advisor and financier Bernie Mado ff was arres ted in 2008, the U .S. Securities and Ex chang e Commis sion rep orted tha t the es tima ted los ses o f his financial P onzi scheme fra ud w ere close to $50 billion (SEC 2009). This imb alanc e based on clas s power is also f ound within U .S. criminal la w. In the 1980s , the use o f crack cocaine (a les s expensiv e but p owerful dr ug) quickly b ecame an epidemic tha t swept the c ountr y’s poores t urban c ommunities . Its pricier c ounterp art, cocaine , was as sociated with upsc ale users and w as a dr ug o f choic e for the w ealth y. The leg al implic ations o f being c aught b y authorities with crack v ersus c ocaine w ere starkly diff erent . In 1986, f ederal la w manda ted tha t being c aught in p ossession o f 50 grams o f crack w as punisha ble b y a ten-y ear prison sentenc e. An e quiv alent prison sentenc e for c ocaine p ossession , however, require d possession o f 5,000 grams . In other w ords , the sentencing disp arity w as 1 to 100 (N ew Y ork Times Editorial Sta ff 2011). This ine quality in the sev erity o f punishment f or crack v ersus c ocaine p arallele d the une qual so cial clas s of resp ectiv e users . A c onflict theoris t would note tha t those in so ciety who hold the p ower are also the ones who mak e the la ws concerning crime . In doing so , the y mak e laws tha t will b enefit them , while the p owerles s clas ses who lack the resourc es to mak e such decisions suff er the c onse quenc es. Throughout the 1980s and e arly 1990s , states p assed numerous la ws incre asing p enalties , esp ecially f or repeat offenders . The U .S. g overnment p assed an ev en more signific ant la w, the V iolent C rime C ontrol and La w Enforcement A ct of 1994 ( kno wn as the 1994 C rime Bill), which fur ther incre ased penalties , funde d prisons , and inc entiviz ed law enf orcement a gencies to fur ther pursue dr ug o ffenders . One outc ome o f these p olicies was the mas s inc arceration o f Black and Hisp anic p eople , which le d to a cy cle o f poverty and re duced so cial mobility . The crack -cocaine punishment disp arity remaine d until 2010, when P resident Ob ama signe d the Fair Sentencing A ct, which decre ased the disp arity to 1 to 18 ( The Sentencing P roject 2010).7.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on De vianc e and Crime 181 FIGURE 7.6From 1986 until 2010, the punishment f or pos sessing cr ack, a “ poor person ’s drug ,” was 100 times strict er than the punishment f or cocaine use , a drug fa vored b y the w ealthy. (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) Symbolic Inter actionism Symb olic interactionism is a theoretic al appro ach tha t can b e use d to e xplain ho w so cieties and/or so cial groups c ome to view b ehaviors as deviant or c onventional . Labeling Theory Although all o f us viola te norms from time to time , few p eople w ould c onsider themselv es deviant . Those who do, however, have often b een la beled “deviant ” by so ciety and ha ve gradually c ome to b eliev e it themselv es. Labeling theor yexamines the ascribing o f a deviant b ehavior to another p erson b y memb ers o f society . Thus , wha t is c onsidere d deviant is determine d not so much b y the b ehaviors themselv es or the p eople who c ommit them , but b y the re actions o f others to these b ehaviors . As a result , wha t is c onsidere d deviant chang es o ver time and c an v ary signific antly acros s cultures . Sociologis t Edwin Lemer t expande d on the c oncepts o f labeling theor y and identifie d tw o typ es o f devianc e that affect identity f orma tion .Primar y de vianc eis a viola tion o f norms tha t do es not result in an y long-term effects on the individual ’s self -ima ge or interactions with others . Speeding is a deviant act , but rec eiving a speeding tick et generally do es not mak e others view y ou as a b ad p erson , nor do es it alter y our o wn self - concept. Individuals who eng age in primar y devianc e still maintain a f eeling o f belonging in so ciety and are likely to c ontinue to c onform to norms in the future . Sometimes , in more e xtreme c ases , primar y devianc e can morph into sec ondar y devianc e.Secondar y devianc eoccurs when a p erson ’s self -concept and b ehavior b egin to chang e after his or her actions are la beled as deviant b y memb ers o f society . The p erson ma y begin to tak e on and fulfill the role o f a “ deviant ” as an act o f rebellion a gains t the so ciety tha t has la beled tha t individual as such . For e xample , consider a high scho ol student who o ften cuts clas s and g ets into fights . The s tudent is reprimande d fre quently b y teachers and scho ol staff, and so on enough , dev elops a reputa tion as a “ troublemak er.” As a result , the s tudent s tarts acting out ev en more and bre aking more r ules; the s tudent has adopte d the “ troublemak er” label and embrac ed this deviant identity . Sec ondar y devianc e can b e so s trong tha t it b estows amas ter s tatus on an individual . A mas ter s tatus is a la bel tha t describ es the chief characteris tic o f an individual . Some p eople see themselv es primarily as do ctors , artists, or grandfa thers . Others see themselv es as b eggars, convicts , or addicts . Techniques of Neutr aliz ation How do p eople de al with the la bels the y are giv en? This w as the subject o f a s tudy done b y Syk es and Ma tza (1957). The y studie d teena ge boys who had b een la beled as juv enile delinquents to see ho w the y either embrac ed or denie d these la bels. Ha ve you ev er use d an y of these techniques?182 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Let’s tak e a sc enario and apply all fiv e techniques to e xplain ho w the y are use d. A y oung p erson is w orking f or a retail s tore as a c ashier . Their c ash dra wer has b een c oming up shor t for a f ew da ys. When the b oss confronts the emplo yee, the y are la beled as a thief f or the suspicion o f stealing . Ho w do es the emplo yee de al with this label? The Denial o f Responsibility: When someone do esn’t tak e resp onsibility f or their actions or blames others . The y ma y use this technique and sa y tha t it w as their b oss’s fault b ecause the y don ’t get p aid enough to mak e rent or b ecause the y’re g etting a div orce. The y are rejecting the la bel by den ying resp onsibility f or the action . The Denial o f Injur y: Sometimes p eople will lo ok a t a situa tion in terms o f wha t eff ect it has on others . If the emplo yee uses this technique the y ma y sa y, “Wha t’s the big de al? N obody g ot hur t. Your insuranc e will tak e care o f it.” The p erson do esn’t see their actions as a big de al because nob ody “ got hur t.” The Denial o f the V ictim: If there is no victim there ’s no crime . In this technique the p erson sees their actions as jus tifie d or tha t the victim deser ved it. Our emplo yee ma y look a t their situa tion and sa y, “I’ve worked here for y ears without a raise . I w as o wed tha t mone y and if y ou w on’t giv e it to me I’ll g et it m y own w ay.” The C ondemna tion o f the C ondemners: The emplo yee might “ turn it around on ” the b oss by blaming them . The y ma y sa y something lik e, “You don ’t kno w m y life, you ha ve no re ason to judg e me .” This is taking the focus o ff of their actions and put ting the onus on the ac cuser to , essentially , pro ve the p erson is living up to the label, which also shifts the narra tive away from the deviant b ehavior . Appeal to a Higher A uthority: The final technique tha t ma y be use d is to claim tha t the actions w ere f or a higher purp ose. The emplo yee ma y tell the b oss tha t the y stole the mone y because their mom is sick and nee ds medicine or something lik e tha t. The y are jus tifying their actions b y making it seem as though the purp ose f or the b ehavior is a gre ater “ good” than the action is “b ad.” (Syk es & Ma tza, 1957) The Right to V ote Before she los t her job as an adminis trative as sistant, L eola Strickland pos tdated and mailed a handful o f check s for amounts r anging fr om $90 t o $500. B y the time she w as able t o find a ne w job , the check s had bounc ed, and she was convicted o f fraud under Mis sissippi la w. Strickland pleaded g uilty to a f elon y char ge and r epaid her deb ts; in return, she w as spar ed fr om ser ving prison time . Strickland appear ed in c ourt in 2001. Mor e than t en y ears lat er, she is s till feeling the s ting o f her sent encing . Wh y? Because Mis sissippi is one o f twelve states in the Unit ed Stat es that bans c onvicted felons fr om v oting (P roCon 2011). To Strickland, who said she had al ways voted, the ne ws came as a gr eat shock. She isn ’t alone . Some 5.3 mil lion people in the Unit ed Stat es ar e curr ently barr ed fr om v oting because o f felon y convictions (P roCon 2009). These individuals include inmat es, par olees , probationers , and e ven people who ha ve ne ver been jailed, such as L eola Strickland. Under the F ourteenth Amendment, s tates ar e allowed to den y voting privileg es to individuals who ha ve par ticipat ed in “rebel lion or other crime ” (Krajick 2004). Al though ther e are no f eder ally mandat ed la ws on the mat ter, mos t states pr actic e at leas t one f orm o ffelon y disenfr anchisement . Is it fair t o prevent citiz ens fr om par ticipating in such an impor tant pr ocess? P roponents o f dis franchisement la ws argue that f elons ha ve a deb t to pa y to society . Being s tripped o f their right t o vote is par t of the punishment f or criminal deeds . Such pr oponents point out that v oting isn ’t the onl y ins tanc e in which e x-felons ar e denied rights; state laws also ban r eleased criminals fr om holding public o ffice, obtaining pr ofessional lic enses , and sometimes even inheriting pr oper ty (L ott and Jones 2008).SOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE7.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on De vianc e and Crime 183 Opponents o f felon y dis franchisement in the Unit ed Stat es ar gue that v oting is a basic human right and should be available t o all citiz ens r egardles s of pas t deeds . Man y point out that f elon y dis franchisement has its r oots in the 1800s , when it w as used primaril y to block Black citiz ens fr om v oting . These la ws dispr opor tionat ely tar get poor minority members , den ying them a chanc e to par ticipat e in a s ystem that, as a social c onflict theoris t would point out, is alr eady c onstruct ed to their disadv antag e (Holding 2006). Those who cit e labeling theor y worry that den ying deviants the right t o vote wil l onl y fur ther enc ourage de viant beha vior. If e x-criminals ar e disenfr anchised fr om voting , are the y being disenfr anchised fr om society? FIGURE 7.7Should a f ormer f elon y conviction permanentl y strip a U .S. citiz en o f the right t o vote? (Cr edit: Joshin Yamada /flickr) Edwin Sutherland: Diff erential Association In the e arly 1900s , sociologis t Edwin Sutherland sought to unders tand ho w deviant b ehavior dev elop ed among people . Sinc e criminolog y was a y oung field , he drew on other asp ects o f sociolog y including so cial interactions and group le arning (La ub 2006). His c onclusions es tablishe ddifferent ial as sociat ion theor y, which sugg ested tha t individuals le arn deviant b ehavior from those close to them who pro vide mo dels o f and opp ortunities f or devianc e. According to Sutherland , devianc e is les s a p ersonal choic e and more a result o f differential so cializa tion pro cesses. For e xample , a y oung p erson whose friends are se xually activ e is more likely to view se xual activity as ac cepta ble. Sutherland dev elop ed a series o f prop ositions to e xplain ho w devianc e is le arne d. In prop osition fiv e, for e xample , he discus sed ho w people b egin to ac cept and p articip ate in a b ehavior a fter le arning whether it is view ed as “fa vorable” by those around them . In prop osition six , Sutherland e xpres sed the w ays tha t exposure to more “ definitions” fa voring the deviant b ehavior than those opp osing it ma y ev entually le ad a p erson to p artake in devianc e (Sutherland 1960), applying almos t a quantita tive element to the le arning o f certain b ehaviors . In the e xample a bove, a y oung p erson ma y find sexual activity more ac cepta ble onc e a c ertain numb er o f their friends b ecome se xually activ e, not a fter only184 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. one do es so . Sutherland ’s theor y ma y explain wh y crime is multig enera tional . A longitudinal s tudy b eginning in the 1960s found tha t the b est pre dictor o f antiso cial and criminal b ehavior in children w as whether their p arents had been c onvicte d of a crime ( Todd and J ury 1996). Children who w ere y oung er than ten y ears old when their parents w ere c onvicte d were more lik ely than other children to eng age in sp ousal a buse and criminal b ehavior by their e arly thir ties. Even when taking so cioeconomic factors such as dang erous neighb orho ods, poor scho ol systems , and o vercro wded housing into c onsidera tion , rese archers f ound tha t parents w ere the main influenc e on the b ehavior o f their o ffspring ( Todd and J ury 1996). Travis Hirschi: Contr ol Theory Continuing with an e xamina tion o f larg e so cial factors ,control theor ystates tha t social c ontrol is directly affecte d by the s trength o f social b onds and tha t devianc e results from a f eeling o f disc onnection from so ciety . Individuals who b eliev e the y are a p art of society are les s lik ely to c ommit crimes a gains t it. Travis Hirschi (1969) identifie d four typ es o f social b onds tha t connect p eople to so ciety: 1. Attachment measures our c onnections to others . When w e are closely a ttache d to p eople , we worry about their opinions o f us. People c onform to so ciety ’s norms in order to g ain appro val (and prev ent disappro val) from family , friends , and romantic p artners . 2. Commitment refers to the in vestments w e mak e in the c ommunity . A w ell-resp ecte d local busines sperson who v olunteers a t their s ynagogue and is a memb er o f the neighb orho od blo ck org aniza tion has more to lose from c ommit ting a crime than a p erson who do esn’t ha ve a c areer or ties to the c ommunity . 3. Similarly , lev els o finvolvement , or p articip ation in so cially legitima te activities , les sen a p erson ’s likeliho od of devianc e. A child who pla ys little le ague b aseb all and tak es ar t clas ses has f ewer opp ortunities to ______. 4. The final b ond ,belief , is an a greement on c ommon v alues in so ciety . If a p erson view s so cial v alues as beliefs , the y will c onform to them . An en vironmentalis t is more lik ely to pick up trash in a p ark, because a clean en vironment is a so cial v alue to them (Hirschi 1969). FunctionalismAssocia ted Theoris tDevianc e arises fr om: Strain Theor y Rober t Mer tonA lack o f ways to reach social ly accepted g oals b y accepted methods Social Disor ganization Theor yUniv ersity o f Chicag o resear chersWeak social ties and a lack o f social c ontr ol; society has los t the ability t o enf orce norms with some gr oups Cultural De vianc e Theor yCliff ord Sha w and Henr y McK ayConf ormity t o the cul tural norms o f lower-clas s society Conflict Theor yAssocia ted Theoris tDevianc e arises fr om: Unequal Sy stem Karl MarxInequalities in w ealth and po wer that arise fr om the ec onomic system TABLE 7.27.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on De vianc e and Crime 185 Power Elit e C. W right Mil lsAbility o f those in po wer to define de vianc e in w ays that maintain the s tatus quo Symbolic InteractionismAssocia ted Theoris tDevianc e arises fr om: Labeling Theor y Edwin L emer tThe r eactions o f others , par ticularl y those in po wer who ar e able t o determine labels Differential Association Theor yEdwin SutherlandLearning and modeling de viant beha vior seen in other people close to the individual Contr ol Theor y Travis Hirschi Feelings o f disc onnection fr om society TABLE 7.2 7.3Crime and the Law LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Identif y and diff erentiat e betw een diff erent types o f crimes •Evaluat e U.S. crime s tatis tics •Unders tand the thr ee br anches o f the U .S. criminal jus tice system FIGURE 7.8Both under age smoking and under age vaping ar e either il legal or highl y regulated in e very U.S. s tate. If vaping is a crime , who is the victim? What is the oblig ation o f the g overnment t o protect childr en, and in some cases adul ts, from themsel ves? (Cr edit: V aping360/flickr) Although devianc e is a viola tion o f social norms , it’s not alw ays punisha ble, and it ’s not nec essarily b ad.Crime , on the other hand , is a b ehavior tha t viola tes o fficial la w and is punisha ble through f ormal sanctions . Walking to clas s backw ard is a deviant b ehavior . Driving with a blo od alc ohol p ercenta ge over the s tate’s limit is a crime . Lik e other f orms o f devianc e, however, ambiguity e xists concerning wha t constitutes a crime and whether all crimes are , in fact , “bad” and deser ve punishment . For e xample , during the 1960s , civil rights activis ts often viola ted laws intentionally as p art of their eff ort to bring a bout racial e quality . In hindsight , we recogniz e tha t the la ws tha t deeme d man y of their actions crimes —for ins tanc e, Rosa P arks refusing to giv e up186 7 • De vianc e, Crime ,
🚓 Crime and Social Control
🔍 Crime classification divides offenses into violent crimes (using force against people) and nonviolent crimes (property destruction/theft), with additional categories for corporate crime and victimless crime that reflect societal values and ongoing debates
📊 Crime statistics from FBI reports and victim surveys reveal significant discrepancies, with actual crime rates declining since the 1990s despite public perception of worsening crime fueled by media coverage
🏛️ The U.S. criminal justice system operates through three branches: police (federal, state, local), courts (federal, state), and corrections (prisons, jails, probation, parole)
⚖️ Hate crimes target people based on characteristics like race, religion, or sexual orientation, with reporting challenges creating vast differences between official statistics (~8,500 incidents) and victim surveys (~205,000 incidents)
📉 The U.S. incarceration rate remains the highest globally despite recent declines, with approximately 1 in 40 Americans under some form of correctional supervision as of 2018
👮 Racial disparities persist throughout the justice system, influenced by historical policies like harsh drug sentencing laws that disproportionately affected Black and Hispanic communities
and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. her se at to a White man—w ere inc onsis tent with so cial e quality . As y ou ha ve learne d, all so cieties ha ve inf ormal and f ormal w ays of maintaining so cial c ontrol . Within these systems o f norms , societies ha velegal codes that maintain f ormal so cial c ontrol through la ws, which are r ules adopte d and enf orced by a p olitic al authority . Those who viola te these r ules incur neg ative formal sanctions . Normally , punishments are rela tive to the degree o f the crime and the imp ortanc e to so ciety o f the v alue underlying the la w. As w e will see , however, there are other factors tha t influenc e criminal sentencing . Types of Crimes Not all crimes are giv en e qual w eight . Society g enerally so cializ es its memb ers to view c ertain crimes as more severe than others . For e xample , mos t people w ould c onsider murdering someone to b e far w orse than stealing a w allet and w ould e xpect a murderer to b e punishe d more sev erely than a thief. In mo dern U .S. society , crimes are clas sifie d as one o f two typ es b ased on their sev erity .Violent crimes (also kno wn as “crimes a gains t a p erson ”) are b ased on the use o f force or the thre at of force. Rap e, murder , and arme d robb ery fall under this c ategory.Nonviolent crimes involve the des truction or theft o f prop erty but do not use force or the thre at of force. Bec ause o f this , the y are also sometimes c alled “prop erty crimes .” Larc eny, car theft , and v andalism are all typ es o f non violent crimes . If y ou use a cro wbar to bre ak into a c ar, you are commit ting a non violent crime; if y ou mug someone with the cro wbar, you are c ommit ting a violent crime . When w e think o f crime , we often picture street crime , or o ffenses c ommit ted by ordinar y people a gains t other p eople or org aniza tions , usually in public sp aces. An o ften o verlo oked category is corporate crime , or crime c ommit ted by white -collar w orkers in a busines s en vironment . Emb ezzlement , insider trading , and identity theft are all typ es o f corporate crime . Although these typ es o f offenses rarely rec eive the same amount of me dia c overage as s treet crimes , the y can b e far more dama ging . Financial fra uds such as insuranc e sc ams , Ponzi schemes , and improp er practic es b y banks c an dev astate families who lose their sa vings or home . An o ften-deb ated third typ e of crime is vict imles s crime . Crimes are c alled victimles s when the p erpetra tor is not e xplicitly harming another p erson . As opp osed to b attery or theft , which cle arly ha ve a victim , a crime lik e drinking a b eer when someone is tw enty y ears old or selling a se xual act do not result in injur y to an yone other than the individual who eng ages in them , although the y are illeg al. While some claim acts lik e these are victimles s, others argue tha t the y actually do harm so ciety . Prostitution ma y foster a buse to ward w omen b y clients or pimps . Drug use ma y incre ase the lik eliho od of emplo yee a bsenc es. Such deb ates highlight ho w the deviant and criminal na ture o f actions dev elops through ong oing public discus sion . Hate Crimes Attack s based on a person ’s race, religion, or other char acteristics ar e kno wn as hate crimes . Hat e crimes in the Unit ed Stat es e volved fr om the time o f earl y Eur opean set tlers and their violenc e toward Nativ e Americans . Such crimes w eren’t investigated until the earl y 1900s , when the K u Klux Klan beg an to draw national at tention f or its activities ag ains t Black people and other gr oups . The t erm “hat e crime ,” ho wever, didn ’t bec ome o fficial until the 1980s (F eder al Bur eau o f Investigation 2011). The se verity and impact o f hat e crimes is significant, but the diff erent crime r epor ting methods mentioned earlier can obscur e the is sue. According t o the Depar tment o f Jus tice, an a verage of appr oximat ely 205,000 Americans fall victim t o hat e crimes each y ear (Bur eau o f Jus tice Statis tics 2021). But the FBI r epor ts a much lo wer number; f or example , the 2019 r epor t indicat es 7,314 criminal incidents and 8,559 r elated o ffenses as being motiv ated b y bias (FBI 2020). The discr epancy is due t o man y fact ors: v ery few people actual ly repor t hat e crimes f or fear o f retribution or based on the difficul ties o f enduring a criminal pr oceeding; also , law enf orcement agencies mus t find clear pr oof that a par ticular crime w as motiv ated b y bias r ather than other fact ors. (For example , an as sailant who r obs someone and uses a slur while c ommit ting that crime ma y not be deemed t o beBIG PICTURE7.3 • Crime and the L aw 187 bias -motiv ated.) But both r epor ts sho w a gr owth in hat e crimes , with quantities incr easing each y ear. The majority o f hat e crimes ar e racial ly motiv ated, but man y are based on r eligious (especial ly anti-Semitic) prejudic e (FBI 2020). The mur ders o f Brandon T eena in 1993 and Mat thew Shepar d in 1998 significantl y increased a warenes s of hat e crimes based on g ender e xpression and se xual orientation; L GBTQ people r emain a major tar get of hat e crimes . The motiv ation behind hat e crimes can arise quickl y, singling out specific gr oups who endur e a r ash o f abuses in a shor t period o f time . For example , beginning in 2020, people incr easingl y beg an c ommit ting violent crimes agains t people o f Asian desc ent, with e videnc e that the at tack ers as sociat ed the victims with the c oronavirus pandemic (Asian American Bar As sociation 2021). FIGURE 7.9Bias Motiv ation Cat egories f or Victims o f Single -bias Incidents in 2019. The FBI Hat e Crimes r epor t identified 8,552 victims o f hat e crimes in 2019. This r epresents les s than fiv e per cent o f the number o f people who claimed t o be victims o f hat e crimes when sur veyed. (Gr aph c ourtesy of FBI 2020) Crime Statistics The FBI g athers da ta from appro xima tely 17,000 la w enf orcement a gencies , and the Unif orm C rime R eports (UCR) is the annual public ation o f this da ta (FBI 2021). The UCR has c omprehensiv e inf orma tion from p olice reports but fails to ac count f or the man y crimes tha t go unrep orted, often due to victims’ f ear, shame , or distrust of the p olice. The quality o f this da ta is also inc onsis tent b ecause o f diff erenc es in appro aches to gathering victim da ta; imp ortant details are not alw ays ask ed for or rep orted (C antor and L ynch 2000). As o f 2021, s tates will b e re quire d to pro vide da ta for the N ational Incident -Base d Reporting Sy stem (NIBRS ), which captures more detaile d inf orma tion on e ach crime , including time o f day, location , and other c onte xts. NIBRS is intende d to pro vide more da ta-inf orme d discus sion to b etter impro ve crime prev ention and p olicing (FBI 2021). The U .S. B ureau of Justice Sta tistics publishes a sep arate self -rep ort study kno wn as the N ational C rime Victimiza tion Sur vey (NCV S). A self-rep ort study is a c ollection o f data gathere d using v oluntar y resp onse metho ds, such as ques tionnaires or telephone inter view s. Self -rep ort data are g athere d each y ear, asking appro xima tely 160,000 p eople in the Unite d Sta tes a bout the fre quency and typ es o f crime the y’ve188 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. experienc ed in their daily liv es (B JS 2019). The NCV S rep orts a higher ra te of crime than the UCR , likely picking up inf orma tion on crimes tha t were e xperienc ed but nev er rep orted to the p olice. Age, rac e, gender , location , and inc ome -lev el demographics are also analyz ed. The NCV S sur vey forma t allo ws people to more op enly discus s their e xperienc es and also pro vides a more - detaile d examina tion o f crimes , which ma y include inf orma tion a bout c onse quenc es, rela tionship b etween victim and criminal , and subs tanc e abuse in volved. One disadv anta ge is tha t the NCV S mis ses some groups o f people , such as those who don ’t ha ve telephones and those who mo ve fre quently . The quality o f inf orma tion may also b e re duced by inac cura te victim rec all o f the crime (C antor and L ynch 2000). Public P erception of Crime Neither the NCVR nor the UCR ac counts f or all crime in the Unite d Sta tes, but g eneral trends c an b e determine d. Crime ra tes, particularly f or violent and gun-rela ted crimes , have been on the decline sinc e peaking in the e arly 1990s (C ohn , Taylor , Lop ez, Gallagher , Parker, and Maas s 2013). Ho wever, the public believ es crime ra tes are s till high , or ev en w orsening . Recent sur veys (Saad 2011; P ew R esearch C enter 2013, cited in O verburg and Ho yer 2013) ha ve found U .S. adults b eliev e crime is w orse no w than it w as tw enty y ears ago. Inac cura te public p erception o f crime ma y be heightene d by popular crime series such as La w & Order ( Warr 2008) and b y extensiv e and rep eated me dia c overage of crime . Man y rese archers ha ve found tha t people who closely f ollow me dia rep orts of crime are lik ely to es tima te the crime ra te as inac cura tely high and more lik ely to feel f earful a bout the chanc es o f experiencing crime (Chiric os, Padgett, and Ger tz 2000). R ecent rese arch has also f ound tha t people who rep orted watching new s coverage of 9/11 or the Bos ton Mara thon Bombing f or more than an hour daily b ecame more f earful o f future terrorism (Holman , Garfin, and Silv er 2014). The U.S. Criminal Justice System Acriminal jus tice sy stem is an org aniza tion tha t exists to enf orce a leg al code. There are three branches o f the U.S. criminal jus tice system: the p olice, the c ourts, and the c orrections s ystem . Police Polic eare a civil f orce in charg e of enf orcing la ws and public order a t a federal , state, or c ommunity lev el. No unifie d na tional p olice force exists in the Unite d Sta tes, although there are f ederal la w enf orcement o fficers. Federal o fficers op erate under sp ecific g overnment a gencies such as the F ederal B ureau of Investigations (FBI); the B ureau of Alcohol , Tobacco, Firearms , and Explosiv es (A TF); and the Dep artment o f Homeland Security (DHS ). Federal o fficers c an only de al with ma tters tha t are e xplicitly within the p ower o f the f ederal government , and their field o f expertise is usually narro w. A c ounty p olice officer ma y sp end time resp onding to emerg ency c alls, working a t the lo cal jail , or p atrolling are as as nee ded, where as a f ederal o fficer w ould b e more lik ely to in vestigate susp ects in fire arms tra fficking or pro vide security f or g overnment o fficials . State p olice ha ve the a uthority to enf orce statewide la ws, including regula ting tra ffic on high ways. Local or county p olice, on the other hand , have a limite d jurisdiction with a uthority only in the to wn or c ounty in which they ser ve.7.3 • Crime and the L aw 189 FIGURE 7.10 Police use a r ange of tools and r esour ces to protect the c ommunity and pr event crime . As a par t of K9 units , dogs sear ch for explosiv es or il legal subs tanc es on tr ains and at other public facilities . (Cr edit: MT A/flickr) Courts Onc e a crime has b een c ommit ted and a viola tor has b een identifie d by the p olice, the c ase g oes to c ourt. A courtis a s ystem tha t has the a uthority to mak e decisions b ased on la w. The U .S. judicial s ystem is divide d into federal c ourts and s tate courts. As the name implies , federal c ourts (including the U .S. Supreme C ourt) de al with f ederal ma tters , including trade disputes , militar y jus tice, and g overnment la wsuits . Judg es who preside over federal c ourts are selecte d by the president with the c onsent o f Congres s. State courts vary in their s tructure but g enerally include three lev els: trial c ourts, app ellate courts, and s tate supreme c ourts. In c ontras t to the larg e courtroom trials in T V sho ws, mos t noncriminal c ases are decide d by a judg e without a jur y present . Traffic c ourt and small claims c ourt are b oth typ es o f trial c ourts tha t handle specific civil ma tters . Criminal c ases are he ard b y trial c ourts with g eneral jurisdictions . Usually , a judg e and jur y are b oth present . It is the jur y’s resp onsibility to determine guilt and the judg e’s resp onsibility to determine the p enalty , though in some s tates the jur y ma y also decide the p enalty . Unles s a def endant is f ound “not guilty ,” an y memb er o f the prosecution or def ense ( whichev er is the losing side) c an app eal the c ase to a higher c ourt. In some s tates, the case then g oes to a sp ecial app ellate court; in others it g oes to the highes t state court, often kno wn as the s tate supreme c ourt. FIGURE 7.11 This c ounty c ourthouse in K ansas (left) is a typical set ting f or a s tate trial c ourt. Compar e this t o the190 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. courtroom o f the Michig an Supr eme Cour t (right). (Cr edit: (a) Ammodr amus/Wikimedia Commons; Phot o (b) St eve & Chris tine/Wikimedia Commons) Corr ections The correct ions sy stem is charg ed with sup ervising individuals who ha ve been arres ted, convicte d, and sentenc ed for a criminal o ffense , plus p eople detaine d while a waiting he arings , trials , or other pro cedures . At the end o f 2018, appro xima tely 2.3 million p eople w ere inc arcerated in the Unite d Sta tes (B JS 2020); these include p eople who are in s tate and f ederal prisons as w ell as those in lo cal jails or rela ted facilities , as explaine d below. Sinc e man y convicte d people are plac ed on prob ation or p arole , have their sentenc es deferre d or other wise altere d, or are rele ased under other circums tanc es, the total numb er o f people within the c orrections s ystem is much higher . In 2018, the total numb er o f people either inc arcerated, detaine d, parole d, or on prob ation w as 6,410,000 (B JS 2020). The U .S. inc arceration ra te has gro wn c onsidera bly in the las t hundre d years, but has b egun to decline in the past dec ade. The total c orrectional p opula tion (including p arolees and those on prob ation), p eaked in 2007 a t 7.3 million , resulting in appro xima tely 1 in 32 p eople b eing under some sor t of correctional sup ervision . With the 2018 c orrection s ystem numb er close to 6.4 million p eople , tha t ratio g oes to 1 in ev ery 40 p eople (B JS 2020). The declines are seen as a p ositiv e, but the Unite d Sta tes holds the larg est numb er o f prisoners o f an y nation in the w orld . Prison is diff erent from jail . A jail pro vides temp orar y confinement , usually while an individual a waits trial or parole . Prisons are facilities built f or individuals ser ving sentenc es o f more than a y ear. Where as jails are small and lo cal, prisons are larg e and r un b y either the s tate or the f ederal g overnment . While inc arcerated, people have diff ering lev els o f free dom and opp ortunity f or eng agement . Some inma tes ha ve options to tak e clas ses, play org aniz ed sp orts, and other wise enrich themselv es, usually with the g oal of impro ving their liv es up on rele ase. Other inc arcerated people ha ve very limite d opp ortunities . Usually these dis tinctions are b ased on the severity o f their crimes and their b ehavior onc e imprisone d, but a vailable resourc es and funding c an b e a signific ant factor . Parole ref ers to a temp orar y rele ase from prison or jail tha t requires sup ervision and the c onsent o f officials . Parole is diff erent from prob ation , which is sup ervise d time use d as an alterna tive to prison . Probation and parole c an b oth f ollow a p erio d of inc arceration in prison , esp ecially if the prison sentenc e is shor tene d. Mos t people in these situa tions are sup ervise d by correctional o fficers or other appropria te pro fessionals , including mental he alth pro fessionals; the y ma y attend regular meetings or c ounseling ses sions and ma y be re quire d to report on their activities and tra vel. People on prob ation or p arole o ften ha ve strict guidelines; not only will they be returne d to jail up on c ommit ting a crime , but the y ma y also b e prohibite d from as sociating with kno wn criminals or susp ects . These s trategies are designe d to prev ent p eople on p arole or prob ation from returning to criminal eng agements , and to incre ase the lik eliho od tha t the y will remain p ositiv e memb ers o f the community through interactions with family , pro ductiv e emplo yment , and mental he alth tre atment if nee ded. Policing and R ace This chapter describ ed jus t a few o f the so ciologic al theories reg arding devianc e and crime; there are man y more , as w ell as man y appro aches f or prev enting crime and enf orcing la ws. Citiz ens, law enf orcement , and electe d officials w eigh a wide arra y of conte xts and p ersonal e xperienc es when c onsidering the b est way to addres s crime . In a t least some c ases , decision mak ers are motiv ated by a desire to protect the s tatus quo or impro ve their p olitic al or financial p osition . As discus sed earlier , during the 1980s , crack c ocaine w as e xplo ding in usa ge among lo wer inc ome , Black , and Hisp anic p eople . White middle clas s and upp er ec onomic clas s Americ ans b ecame terrifie d of the p otential f or their family and children to b e involved with dr ugs and dr ug-rela ted crime . Sta te governments p assed incre asingly harsh la ws, resulting in s tiffer p enalties and the remo val of judg es’ discretion in dr ug c ase sentencing . Among the mos t well kno wn o f these w ere “ three s trikes la ws,” which manda ted long sentenc es for7.3 • Crime and the L aw 191 anyone c onvicte d of multiple dr ug o ffenses , even if the o ffenses themselv es w ere minor . Practic es lik e civil forfeiture , in which la w enf orcement or municip alities c ould seiz e cash
🚔 Racial Inequity in Policing
💰 Civil asset forfeiture and drug enforcement funding created powerful financial incentives for police to target minority communities, leading to systematic racial profiling of Black and Hispanic people
⚖️ Unequal justice manifests most dramatically in police shootings of unarmed Black people, with officers rarely facing prosecution despite clear evidence in cases like Eric Garner, Breonna Taylor, and George Floyd
🗣️ Despite calls to "Defund The Police" in 2020, polling shows most Black Americans (80%) prefer maintaining or increasing police presence in their communities, revealing complex attitudes toward law enforcement
🧩 Social control theories explain deviance through various lenses: functionalists see it as reinforcing norms, conflict theorists attribute it to power inequality, and symbolic interactionists focus on socially constructed labels
📊 The American criminal justice system encompasses police, courts, and corrections, with crime rates and incarceration now declining after rising throughout most of the twentieth century
🔍 Deviance is contextually defined and regulated through formal and informal sanctions that maintain social order, with perceptions of what constitutes deviant behavior changing over time
and prop erty of susp ecte d criminals even b efore the y were c onvicte d, pro vide d a signific ant financial inc entiv e to in vestigate dr ug crimes ( Tieg en 2018). The additional funding sourc es and high lik eliho od of suc cessful prosecution dro ve police forces to ward more aggres sive and ine quita ble tactics . After training b y the Dr ug Enf orcement Ag ency , police forces around the countr y began racial pro filing in a f ocuse d, consis tent manner . Black and Hisp anic p eople w ere man y times more lik ely than White p eople to b e pulle d over for routine tra ffic s tops . Local police forces focuse d on patrolling minority -inha bite d neighb orho ods, resulting in more arres ts and prosecutions o f Black and Hisp anic p eople (Harris 2020). No issue rela ted to rac e and p olicing is o f more c oncern than the sho oting o f unarme d Black p eople b y police. The lack o f punishment o f police officers f or c ommit ting these acts p erpetua tes the is sue o f une qual jus tice. Eric G arner w as kille d by an o fficer using a prohibite d chok ehold a fter G arner had alleg edly c ommit ted a misdeme anor . Breonna T aylor w as kille d by police who violently infiltra ted the wrong home . None o f the officers in volved in those de aths w ere prosecute d, though sev eral w ere fire d. The o fficer who kille d Georg e Floyd was imme diately charg ed with the crime , and w as ev entually c onvicte d, but some b eliev e tha t to b e the case due to the cle ar and horrific video o f the ev ent (Ab dollah 2021). Police adv ocates, electe d officials , and ordinar y citiz ens o ften e xpres s the imp ortanc e of eff ectiv e and jus t law enforcement . When “Defund The P olice” became a widespre ad p osition during 2020, man y Black p eople sp oke out a gains t it; p olling rev ealed tha t a majority o f Black p eople did not supp ort the ide a, and o ver 80 p ercent o f Black p eople pref erre d ha ving the p olice sp end the same or more time in their c ommunities (Saad 2020). While this fre quently cite d result is rela tively c onsis tent acros s diff erent p olls, it also rev eals divisions within the Black c ommunity , often b ased on a ge or other factors . The same p olls find tha t man y Black p eople s till distrust the p olice or f eel les s secure when the y see them ( Yaho o/Yougov 2020).192 7 • De vianc e, Crime , and Social Contr ol Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms conflict theor y a theor y tha t examines so cial and ec onomic factors as the c auses o f criminal devianc e control theor y a theor y tha t states so cial c ontrol is directly a ffecte d by the s trength o f social b onds and tha t devianc e results from a f eeling o f disc onnection from so ciety corporate crime crime c ommit ted by white -collar w orkers in a busines s en vironment correct ions sy stem the s ystem task ed with sup ervising individuals who ha ve been arres ted for, convicte d of, or sentenc ed for criminal o ffenses court a system tha t has the a uthority to mak e decisions b ased on la w crime a behavior tha t viola tes o fficial la w and is punisha ble through f ormal sanctions criminal jus tice sy stem an org aniza tion tha t exists to enf orce a leg al code cultural de vianc e theor y a theor y tha t sugg ests conformity to the prev ailing cultural norms o f lower-clas s society c auses crime devianc e a viola tion o f conte xtual , cultural , or so cial norms different ial as sociat ion theor y a theor y tha t states individuals le arn deviant b ehavior from those close to them who pro vide mo dels o f and opp ortunities f or devianc e formal sanct ions sanctions tha t are o fficially rec ogniz ed and enf orced hate crimes attacks b ased on a p erson ’s rac e, religion , or other characteris tics informal sanct ions sanctions tha t occur in fac e-to-fac e interactions labeling theor y the ascribing o f a deviant b ehavior to another p erson b y memb ers o f society legal codes codes tha t maintain f ormal so cial c ontrol through la ws mas ter s tatus a label tha t describ es the chief characteris tic o f an individual neg ative sanct ions punishments f or viola ting norms non violent crimes crimes tha t involve the des truction or theft o f prop erty, but do not use f orce or the thre at of force polic e a civil f orce in charg e of regula ting la ws and public order a t a federal , state, or c ommunity lev el posit ive sanct ions rew ards giv en f or c onforming to norms power elite a small group o f wealth y and influential p eople a t the top o f society who hold the p ower and resourc es primar y de vianc e a viola tion o f norms tha t do es not result in an y long-term eff ects on the individual ’s self - ima ge or interactions with others sanct ions the me ans o f enf orcing r ules secondar y de vianc e devianc e tha t occurs when a p erson ’s self -concept and b ehavior b egin to chang e after his or her actions are la beled as deviant b y memb ers o f society self-rep ort study a collection o f data ac quire d using v oluntar y resp onse metho ds, such as ques tionnaires or telephone inter view s social c ontrol the regula tion and enf orcement o f norms social disor ganizat ion theor y a theor y tha t asserts crime o ccurs in c ommunities with w eak so cial ties and the a bsenc e of social c ontrol social order an arrang ement o f practic es and b ehaviors on which so ciety ’s memb ers b ase their daily liv es strain theor y a theor y tha t addres ses the rela tionship b etween ha ving so cially ac cepta ble g oals and ha ving socially ac cepta ble me ans to re ach those g oals street crime crime c ommit ted by average people a gains t other p eople or org aniza tions , usually in public spaces vict imles s crime activities a gains t the la w, but tha t do not result in injur y to an y individual other than the person who eng ages in them violent crimes crimes b ased on the use o f force or the thre at of force7 • K ey Terms 193 Section Summary 7.1Deviance and Contr ol Devianc e is a viola tion o f norms . Whether or not something is deviant dep ends on c onte xtual definitions , the situa tion , and p eople ’s resp onse to the b ehavior . Society seeks to limit devianc e through the use o f sanctions that help maintain a s ystem o f social c ontrol . Devianc e is o ften rela tive, and p erceptions o f it c an chang e quickly and une xpecte dly. 7.2Theor etical P erspectives on Deviance and Crime The three major so ciologic al paradigms o ffer diff erent e xplana tions f or the motiv ation b ehind devianc e and crime . Functionalis ts point out tha t devianc e is a so cial nec essity sinc e it reinf orces norms b y reminding people o f the c onse quenc es o f viola ting them . Violating norms c an op en so ciety ’s eyes to injus tice in the system . Conflict theoris ts argue tha t crime s tems from a s ystem o f ine quality tha t keeps those with p ower a t the top and those without p ower a t the b ottom . Symb olic interactionis ts focus a ttention on the so cially constructe d na ture o f the la bels rela ted to devianc e. Crime and devianc e are le arne d from the en vironment and enf orced or disc oura ged by those around us . 7.3Crime and the Law Crime is es tablishe d by leg al codes and upheld b y the criminal jus tice system . In the Unite d Sta tes, there are three branches o f the jus tice system: p olice, courts, and c orrections . Although crime ra tes and inc arceration incre ased throughout mos t of the tw entieth c entur y, the y are no w dropping . Despite these dev elopments , inequita ble la w enf ormc enent is a des tructiv e re ality in Americ an c ommunities , and eff orts are under way to impro ve outc omes . Section Quiz 7.1Deviance and Contr ol 1.Which o f the f ollowing b est describ es ho w devianc e is define d? a.Devianc e is define d by federal , state, and lo cal la ws. b.Devianc e’s definition is determine d by one ’s religion . c.Devianc e occurs whenev er someone else is harme d by an action . d.Devianc e is so cially define d. 2.During the civil rights mo vement , Rosa P arks and other Black protes tors sp oke out a gains t segreg ation b y refusing to sit a t the b ack o f the bus . This is an e xample o f ________. a.An act o f social c ontrol b.An act o f devianc e c.A so cial norm d.Criminal mores 3.A student has a ha bit o f talking on their c ell phone during clas s. One da y, the pro fessor s tops the lecture and asks the s tudent to resp ect others in the clas s by turning o ff the phone . In this situa tion , the pro fessor use d __________ to maintain so cial c ontrol . a.Informal neg ative sanctions b.Informal p ositiv e sanctions c.Formal neg ative sanctions d.Formal p ositiv e sanctions194 7 • Section Summar y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 4.Societies practic e so cial c ontrol to maintain ________. a.formal sanctions b.social order c.cultural devianc e d.sanction la beling 5.One da y, you decide to w ear p ajamas to the gro cery store . While y ou shop , you notic e people giving y ou strang e looks and whisp ering to others . In this c ase, the gro cery store p atrons are demons trating _______. a.devianc e b.formal sanctions c.informal sanctions d.positiv e sanctions 7.2Theor etical P erspectives on Deviance and Crime 6.A student w akes up la te and re alizes their so ciolog y exam s tarts in fiv e minutes . The y jump into their c ar and sp eed do wn the ro ad, where the y are pulle d over b y a p olice officer. The s tudent e xplains tha t the y are running la te, and the o fficer lets them o ff with a w arning . The s tudent ’s actions are an e xample o f _________. a.primar y devianc e b.positiv e devianc e c.secondar y devianc e d.mas ter devianc e 7.According to C . Wright Mills , which o f the f ollowing p eople is mos t lik ely to b e a memb er o f the p ower elite? a.A war v eteran b.A sena tor c.A pro fessor d.A mechanic 8.According to so cial disorg aniza tion theor y, crime is mos t lik ely to o ccur where? a.A community where neighb ors don ’t kno w each other v ery well b.A neighb orho od with mos tly elderly citiz ens c.A city with a larg e minority p opula tion d.A colleg e campus with s tudents who are v ery comp etitiv e 9.According to the c oncept o f the p ower elite , wh y would a c elebrity c ommit a crime? a.Because his p arents c ommit ted similar crimes b.Because his fame protects him from retribution c.Because his fame disc onnects him from so ciety d.Because he is challenging so cially ac cepte d norms 10.A convicte d se xual o ffender is rele ased on p arole and arres ted tw o weeks la ter f or rep eated se xual crimes . How w ould la beling theor y explain this? a.The o ffender has b een la beled deviant b y so ciety and has ac cepte d a new mas ter s tatus. b.The o ffender has returne d to their old neighb orho od and so rees tablishe d their f ormer ha bits. c.The o ffender has los t the so cial b onds the y made in prison and f eels disc onnecte d from so ciety . d.The o ffender is p oor and resp onding to the diff erent cultural v alues tha t exist in their c ommunity .7 • Section Quiz 195 11.______ devianc e is a viola tion o f norms tha t ______result in a p erson b eing la beled a deviant . a.Secondar y; do es not b.Negative; do es c.Primar y; do es not d.Primar y; ma y or ma y not 7.3Crime and the Law 12.Which o f the f ollowing is an e xample o f corporate crime? a.Emb ezzlement b.Larc eny c.Assault d.Burglar y 13.Spousal a buse is an e xample o f a ________. a.street crime b.corporate crime c.violent crime d.non violent crime 14.Which o f the f ollowing situa tions b est describ es crime trends in the Unite d Sta tes? a.Rates o f violent and non violent crimes are decre asing . b.Rates o f violent crimes are decre asing , but there are more non violent crimes no w than ev er b efore. c.Crime ra tes ha ve skyro cketed sinc e the 1970s due to lax c orrections la ws. d.Rates o f street crime ha ve gone up , but c orporate crime has g one do wn. 15.Wha t is a disadv anta ge of the National C rime V ictimiza tion Sur vey(NCV S)? a.The NCV S do esn’t include demographic da ta, such as a ge or g ender . b.The NCV S ma y be una ble to re ach imp ortant groups , such as those without phones . c.The NCV S do esn’t addres s the rela tionship b etween the criminal and the victim . d.The NCV S only includes inf orma tion c ollecte d by police officers. Short Answer 7.1Deviance and Contr ol 1.If giv en the choic e, would y ou purchase an unusual c ar such as a he arse f or ev eryday use? Ho w w ould y our friends , family , or signific ant other re act? Sinc e devianc e is culturally define d, mos t of the decisions w e mak e are dep endent on the re actions o f others . Is there an ything the p eople in y our lif e enc oura ge you to do that you don ’t? Wh y don ’t you? 2.Think o f a rec ent time when y ou use d inf ormal neg ative sanctions . To wha t act o f devianc e were y ou resp onding? Ho w did y our actions a ffect the deviant p erson or p ersons? Ho w did y our re action help maintain so cial c ontrol? 7.2Theor etical P erspectives on Deviance and Crime 3.Pick a famous p olitician , busines s leader , or c elebrity who has b een arres ted rec ently . Wha t crime did the y alleg edly c ommit? Who w as the victim? Explain their actions from the p oint o f view o f one o f the major sociologic al paradigms . Wha t factors b est explain ho w this p erson might b e punishe d if c onvicte d of the crime?196 7 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 4.If we as sume tha t the p ower elite ’s status is alw ays passed do wn from g enera tion to g enera tion , how w ould Edwin Sutherland e xplain these p atterns o f power through diff erential as sociation theor y? Wha t crimes do these elite f ew g et away with? 7.3Crime and the Law 5.Recall the crime s tatistics presente d in this section . Do the y surprise y ou? Are these s tatistics represente d accura tely in the me dia? Wh y, or wh y not? Further R esear ch 7.1Deviance and Contr ol Although w e rarely think o f it in this w ay, devianc e can ha ve a p ositiv e eff ect on so ciety . Check out the Positiv e Devianc e Initia tive(http://openstax.org/l/Positiv e_Devianc e), a program initia ted by Tufts Univ ersity to promote so cial mo vements around the w orld tha t strive to impro ve people ’s liv es. 7.2Theor etical P erspectives on Deviance and Crime The Skull and Bones So ciety (http://openstax.org/l/Dilemma) made new s in 2004 when it w as rev ealed tha t then-P resident Georg e W. Bush and his Demo cratic challeng er, John K erry, had b oth b een memb ers a t Yale Univ ersity . In the y ears sinc e, conspiracy theoris ts ha ve link ed the secret so ciety to numerous w orld ev ents , arguing tha t man y of the na tion ’s mos t powerful p eople are f ormer Bonesmen . Although such ide as ma y raise a lot o f skepticism , man y influential p eople o f the p ast centur y ha ve been Sk ull and Bones So ciety memb ers, and the so ciety is sometimes describ ed as a c olleg e version o f the p ower elite la ter in lif e. 7.3Crime and the Law Is the U .S. criminal jus tice system c onfusing? Y ou’re not alone . Check out this handy flowchar t from the B ureau of Justice Sta tistics (http://openstax.org/l/US _Criminal_ Justice_BJS). How is crime da ta collecte d in the Unite d Sta tes? R ead a bout the metho ds o f data collection and tak e the National C rime V ictimiza tion Sur vey(http://openstax.org/l/Victimiza tion_ Survey). References Intr oduction CBS N ews. 2014. “Marijuana A dvocates Ey e New T argets After Election W ins.” As sociated Press, Novemb er 5. Retriev ed Novemb er 5, 2014 ( http://www.cbsnew s.com/new s/marijuana-activis ts-eye-new-targ ets-after- election-wins /). Daniller , Andrew . 2019. “ Two Thirds o f Americ ans Supp ort Marijuana Leg aliza tion .” Pew R esearch C enter (https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2019/11/14/americ ans-supp ort-marijuana-leg aliza tion/) Governing . 2014. “ Governing Da ta: Sta te Marijuana La ws Map .” Go verning: The Sta tes and Lo calities , Novemb er 5. R etriev ed Novemb er 5, 2014 ( http://www.governing .com/g ov-data/state-marijuana-la ws-map - medical-recre ational .html). Pew R esearch C enter . 2013. “P artisans Disa gree on Leg aliza tion o f Marijuana, but Agree on La w Enf orcement Policies .” Pew R esearch C enter , April 30. R etriev ed Novemb er 2, 2014 ( http://www.pewrese arch .org/daily - numb er/partisans -disa gree -on-leg aliza tion-o f-marijuana-but -agree -on-la w-enf orcement -policies /). Motel , Seth . 2014. “6 F acts Ab out Marijuana. ” Pew R esearch C enter: F actTank: N ews in the Numb ers, Novemb er 5. R etriev ed (http://www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2014/11/05/6- facts -about-marijuana /). 7.1Deviance and Contr ol Beck er, Ho ward. 1963. Outsiders: Studies in the So ciolog y of Devianc e. New Y ork: F ree P ress.7 • F urther R esear ch 197 Scho epflin , Todd. 2011. “Deviant While Driving? ” Everyday So ciolog y Blog , Januar y 28. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://nortonb ooks.typepad.com/ev erydaysociolog y/2011/01/deviant -while -driving .html). Sumner , William Graham . 1955 [1906]. Folkw ays. New Y ork, NY : Do ver. White , K., & Holman , M. (2012). Marijuana P rohibition in C alifornia: Racial P rejudic e and Selectiv e-Arres ts. Race, Gender & Clas s, 19(3/4), 75-92. 7.2Theor etical P erspectives on Deviance and Crime Akers, Ronald L. 1991. “ Self -control as a General Theor y of Crime .”Journal o f Quantita tive Criminolog y:201–11. Cantor , D. and L ynch , J. 2000. Self -Report Sur veys as Me asures o f Crime and C riminal V ictimiza tion . Rockville , MD: N ational Ins titute o f Justice. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( https:/ /www.ncjrs .gov/criminal_ justice2000/ vol_4/04c .pdf). Clickit tick et.com, 2019. “ A Complete Lis t (with Sta tistics) o f the NFL Pla yers Arres ted For Domes tic Abuse in the 21s t Centur y.” Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2021. ( https:/ /www.clickit tick et.com/nfl-domes tic-violenc e/) Durkheim , Émile . 1997 [1893]. The Division o f Labor in So ciety New Y ork, NY : Free P ress. The F ederal B ureau of Investigation . 2010. “ Crime in the Unite d Sta tes, 2009. ” Retriev ed Januar y 6, 2012 (http://www2.fbi .gov/ucr /cius2009/o ffenses /prop erty_crime/inde x.html). Hirschi , Travis. 1969. Causes o f Delinquency . Berk eley and Los Ang eles: Univ ersity o f California P ress. Holding , Reynolds . 2006. “ Why Can’t Felons V ote? ”Time , Novemb er 21. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 (http://www.time .com/time/na tion/ar ticle/0,8599,1553510,00.html). Krajick , Kevin . 2004. “ Why Can’t Ex -Felons V ote? ”The W ashington P ost, Augus t 18, p . A19. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.washingtonp ost.com/wp -dyn/ar ticles /A9785-2004A ug17.html). Lally , J.R., Mangione , P.L., and Honig , A.S. 1987. “ The Syracuse Univ ersity F amily dev elopment R esearch Program: Long-Rang e Imp act o f an Early Inter vention with Lo w-Inc ome Children and Their F amilies .” Laub, John H. 2006. “E dwin H. Sutherland and the Michael-A dler R eport: Se arching f or
📚 Criminology Reference Bibliography
📊 Citation collection spans multiple criminological topics including racial profiling, hate crimes, media portrayal of crime, and differential sentencing practices
🔍 Crime statistics reveal significant disparities between public perception and reality, with many Americans believing crime is worsening despite long-term declining trends
👮 Policing and legitimacy research examines community relationships, with studies showing Black Americans want police presence maintained while seeking reforms
📱 Digital divide creates technological stratification along racial, socioeconomic, and geographic lines, with marginalized communities often limited to smartphone-only internet access
🌐 Social media profoundly impacts community formation, transforming secondary groups (like music fandoms) into primary-like groups with intimate connections despite geographic separation
💻 Technology access in education perpetuates inequality, as students in well-funded schools gain more technological proficiency, making them more marketable in technology-based job markets
the Soul o f Criminolog y Seventy Y ears La ter.”Criminolog y44:235–57. Lott, John R . Jr. and Son ya D. Jones . 2008. “Ho w Felons Who V ote C an Tip an Election .” Fox News, Octob er 20. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.foxnew s.com/s tory/0,2933,441030,00.html). Mills , C. Wright . 1956. The P ower Elite . New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. New Y ork Times E ditorial Sta ff. 2011. “R educing Unjus t Cocaine Sentenc es.”New Y ork Times , June 29. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2011/06/30/opinion/30thu3.html). ProCon.org. 2009. “Disenfranchise d Totals b y Sta te.” April 13. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 (http://felon voting .procon.org/view .resourc e.php?resourc eID=000287). Schrotenb oer, Brent . 2020. “NFL pla yer arres ts da tabase: R ecords sinc e 2000” G annet t, US A Today. Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2021. ( https:/ /databases .usatoday.com/nfl-arres ts/). Sutherland , Edwin H., and Donald R . Cressey. “A Theor y of Diff erential As sociation .” (1960) Criminologic al Theor y: Past to P resent . Ed. Francis T . Cullen and R obert Agnew . Los Ang eles: R oxbur y Comp any, 2006. 122-125. ProCon.org. 2011. “ State Felon V oting La ws.” April 8. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 (http://felon voting .procon.org/view .resourc e.php?resourc eID=000286). Sampson , Robert J. and L ydia Be an. 2006. “ Cultural Mechanisms and Killing F ields: A R evise d Theor y of198 7 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Community -Lev el Racial Ine quality .”The Man y Colors o f Crime: Ine qualities o f Rac e, Ethnicity and C rime in Americ a, edite d by R. Peterson , L. K rivo and J . Ha gan. New Y ork: N ew Y ork Univ ersity P ress. Sampson , Robert J. and W . Byron Gra ves. 1989. “ Community Str ucture and C rimes: T esting So cial- Disorg aniza tion Theor y.”Americ an J ournal o f Sociolog y94:774-802. Sha w, Cliff ord R . and Henr y McK ay. 1942. Juvenile Delinquency in Urb an Are asChic ago, IL: Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. U.S. Securities and Ex chang e Commis sion . 2009. “ SEC Charg es Bernard L. Mado ff for Multi-Billion Dollar P onzi Scheme .” Washington , DC: U .S. Securities and Ex chang e Commis sion . Retriev ed Januar y 6, 2012 (http://www.sec .gov/new s/pres s/2008/2008-293.htm). The Sentencing P roject . 2010. “F ederal C rack C ocaine Sentencing .”The Sentencing P roject: R esearch and Advocacy R eform . Retriev ed February 12, 2012 ( http://sentencingproject .org/doc/public ations / dp_CrackBriefing Sheet .pdf). Sha w, Cliff ord R . and Henr y H. McK ay. 1942. Juvenile Delinquency in Urb an Are as. Chic ago: Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. Todd, Roger and Louise J ury. 1996. “ Children F ollow Convicte d Parents into C rime .”The Indep endent , February 27. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.indep endent .co.uk/new s/children-f ollow-convicte d- parents -into -crime -1321272.html). 7.3Crime and the Law Abdollah , Tami . 2021. “R eckles s Disreg ard f or Human Lif e, Or T ragic A ccident: Derek Cha uvin Go es On T rial.” USA Today, March 5, 2021. ( https:/ /www.usatoday.com/s tory/new s/nation/2021/03/05/derek -cha uvin-trial- georg e-floyd-murder -case-video/6916878002/) Asian Americ an Bar As sociation o f New Y ork and P aul/W eiss LLP . 2021. “ A Rising Tide o f Ha te and V iolenc e agains t Asian Americ ans in N ew Y ork During C OVID-19: Imp act, Causes , Solutions .” (https:/ /cdn.yma ws.com/w ww.aabany.org/resourc e/resmgr /pres s_rele ases /2021/ A_Rising _Tide _of_Ha te_and_ Vi.pdf) Bureau of Justice Sta tistics. 2019. “Da ta C ollection: N ational C rime V ictimiza tion Sur vey (NCV S).” Bureau of Justice Sta tistics, n.d. Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2021 ht tps:/ /www.bjs.gov/inde x.cfm?ty=dc detail&iid=245 Bureau of Justice Sta tistics. 2020. “ Correctional P opula tions in the Unite d Sta tes, 2017-2018. ” Augus t 2020, NCJ 252157 ( https:/ /www.bjs.gov/content /pub/p df/cpus1718. pdf) Cantor , D. and L ynch , J. 2000. Self -Report Sur veys as Me asures o f Crime and C riminal V ictimiza tion . Rockville , MD: N ational Ins titute o f Justice. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( https:/ /www.ncjrs .gov/criminal_ justice2000/ vol_4/04c .pdf). Chiric os, Ted; Padgett, Kathy; and Ger tz, Mark . 2000. “F ear, TV News, and The R eality o f Crime .”Criminolog y, 38, 3. R etriev ed Novemb er 1, 2014 ( http://onlinelibrar y.wile y.com/doi/10.1111/ j.1745-9125.2000. tb00905. x/abstract) Cohn , D’Verta; T aylor , Paul; Lop ez, Mark Hug o; G allagher , Catherine A .; Parker, Kim; and Maas s, Kevin T . 2013. “Gun Homicide Ra te Do wn 49% Sinc e 1993 P eak: Public Una ware; P ace of Decline Slo ws in P ast Dec ade.” Pew R esearch So cial & Demographic T rends , Ma y 7. R etriev ed Novemb er 1, 2014 (http://www.pewsocialtrends .org/2013/05/07/gun-homicide -rate-down-49-sinc e-1993-p eak-public - una ware/) Federal B ureau of Investigation . 2020. “Ha te C rime Sta tistics, 2019” R etriev ed Dec emb er 10, 2020 (https:/ /ucr.fbi.gov/hate-crime/2019)7 • R eferences 199 Federal B ureau of Investigation . 2021. “Unif orm C rime R eporting (UCR) P rograms .” Retriev ed Januar y 4, 2021 (https:/ /www.fbi.gov/ser vices/cjis /ucr). Harris , David. 2020. “Racial P rofiling: P ast, Present , and F uture? ” Americ an Bar As sociation . (https:/ /www.americ anb ar.org/groups /criminal_ justice/public ations /criminal-jus tice-ma gazine/2020/ winter /racial-pro filing-p ast-present -and-future/) Holman , E. A llison; G arfin, Dana; and Silv er, Roxane (2013). “Me dia’s Role in Bro adcasting A cute Stres s Following the Bos ton Mara thon Bombings .” Proceedings o f the N ational A cadem y of Scienc es o f the US A, Novemb er 14. R etriev ed Novemb er 1, 2014 ( http://www.danaroseg arfin.com/uplo ads/3/0/8/5/30858187/ holman_ et_al_pnas _2014. pdf) Langton , Lynn and Michael Planty . 2011. “Ha te C rime , 2003–2009. ” Bureau of Justice Sta tistics. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.bjs.gov/inde x.cfm?ty=pb detail&iid=1760). Liptak , Adam . 2008a. “1 in 100 U .S. A dults Behind Bars , New Study Sa ys.”New Y ork Times , February 28. Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2008/02/28/us /28cnd-prison .html). Liptak , Adam . 2008b . “Inma te C ount in U .S. Dw arfs Other N ations’ .”New Y ork Times , April 23. R etriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2008/04/23/us /23prison .html?ref=adamliptak). National Archiv e of Criminal J ustice Da ta. 2010. “N ational C rime V ictimiza tion Sur vey Resourc e Guide .” Retriev ed February 10, 2012 ( http://www.icpsr .umich .edu/icpsr web/N ACJD /NCV S/). Overburg , Paul and Ho yer, Meghan . 2013. “ Study: Despite Drop in Gun C rime , 56% Think It ’s Worse .”USA Today, Dec emb er, 3. R etriev ed Novemb er 2, 2014 ( http://www.usatoday.com/s tory/new s/nation/2013/05/ 07/gun-crime -drops -but -americ ans-think -its-worse/2139421/) Peyton , Kyle and Sierra-Arev alo, Michael and Rand , David G . “A Field Exp eriment On C ommunity P olicing and Police Legitimacy .” Proceedings o f the N ational A cadem y of Scienc es. Octob er 2019. ( https:/ /www.pnas .org/ content /116/40/19894) Saad , Lydia. 2011. “Mos t Americ ans Believ e Crime in U .S. is W orsening: Slight Majority Ra te U .S. C rime Problem as Highly Serious; 11% Sa y This a bout Lo cal Crime .” Gallup: W ell-Being , Octob er 31. R etriev ed Novemb er 1, 2014 ( http://www.gallup .com/p oll/150464/americ ans-believ e-crime -worsening .asp x) Saad , Lydia. 2020. “Black Americ ans W ant P olice to R etain Lo cal Presenc e.” Gallup . Augus t 5 2020. (https:/ /new s.gallup .com/p oll/316571/black -americ ans-police-retain-lo cal- presenc e.asp x?utm_ sourc e=ta grss&utm_me dium=rs s&utm_ camp aign=s yndic ation) Teigen, Anne and Bra gg, Lucia. “E volving Civil As set F orgeiture La ws.” National C onferenc e of Sta te Legisla tures . 26, N o. 05 / F ebruary 2018. ( https:/ /www.ncsl .org/rese arch/civil-and-criminal-jus tice/ evolving-civil-as set-forfeiture -laws.asp x) Warr, Mark . 2008. “ Crime on the Rise? Public P erception o f Crime R emains Out o f Sync with R eality .” The Univ ersity o f Texas a t Austin: F eatures , Novemb er, 10. R etriev ed Novemb er 1, 2014 ( http://www.utexas.edu/ features /2008/11/10/crime/) Wilson , Michael and A l Bak er. 2010. “L ured into a T rap, Then T orture d for Being G ay.”New Y ork Times , Octob er 8. R etriev ed from F ebruary 10, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2010/10/09/n yregion/ 09bias .html?p agewante d=1). Yaho o! N ews and Y ouGo v. “Trust in Ins titutions P olling , June 9-10 2020. ” (https:/ /docs.cdn.yougov.com/ 86ijosd7cy /20200611_ yaho o_rac e_police_covid_ cros stabs.pdf)200 7 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 8.1 Music fans c onnect in w ays that o vercome g eogr aphic, socioec onomic, and political diff erences. (Credit: whatale ydude/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 8.1 Technolog y Today 8.2 Media and T echnolog y in Society 8.3 Global Implications o f Media and T echnolog y 8.4 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Media and T echnolog y When a c elebrity announc es tha t the y are quit ting so cial me dia, it ’s big new s (esp ecially on social me dia). Dep ending on the s tar’s status and their re ason f or le aving , the decision is met with a blend o f astonishment , disma y, concern f or the individual or others the y affect, and discus sion a bout larg er problems like bullying or online to xicity . Why do the y quit? Their re asons v ary, and man y ev entually return . Lizz o left Twit ter a fter claiming there w ere “too man y trolls .” Lorde indic ated tha t the s tres s of continual up dates, “ha ving front -row se ats to the hellfire ” necessitated a bre ak (Kirkp atrick 2020). Other ar tists, like Coldpla y, nev er formally de activ ated their ac counts , but w ent f or long p erio ds o f inactivity . Rhianna to ok a six month hia tus; J ustin Bieb er and A dele also w ent without f or some time . No ma tter wha t the re ason , if a p opular ar tist quits so cial me dia, a slew o f articles and inter view s will f ocus on the decision and the re asons b ehind it . Wha t mak es these decisions new sworthy? A p erson deciding not to use a p articular app do esn’t affect our da y- to-day life. Or do es it? Wha t if tha t person share d intima te asp ects o f their lif e, offering a sense o f connection to their f ollowers? Wha t if the sing er pro vide d continual up dates on the progres s of their new album , or g ave their followers a b etter chanc e of meeting them? Wha t if tha t sing er p osted or lik ed new remix es or pla ylists of their material , giving their fans new music to tr y?8Media and T echnology Beyond the relationship with the artist, the social media presence gives fans a sense of community. Recall the discussion of groups. In traditional terms, a musician’s fanbase would be a secondary group: The group creates community, but the members aren’t close and are unlikely to serve expressive functions. But social media can easily turn that secondary group into a primary one. Follow a Reddit thread about a new video, and you’ll see dozens of people who seem to know each other well, who affirm or argue with each other along familiar lines, as if they’re cousins reuniting over a dinner table. They’ve never met in person and probably never will, but they may know intimate details about each other's lives; they’ve shared ups and downs in the manner similar to a local, close-knit group. Selena Gomez has had a complicated relationship with social media. She has announced several times that she is quitting, and went through periods of regular downtime. She’s indicated that many of her updates are posted from friends’ devices. “As soon as I became the most followed person on Instagram,” she said, “I sort of freaked out. It had become so consuming to me. It’s what I woke up to and went to sleep to. I was an addict, and it felt like I was seeing things I didn’t want to see, like it was putting things in my head that I didn’t want to care about” (Haskell 2017). This chapter will further explore the relationships, opportunities, and issues related to media and technology. While the specific products and platforms may quickly grow out of date, consider the larger implications of group dynamics, culture, socialization, and stratification as they relate to the ways we communicate and connect, and the old and new technologies that are meant to help us. 8.1 Technology Today LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this section, you should be able to: • Define technology and describe its evolution • Explain technological inequality and issues related to unequal access to technology • Describe the role of planned obsolescence in technological development 202 8 • Media and Technology FIGURE 8.2 Throughout history, technology has been used to convey information. From petroglyphs near a Native American dwelling at Canyon de Chelly to warning signs outside of animal pens, our innovations have been used to provide the most effective delivery possible. (Credit: a: Anthony Quintano/flickr; b: tenioman/flickr) It is easy to look at the latest virtual reality headset and think technology is a recent addition to our world. But from the steam engine to the most cutting-edge robotic surgery to ols, technology has described the application of science to address the problems of daily life. We might roll our eyes at enormous and clunky computers of the 1970s that had far less storage than a free thumb drive. But chances are, twenty years from now our skinny laptops and pocket-fi lling phones will look just as archaic. What Is Technology? If someone asked your instructor what instructional technology they used, your instructor would likely assume the questioner was referring to courseware platforms, classroom response offerings, or presentation software. But if your instructor simply responded with, “pencil and paper,” they’d still be accurately describing Access for free at openstax.org technolog y. Mo dern p aper and writing devic es w ould ha ve been c onsidere d fantas tical cre ations in ancient times . And the fact tha t the y endure , even as man y other p otential replac ements ha ve come into pla y, sho ws how eff ectiv e those technologies are . Just as the a vailability o f digital technolog y shap es ho w w e liv e today, the cre ation o f stone to ols chang ed ho w premo dern humans liv ed and ho w w ell the y ate. From the firs t calcula tor, invente d in 2400 BCE Ba bylon in the form o f an a bacus , to the pre decessor o f the mo dern c omputer , cre ated in 1882 b y Charles Ba bbage, all o f our technologic al inno vations are adv ancements on previous itera tions . And indee d, all asp ects o f our liv es are influenc ed by technolog y. In a griculture , the intro duction o f machines tha t can till , thresh , plant , and har vest greatly re duced the nee d for manual la bor, which in turn me ant there w ere f ewer rural jobs . This le d to the urbaniza tion o f society , as w ell as lo wered bir th ra tes b ecause there w as les s nee d for larg e families to w ork the farms . In the criminal jus tice system , the a bility to asc ertain inno cence through DN A tes ting has sa ved the lives o f people on de ath ro w. The e xamples are endles s: technolog y pla ys a role in a bsolutely ev ery asp ect o f our liv es. Technological Inequality FIGURE 8.3 Augment ed reality de vices, robotics and 3D printing labs , and cr eatorspac es can significantl y impr ove education. But due t o their e xpense , the y can also incr ease learning inequities . As with an y impro vement to human so ciety , not ev eryone has e qual ac cess. Technolog y, in p articular , often creates chang es tha t lead to ev er gre ater ine qualities . In shor t, the g ap g ets wider fas ter. This technologic al stratific ation has le d to a new f ocus on ensuring b etter ac cess for all . There are tw o forms o f technologic al stratific ation . The firs t is diff erential clas s-based ac cess to technolog y in the f orm o f the digital divide . This digital divide has le d to the sec ond f orm , akno wle dge gap, which is , as it sounds , an ong oing and incre asing g ap in inf orma tion f or those who ha ve les s ac cess to technolog y. Simply put, students in w ell-funde d scho ols rec eive more e xposure to technolog y than s tudents in p oorly funde d scho ols. Those s tudents with more e xposure g ain more pro ficiency , which mak es them far more mark etable in an incre asingly technolog y-based job mark et and le aves our so ciety divide d into those with technologic al kno wledge and those without . Even as w e impro ve ac cess, we ha ve faile d to addres s an incre asingly evident gap in e-readines s—the a bility to sor t through , interpret , and pro cess kno wledge (Sciadas 2003). Sinc e the b eginning o f the millennium , social scienc e rese archers ha ve trie d to bring a ttention to the digital divide , the unev en ac cess to technolog y among diff erent rac es, clas ses, and g eographic are as. The term became p art of the c ommon le xicon in 1996, when then V ice President A l Gore use d it in a sp eech . This w as the p oint when p ersonal c omputer use shifte d drama tically, from 300,000 users in 1991 to more than 10 million users b y 1996 (Rapp aport 2009). In p art, the is sue o f the digital divide had to do with c ommunities tha t received infras tructure upgrades tha t ena bled high-sp eed Internet ac cess, upgrades tha t larg ely w ent to8.1 • T echnolog y Today203 affluent urb an and suburb an are as, leaving out larg e swaths o f the c ountr y. At the end o f the tw entieth c entur y, technolog y ac cess was also a big p art of the scho ol experienc e for those whose c ommunities c ould a fford it . Early in the millennium , poorer c ommunities had lit tle or no technolog y access, while w ell-o ff families had p ersonal c omputers a t home and wire d clas srooms in their scho ols. In the 2000s , however, the pric es for lo w-end c omputers dropp ed considera bly, and it app eared the digital divide w as naturally ending . Research demons trates tha t technolog y use and Internet ac cess still v ary a gre at deal by rac e, clas s, and a ge in the Unite d Sta tes, though mos t studies a gree tha t there is minimal diff erenc e in Internet use by adult men and adult w omen . Data from the P ew R esearch C enter (P errin 2019) sugg ests the emerg ence of yet another divide . Larg er percenta ges o f groups such as La tinos and Afric an Americ ans use their phones ra ther than traditional computers to c onnect to the Internet and under take rela ted activities . Roughly eight in ten White p eople reported owning c omputers , in c ontras t to roughly six in ten Black and Hisp anic p eople o wning them . White people w ere also more lik ely to ha ve bro adb and ( high-sp eed Internet) in their homes . But appro xima tely one in four Black and Hisp anic p eople rep orted being smar tphone -only Internet users , a numb er tha t far outp aces White p eople 's relianc e on the devic es. While it might seem tha t the Internet is the Internet , reg ardles s of ho w you g et there , there ’s a nota ble diff erenc e. Tasks lik e up dating a résumé or filling out a job applic ation are much harder on a c ell phone than on a larg e-screen c omputer in the home . As a result , the digital divide might mean no ac cess to c omputers or the Internet , but c ould me an ac cess to the kind o f online technolog y tha t allows for emp owerment , not jus t enter tainment ( Washington 2011). Another asp ect o f the digital divide is present in the typ e of community one liv es in . Census da ta rele ased in 2018 sho wed tha t in the s tudy p erio d of 2013 to 2017, 78 p ercent o f U.S. households had Internet ac cess, but that homes in r ural and lo w-inc ome are as w ere b elow tha t na tional a verage by 13 p ercent. The da ta w as collecte d by county , and sho wed tha t "mos tly urb an" counties signific antly outp aced "mos tly r ural" c ounties . "Completely r ural ," lower-inc ome c ounties had the lo west rates o f home Internet adoption , at about 60 p ercent (Mar tin 2019). One p otential outc ome o f reduced home Internet and c omputer ac cess can b e the rela tively lo w representa tion of certain p opula tions in c omputing c ourses , computing majors , and c omputing c areers . Some scho ol dis tricts , often with the help o f government grants or c orporate sp onsorships , aim to addres s this asp ect o f the digital divide b y pro viding c omputers to those who nee d them , either a t a lo w cost or a t no
🌐 Digital Divide and Connection
🖥️ The digital divide persists despite decades of awareness, with COVID-19 exposing significant gaps in internet access, technology familiarity, and digital literacy across demographic groups
📱 Constant connectivity transforms relationships - increasing attachment while potentially decreasing satisfaction, creating dependency patterns, and blurring boundaries between work and personal life
🔒 Privacy concerns grow as data collection becomes unavoidable, with most Americans feeling they have little control over information gathered by companies (81%) and government (84%)
👶 Children's online presence creates unique challenges, with regulations protecting minors while "sharents" monetize their children's social media presence
🌐 Net neutrality debates reflect competing perspectives about whether internet service providers should be regulated as common carriers or allowed to create tiered access systems
💻 Technology evolution follows patterns of breakthrough and refinement, with disruptive innovations like cloud storage fundamentally transforming entire industries
charg e. A numb er o f organiza tions , such as C ode.org, Black Girls C ode, and Black Bo ys Code, work to o vercome the disp arity b y offering c omputer scienc e education programs and c amps , collaborative ins truction programs with lo cal scho ol dis tricts , and (p erhaps mos t imp actful in the long term) te acher training programs . As a result , the numb er o f Black and Hisp anic s tudents in c ourses lik e Advanced Plac ement C omputer Scienc e has incre ased drama tically in rec ent y ears, as has the numb er o f colleg e majors from the same p opula tions . As a whole , the digital divide brings some lev el of contro versy. Some ques tion wh y it s till e xists after ha ving been identifie d more than tw enty y ears a go. Others ques tion whether or not it e xists at all , and o ffer da ta to supp ort the claim tha t it do es not e xist (Americ an P ress Ins titute 2015). Ho wever, mos t experts agree tha t the COVID-19 p andemic rev ealed tha t the digital divide has p ersis ted, particularly in e duc ation . While millions o f students w ere c onfine d to home and remote ins truction , the y were divide d by their Internet ac cess, their familiarity with c omputer hardw are and so ftware, and their a bility to solv e their o wn technolog y issues (PRB 2020). E ven when g overnments and e ducational ins titutions implemente d impro vements to the ac cess and technolog y situa tion , there remaine d the qualita tive asp ect o f unplanne d remote e duc ation: Man y ins tructors and s tudents are not as eff ectiv e while c ommunic ating only through c omputer screens . When c onsidering education , policymak ers fac ed arduous decision-making pro cesses and c ontentious deb ates as the y trie d the balanc e the is sues o f safety, educational quality , teacher sa fety, student mental he alth , and the o verall changing landsc ape of the p andemic .204 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Constant Contact and R eplaced R elationships How often do y ou check y our phone f or new mes sages or aler ts? If y ou're typic al, it might b e over 100 times a day. (The numb er is difficult to cite with c onfidenc e, because ev ery few months , org aniza tions or c omp anies rele ase new s tudies claiming to ha ve up dated statistics.) Wha t happ ens to y our phone when y ou are sleeping? In 2012, rese archers rep orted tha t “44% o f cell phone o wners ha ve slept with their phone ne xt to their b ed because the y wante d to mak e sure the y didn ’t mis s an y calls, text mes sages, or other up dates during the night , and 29% o f cell o wners describ e their c ell phone as ‘ something the y can’t ima gine living without ’” (Smith 2012). J ust three y ears la ter, a fre quently cite d rep ort by Bank o f Americ a indic ated the numb er o f phone - accomp anie d sleep ers w as a t 71 p ercent (K ooser 2015). A more rec ent sur vey of 500 p eople f ound it to b e 66 percent, but tha t sur vey only include d adults (Abb ott 2020). Ho wever, these sur veys and the re action to them might b e a factor o f selectiv e memor y: Prior to the rise o f cell phones , man y people had telephones in their rooms , often within arm 's re ach o f their b ed. While p eople rep ort tha t cell phones mak e it e asier to s tay in touch , simplif y planning , and incre ase their productivity , those are not the only imp acts o f constant devic e usa ge in the Unite d Sta tes. Smith also rep orts that “roughly one in fiv e cell o wners sa y tha t their phone has made it a t least somewha t harder to f orget about work a t home or on the w eekends; to giv e people their undivide d attention; or to f ocus on a single task without being dis tracte d” (Smith 2012). As mentione d in the op ening o f this chapter , even c elebrities who ha ve perhaps b enefit ted the mos t from incre ased communic ation and so cial me dia rep ort stres s and c oncern a bout their online presenc e and its rela ted outc omes . With so man y people using so cial me dia b oth in the Unite d Sta tes and a broad, it is no surprise tha t social media is a p owerful f orce for so cial chang e or p olitic al expres sion . For e xample , McK enna P ope, a thir teen- year-old girl , use d the Internet to suc cessfully p etition Hasbro to fight g ender s tereotyp es b y cre ating a g ender - neutral Eas y-Bak e Oven ins tead o f using only the traditional pink c olor (K umar 2014). Mo vements such as MeToo and Black Liv es Ma tter g aine d prominenc e partly through wha t is sometimes ref erre d to as "hashta g activism ." More rec ently , TikT ok users who activ ely opp osed Donald T rump 's re -election regis tere d for ne arly all the se ats at a major rally . When the y did not a ttend , the arena w as ne arly empty , after the c amp aign had predicte d it w ould b e overflowing . Later, Trump supp orters use d the so cial me dia site P arler in their o wn rally planning and c oordina tion . Such c onsis tent and imp actful usa ge leads to una voida ble results: N ewer communic ation metho ds are replacing older ones . Speaking b y phone seems archaic and almos t intr usiv e for some p eople , who gre atly pref er non-v oice mes saging apps or te xts. Me dia obser vers, etiquet te commenta tors , and friends and family may lament p eople b eginning and ending rela tionships b y text mes sage, but those metho ds ha ve pro ven more comf ortable, esp ecially f or y oung p eople . Wha t are the eff ects? There ha ve not b een s tudies on ev ery typ e of rela tionship , but rese arch into romantic rela tionships sho ws interes ting results . First, consider the elements o f a rela tionship . One is a ttachment , or the bond tha t people f orm with e ach other . Research has sho wn tha t constant c ommunic ation via mes saging signific antly incre ases the lev el of attachment . Tha t fact seems intuitiv e: people who c ontinually check in on each other , rep ort their where abouts , and o ffer supp ort or a ffirma tion will build a s trong er b ond . The same study , however, found tha t the resp ondents ra ted the o verall quality o f the rela tionship as w eaker or les s satisfying when it w as domina ted by text mes saging ins tead o f voice conversa tion (L uo 2014). Man y of us ha ve experienc ed another asp ect o f rela tionships: relianc e or imb alanc e. Researchers ha ve found that close friends who are he avily reliant on mobile devic es and as sociated mes saging ma y ha ve more is sues regarding o verdep endenc e on the rela tionship and diff ering e xpecta tions reg arding c ommunic ation . Friendships tha t do not rely on mobile devic es ma y ha ve far les s fre quent c ontact . Research f ound elements o f guilt and pres sure to resp ond (c alled entrapment) in mobile -dep endent rela tionships , which le d to o verall dissatisfaction (Hall 2012).8.1 • T echnolog y Today205 Online Priv acy , Security , and Contr ol As w e incre ase our f ootprints on the w eb b y going online more o ften to c onnect so cially , share ma terial , conduct busines s, and s tore inf orma tion , we also incre ase our vulnera bility to those with neg ative intent . Mos t Americ ans seem to ac cept tha t incre ased usa ge of online and rela ted to ols brings risks , but their p erceptions of those risks are ev olving . For e xample , people ha ve diff erent viewp oints on risks as sociated with individuals , comp anies , and the g overnment . The P ew R esearch C enter c onducts fre quent sur veys on these topics . A rec ent public ation indic ated the f ollowing: •81 p ercent o f people f elt the y had lit tle c ontrol o ver the da ta collecte d by comp anies; 84 p ercent f elt the y had lit tle c ontrol o ver da ta collecte d by the g overnment . •62 p ercent f elt tha t it w as not p ossible to g o through the da y without ha ving da ta collecte d about them b y comp anies; 63% f elt it w asn't possible to g o through a da y without da ta collection b y the g overnment . •79 p ercent w ere c oncerne d about tha t data use b y comp anies; 64 p ercent w ere c oncerne d about da ta use by the g overnment . Other elements o f the rese arch demons trate tha t older Americ ans f elt more c oncern than y oung er ones , and that Black and Hisp anic p eople w ere more lik ely than White p eople to b eliev e the g overnment w as tracking them (A uxier 2019). These a ttitudes ma y be rev ealed by practic es or a ttitudes to ward priv acy eff orts and sa feguards . One p erson may be anno yed ev ery time a priv acy notic e interr upts them , and the y ma y simply sign the s tatement without thinking much a bout it . Another p erson ma y re ad ev ery word o f the a greement and c arefully delib erate over whether to pro ceed. Online priv acy c oncerns also e xtend from individuals to their dep endents . In ac cordanc e with the Child Online Privacy P rotection A ct, scho ol dis tricts mus t consider and c ontrol c ertain elements o f priv acy on b ehalf o f students , me aning the y cannot re quire or enc oura ge students under a ge thir teen to pro vide p ersonal informa tion . Lik ewise , online pla tforms such as Ins tagram do not let children under the a ge of thir teen regis ter for their sites . And where children are regis tere d by their p arents , sites lik e YouTube and , more rec ently , TikT ok is sue c ontrols to prev ent inappropria te p ortrayals b y children or inappropria te behavior b y other memb ers. For e xample , YouTube often disa bles c omments on videos pro duced by children (Moreno 2020). TikT ok adde d priv acy and protection metho ds in 2020, but in e arly 2021 w as hit with alleg ations o f viola ting child sa fety and priv acy guidelines . Although scho ols and c omp anies are re quire d to tak e steps to lo wer risks to children , parents and guardians are free to mak e their o wn choic es on b ehalf o f their children . Some p arents a void sho wing their children on social me dia; the y do not p ost pictures , and ask family memb ers to refrain from doing so (Lev y, 2019). On the other end o f the sp ectr um, some p arents r un so cial me dia ac counts f or their children . Sometimes ref erre d to as "sharents ," the y ma y share enter taining videos , promote pro ducts through demos or tr y-ons , or p ost professionally pro duced photos on b ehalf o f clothing c omp anies or e quipment mak ers. A child's (ev en a toddler 's) role as an influenc er can b e financially lucra tive, and c omp anies making ev erything from helmets to danc ewear ha ve tak en notic e (A llchin 2012). Net Neutr ality The is sue o fnet neutralit y, the principle tha t all Internet da ta should b e tre ated equally b y Internet ser vice providers , is p art of the na tional deb ate about Internet ac cess and the digital divide . On one side o f this deb ate is the b elief tha t those who pro vide Internet ser vice, like those who pro vide electricity and w ater, should b e treated as c ommon c arriers , leg ally prohibite d from discrimina ting b ased on the cus tomer or na ture o f the goods. Supp orters o f net neutrality sugg est tha t without such leg al protections , the Internet c ould b e divide d into “fas t” and “ slow” lanes . A c onflict p ersp ectiv e theoris t might sugg est tha t this discrimina tion w ould allo w bigg er corporations , such as Amaz on, to p ay Internet pro viders a premium f or fas ter ser vice, which c ould le ad to gaining an adv anta ge tha t would driv e small , local comp etitors out o f busines s.206 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The other side o f the deb ate holds the b elief tha t designa ting Internet ser vice pro viders as c ommon c arriers would c onstitute an unre asona ble regula tory burden and limit the a bility o f telec ommunic ation c omp anies to operate pro fitably. A functional p ersp ectiv e theoris t might p oint out tha t, without pro fits, comp anies w ould not invest in making impro vements to their Internet ser vice or e xpanding those ser vices to underser ved are as. The final decision res ts with the F ederal C ommunic ations C ommis sion and the f ederal g overnment , which mus t decide ho w to fairly regula te bro adb and pro viders without dividing the Internet into ha ves and ha ve- nots . 8.2 Media and T echnology in Society LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the e volution and curr ent r ole o f diff erent media , like ne wspapers , television, and ne w media •Describe the function o f product adv ertising in media •Demons trate awarenes s of the social homog enization and social fr agmentation that oc cur via modern society ’s use o f technolog y and media FIGURE 8.4 Facebook ’s VP o f Engineering R egina Dug an g ave a talk about inno vations in the plat form ’s technologies in which she shar ed pot ential inno vations , including cr eating t ext dir ectly from our thoughts . While the prospect o f drafting mes sages or papers b y thinking about them w ould c ertainl y speed up our pr ocesses, opening our thoughts dir ectly to a social media c ompan y might ha ve lar ger implications . (Cr edit: Anthon y Quintano/flickr) Technolog y and the me dia are inter woven, and neither c an b e sep arated from c ontemp orar y so ciety in mos t core and semi-p eripheral na tions .Media is a term tha t ref ers to all print , digital , and electronic me ans o f communic ation . From the time the printing pres s was cre ated (and ev en b efore), technolog y has influenc ed how and where inf orma tion is share d. Today, it is imp ossible to discus s me dia and the w ays so cieties communic ate without addres sing the fas t-mo ving p ace of technolog y chang e. Tw enty y ears a go, if y ou w ante d to share new s of your b aby’s bir th or a job promotion , you phone d or wrote let ters . You might tell a handful o f people , but y ou prob ably w ouldn ’t call up sev eral hundre d, including y our old high scho ol chemis try teacher , to let them kno w. Now, you might join an online c ommunity o f parents -to-be ev en b efore y ou announc e your pregnancy via a s taged Ins tagram picture . The circle o f communic ation is wider than ev er, and when w e talk about ho w so cieties eng age with technolog y, we mus t tak e me dia into ac count , and vic e versa. Technolog y cre ates me dia. The c omic b ook y ou b ought y our da ughter is a f orm o f me dia, as is the mo vie y ou streame d for family night , the w eb site y ou use d to order tak eout , the billb oard y ou p assed on the w ay to pick up y our f ood, and the new spaper you re ad while y ou w ere w aiting f or it . Without technolog y, me dia w ould not exist, but rememb er, technolog y is more than jus t the me dia w e are e xposed to. Categorizing T echnology There is no one w ay of dividing technolog y into c ategories . Where as onc e it might ha ve been simple to clas sify8.2 • Media and T echnolog y in Society 207 inno vations such as machine -based or dr ug-b ased or the lik e, the interc onnecte d strands o f technologic al development me an tha t adv ancement in one are a might b e replic ated in do zens o f others . For simplicity ’s sake, we will lo ok a t ho w the U .S. P atent Offic e, which rec eives p atent applic ations f or ne arly all major inno vations w orldwide , addres ses p atents . This regula tory body will p atent three typ es o f inno vation .Utility patents are the firs t typ e. These are grante d for the in vention or disc overy of an y new and useful pro cess, product , or machine , or f or a signific ant impro vement to e xisting technologies . The sec ond typ e of patent is a design p atent . Commonly c onferre d in architecture and indus trial design , this me ans someone has in vente d a new and original design f or a manufacture d pro duct .Plant p atents , the final typ e, rec ogniz e the disc overy of new plant typ es tha t can b e ase xually repro duced. While g enetic ally mo difie d food is the hot -but ton is sue within this c ategory, farmers ha ve long b een cre ating new h ybrids and p atenting them . A more mo dern example might b e food giant Monsanto , which p atents c orn with built -in p esticide (U .S. P atent and T rademark Offic e 2011). Anderson and T ushman (1990) sugg est an evolut ionar y mo del of technologic al chang e, in which a breakthrough in one f orm o f technolog y leads to a numb er o f varia tions . Onc e those are as sessed, a prototyp e emerg es, and then a p erio d of slight adjus tments to the technolog y, interr upte d by a bre akthrough . For example , in terms o f portable da ta stora ge, the firs t mains tream devic e was a flopp y disk –a square , plas tic object larg er than a pla ying c ard, which in its final itera tion held 1.4 meg abytes o f data (or les s than a single high-resolution photo). Until the e arly 2000s , these w ere c ommon f orma ts, and s tudents and pro fessionals would regularly c arry sev eral o f them . Flopp y disks w ere impro ved and upgrade d, then replac ed by higher - capacity Zip and J az disks , which w ere then replac ed by flash driv es. This is es sentially a g enera tional mo del for c ategorizing technolog y, in which firs t-genera tion technolog y is a rela tively unsophis ticated jumping-o ff point tha t leads to an impro ved sec ond g enera tion , and so on . Another typ e of evolution in volves disr uptiv e technolog y (or disr uptiv e inno vation), which is a pro duct , service, or pro cess tha t has a major eff ect on the op eration o f an entire indus try, and/or ma y cre ate new indus tries or new mark ets. In the e xample a bove, a disr uptiv e technolog y might b e the adv ent o f cloud-b ased stora ge pla tforms lik e Go ogle Driv e and iCloud , which ha ve signific antly re duced the nee d for ph ysical portable stora ge. Disr uptiv e technolog y can cre ate and des troy entire indus tries , sometimes in a rapid manner ra ther than in an ev olutionar y one . In one o f the mos t famous e xamples , the adv ent o f digital photograph y rendere d film-b ased cameras obsolete; the chang e came
🌐 Disruptive Technology Impact
💥 Technological disruption transforms entire industries overnight, as seen with digital photography decimating Kodak and ride-sharing services upending traditional taxi businesses
🏭 Community devastation follows when technology eliminates jobs, turning thriving manufacturing regions into Rust Belt ghost towns and destroying cultural gathering places like record stores
🎮 Media violence debates persist despite mixed research findings—studies show increased aggressive thoughts immediately after gameplay, but limited evidence connecting video games to real-world violence
📱 Media evolution traces from ancient handwritten boards to newspapers, radio, television, and now digital platforms, each shift changing how societies receive and process information
🔄 Planned obsolescence drives consumer technology, with companies deliberately designing products to fail or become outdated, forcing regular replacements and upgrades
📊 Attention economy leverages synergistic advertising across multiple platforms to ensure consumers receive consistent brand messaging from various sources
quickly , and man y comp anies c ould not adjus t. In a similar manner , ride -sharing ser vices ha ve had a mas sive imp act on the taxi and limousine indus try. Emerging technologies such as blo ckchain , additiv e manufacturing (3D printing ), and a ugmente d re ality are lik ely to have similar imp acts . For e xample , if c omp anies decide tha t it is more efficient to 3D print man y pro ducts or comp onents close to their des tina tions ins tead o f shipping them from dis tant manufacturing plants and warehouses , the entire shipping indus try ma y be affecte d. The so ciologic al imp act o f disr uptiv e technolog y can b e sudden . Digital photograph y, for e xample , resulte d in the rapid decline o f comp anies lik e Kodak , which had b een s talw arts of the Americ an ec onom y and a major emplo yer. Layoffs dev astated cities lik e Roches ter, New Y ork. The adv ent o f online music purchasing and subscription ser vices resulte d in the closure o f thousands o f rec ord s tores , both small busines ses and larg e chains lik e Tower R ecords . Beyond the ec onomic imp act, these s tores w ere o ften p arts of the fa bric o f communities , plac es for fans to g ather to e xplore and share music . Automa tion has lik ewise chang ed manufacturing and mining , resulting in sev ere job los s and dras tic altera tions in regions such as the Gre at Lakes, where man y towns w ent from b eing p art of the Manufacturing Belt to b eing p art of the R ust Belt .208 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Violence in Media and Video Games: Does It Matter? FIGURE 8.5 One o f the mos t popular video g ames , Grand Theft Aut o, has fr equentl y been at the c enter of debat e about gr atuit ous violenc e in the g aming w orld. (Cr edit: Meddy Garnet/flickr) A glanc e thr ough popular video g ame and mo vie titles g eared toward childr en and t eens sho ws the v ast spectrum o f violenc e that is displa yed, c ondoned, and act ed out. As a w ay to guide par ents in their pr ogramming choic es, the motion pictur e indus try put a r ating s ystem in plac e in the 1960s . But ne w media —video g ames in par ticular —proved to be unchar ted territ ory. In 1994, the Ent ertainment Software Rating Boar d (ERSB) set a r atings s ystem f or games that addr essed is sues o f violenc e, sexuality , drug use , and the lik e. Calif ornia t ook it a s tep fur ther b y making it il legal to sel l video g ames t o under age buy ers. The case led to a heat ed debat e about personal fr eedoms and child pr otection, and in 2011, the U .S. Supr eme Cour t ruled agains t the Calif ornia la w, stating it violat ed fr eedom o f speech (P roCon 2012). Childr en’s pla y has o ften in volved g ames o f aggression—fr om c ops and r obbers t o fak e sword fights . Man y articles repor t on the c ontr oversy surr ounding the sug gested link betw een violent video g ames and violent beha vior. Is the link r eal? P sychologis ts Anderson and Bushman (2001) r eviewed forty-plus y ears o f resear ch on the subject and, in 2003, det ermined that ther e are causal link ages betw een violent video g ame use and ag gression. The y found that childr en who had jus t pla yed a violent video g ame demons trated an immediat e incr ease in hos tile or ag gressive thoughts , an incr ease in ag gressive emotions , and ph ysiological ar ousal that incr eased the chanc es o f acting out aggressive beha vior (Anderson 2003). However, though the American P sychological As sociation and other r esear chers f ound an incr ease in ag gressive tendencies based on video g ame pla y, several studies and c onclusions indicat ed "scant e videnc e" that violent video games cause either ph ysical violenc e or criminal beha vior. Resear chers ha ve found c orrelations betw een those beha viors , essential ly indicating that violent people ma y be mor e lik ely to pla y violent video g ames , but that s till does not mean that video g ames cause violenc e. Types of Media and T echnology Media and technolog y ha ve ev olved hand in hand , from e arly print to mo dern public ations , from radio toSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD8.2 • Media and T echnolog y in Society 209 television to film . New me dia emerg e constantly , such as w e see in the online w orld . Newspaper Early f orms o f print me dia, f ound in ancient R ome , were hand-c opie d onto b oards and c arrie d around to k eep the citiz enry inf orme d. With the in vention o f the printing pres s, the w ay tha t people share d ide as chang ed, as informa tion c ould b e mas s pro duced and s tore d. For the firs t time , there w as a w ay to spre ad kno wledge and informa tion more efficiently; man y cre dit this dev elopment as le ading to the R enais sanc e and ultima tely the Age of Enlightenment . This is not to sa y tha t new spapers o f old w ere more tr ustworthy than the Weekly W orld Newsand National Enquirer are to day. Sensa tionalism a bounde d, as did c ensorship tha t forbade an y subjects that would incite the p opulac e. The in vention o f the telegraph , in the mid-1800s , chang ed print me dia almos t as much as the printing pres s. Suddenly inf orma tion c ould b e transmit ted in minutes . As the nineteenth c entur y became the tw entieth , U.S. publishers such as He arst redefine d the w orld o f print me dia and wielde d an enormous amount o f power to socially c onstruct na tional and w orld ev ents . Of c ourse , even as the me dia empires o f William Randolph He arst and J oseph Pulitz er w ere gro wing , print me dia also allo wed for the dis semina tion o f countercultural or revolutionar y ma terials . Interna tionally , Vladimir Lenin ’sIrksa (The S park) new spaper w as publishe d in 1900 and pla yed a role in R ussia’s gro wing c ommunis t mo vement ( World As sociation o f Newspapers 2004). With the in vention and widespre ad use o f television in the mid-tw entieth c entur y, new spaper circula tion steadily dropp ed off, and in the 21s t centur y, circula tion has dropp ed fur ther as more p eople turn to internet new s sites and other f orms o f new me dia to s tay inf orme d. According to the P ew R esearch C enter , 2009 sa w an unprec edente d drop in new spaper circula tion–– down 10.6 p ercent from the y ear b efore (P ew 2010). This shift a way from new spapers as a sourc e of inf orma tion has pro found eff ects on so cieties . When the new s is giv en to a larg e div erse c onglomera te of people , it mus t maintain some lev el of bro ad-b ased rep orting and balanc e in order to app eal to a bro ad a udienc e and k eep them subscribing . As new spapers decline , new s sourc es b ecome more fracture d, so e ach segment o f the a udienc e can cho ose sp ecific ally wha t it w ants to he ar and wha t it w ants to a void. Incre asingly , new spapers are shifting online in an a ttempt to remain relev ant. It is hard to tell wha t imp act new me dia pla tforms will ha ve on the w ay we rec eive and pro cess inf orma tion . It is hard to tell wha t imp act new me dia pla tforms will ha ve on the w ay we rec eive and pro cess inf orma tion . The P ew R esearch C enter ’s Project f or Ex cellenc e in J ournalism (2013) rep orted tha t audienc es for all the major new s ma gazines decline d in 2012, though digital ad rev enue incre ased. The same rep ort sugg ested tha t, while new spaper circula tion is holding s teady a t around $10 billion a fter y ears o f decline , it is digital p ay plans that allo w new spapers to k eep their he ads a bove water, and the digital ad rev enue tha t is incre asing f or new s magazines is not enough to c omp ensa te for print rev enue los s in new spapers. A 2014 rep ort sugg ested tha t U.S. adults re ad a me dian o f five books p er year in 2013, which is a bout a verage. But are the y re ading traditional print or e -books? Ab out 69 p ercent o f people said the y had re ad a t least one printe d book in the p ast year, versus 28 p ercent who said the y’d re ad an e -book (De Silver 2014). Is print more effectiv e at conveying inf orma tion? In rec ent s tudy , Mang en, Walgermo , and Bronnick (2013) f ound tha t students who re ad on p aper p erforme d slightly b etter than those who re ad an e -book on an op en-b ook re ading comprehension e xam o f multiple -choic e and shor t-ans wer ques tions . While a meta-analy sis o f rese arch b y Andrew s (1992) seeme d to c onfirm tha t people re ad more slo wly and c omprehend les s when re ading from screens , a meta-analy sis o f more rec ent rese arch on this topic do es not sho w an ything definite (N oyes and Garland 2008).210 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Television and R adio FIGURE 8.6 Television c ontr ol rooms f eatur e feeds fr om man y other netw orks, so that pr oduc ers and r epor ters can see diff erent perspectiv es on the same e vents and be aler ted to ne w de velopments ar ound the w orld (Cr edit: Anthon y Quintano/flickr). Radio programming ob viously prec eded television , but b oth shap ed people ’s liv es in much the same w ay. In both c ases , inf orma tion (and enter tainment) c ould b e enjo yed at home , with a kind o f imme diacy and community tha t new spapers c ould not o ffer. For ins tanc e, man y people in the Unite d Sta tes might rememb er when the y sa w on television or he ard on the radio tha t the Twin T owers in N ew Y ork City had b een a ttack ed in 2001. E ven though p eople w ere in their o wn homes , me dia allo wed them to share these moments in re al time . This same kind o f sep arate-but -communal appro ach o ccurre d with enter tainment to o. Scho ol-a ged children and o ffice workers g athere d to discus s the previous night ’s ins tallment o f a serial television or radio sho w. Right up through the 1970s , U.S. television w as domina ted by three major netw orks (ABC , CBS, and NBC) tha t comp eted for ra tings and adv ertising dollars . The netw orks also e xerted a lot o f control o ver wha t people watche d. Public television , in c ontras t, offered an e duc ational nonpro fit alterna tive to the sensa tionaliza tion o f new s spurre d by the netw ork c omp etition f or view ers and adv ertising dollars . Those sourc es—PBS (Public Broadcasting Ser vice), the BBC (British Bro adcasting C omp any), and CBC (C anadian Bro adcasting Comp any)—garnere d a w orldwide reputa tion f or high-quality programming and a glob al persp ectiv e. Al Jazeera, the Ara bic indep endent new s station , has joine d this group as a similar me dia f orce tha t bro adcasts to people w orldwide . The imp act o f television on U .S. so ciety is hard to o verstate. By the la te 1990s , 98 p ercent o f U.S. homes had a t least one television set , and the a verage person w atche d between tw o and a half and fiv e hours o f television daily . All this television has a p owerful so cializing eff ect, pro viding ref erenc e groups while reinf orcing so cial norms , values , and b eliefs . Film The film indus try took o ff in the 1930s , when c olor and sound w ere firs t integra ted into f eature films . Lik e television , early films w ere unif ying f or so ciety: as p eople g athere d in the aters to w atch new rele ases , the y would la ugh , cry, and b e sc ared tog ether . Mo vies also act as time c apsules or cultural touchs tones f or so ciety . From W esterns s tarring the tough-talking Clint Eas twood to the biopic o f Facebook founder and Har vard drop out Mark Z uckerberg, mo vies illus trate so ciety ’s dre ams , fears, and e xperienc es. While man y consider Holly wood the epic enter o f mo viemaking , India ’s Bolly wood actually pro duces more films p er year, speaking to the cultural aspira tions and norms o f Indian so ciety . The film indus try, like other me dia f orma ts, has g one8.2 • Media and T echnolog y in Society 211 through subs tantial chang e as a result o f streaming ser vices, online priv acy, and the new c omp etition f or people 's enter tainment dollars . Bec ause the mains tream mo vie indus try has b een so reliant on tick et sales a t live the aters , the C OVID-19 p andemic a ffecte d it more drama tically than mos t other me dia c ategories . Highly anticip ated mo vies sla ted for 2020 and 2021 rele ases w ere dela yed or shifte d to s treaming dis tribution , reducing rev enue . And some c omp anies made las ting decisions reg arding their future o fferings . New Media and Online Envir onments New me dia encomp asses all interactiv e forms o f inf orma tion e xchang e. These include so cial netw orking sites , blogs , podcasts, wikis , and vir tual w orlds . Man y are not "new " in the sense tha t the y were dev elop ed in the p ast few y ears (some ma y be older than y ou), but the y are new er than the me dia mentione d above, and the y rely on types o f technologies tha t were not a vailable until a bout thir ty years a go. Man y are w ays disr uptiv e to traditional me dia or to c omp anies tha t rely on those other f orma ts. Cle arly , the lis t of new me dia gro ws almos t daily , and y ou might f eel w e are mis sing some . In fact , the imme diacy o f new me dia c ouple d with the lack o f oversight me ans w e mus t be more c areful than ev er to ensure tha t we are making g ood decisions a bout the accuracy , ethics , and cultural resp onsiv enes s of these f orma ts. Planned Obsolescence: T echnology That’ s Built to Cr ash FIGURE 8.7 Man y people ar e incr edibl y reliant on their de vices, but in busines s contexts, a failing phone or comput er can ha ve impacts on cus tomers and r evenues . (Cr edit: R awpix el Ltd/flickr) Chanc es ar e your mobile phone c ompan y, as w ell as the mak ers o f your lap top and y our household applianc es, are all counting on their pr oducts t o fail . Not t oo quickl y, of course , or c onsumers w ouldn 't stand f or it—but fr equentl y enough that y ou might find that it c osts far mor e to fix a de vice than t o replac e it with a ne wer model . Or y ou find the phone c ompan y e-mails y ou sa ying that y ou’re eligible f or a fr ee ne w phone , because y ours is a whopping tw o years old. And applianc e repair people sa y that while the y might be fixing some machines that ar e tw enty y ears old, the y gener ally aren’t fixing those that ar e se ven y ears old; ne wer models ar e buil t to be thr own out. This s trategy is cal led planned obsolesc ence, and it is the busines s practic e of planning f or a pr oduct t o be obsolet e or unusable fr om the time it is cr eated.SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD212 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. To some e xtent, planned obsolesc ence is a natur al extension o f new and emer ging t echnologies . Aft er al l, who is going t o cling t o an enormous and slo w desk top c omput er fr om 2000 when a f ew hundr ed dol lars can buy one that is significantl y fas ter and bet ter? But the pr actic e is not al ways so benign. The clas sic e xample o f planned obsolesc ence is the n ylon s tocking . Women ’s stockings —once an e veryday staple o f women ’s lives––get “runs” or “ladders” aft er onl y a f ew wearings . This r equir es the s tockings t o be discar ded and ne w ones pur chased. Not surprisingl y, the g arment indus try did not in vest hea vily in finding a rip -proof fabric; it w as in manufactur ers' bes t interest that their pr oduct be r egularl y replac ed. Those who use Micr osoft Windo ws might f eel that lik e the w omen who pur chased endles s pairs o f stockings , the y are victims o f planned obsolesc ence. Every time Windo ws releases a ne w oper ating s ystem, ther e are typical ly not man y inno vations in it that c onsumers f eel the y mus t have. Ho wever, the so ftware programs ar e up wardly compatible onl y. This means that while the ne w versions can r ead older files , the old v ersion cannot r ead the ne wer ones . In shor t order, those who ha ve not upgr aded right a way find themsel ves unable t o open files sent b y colleag ues or friends , and the y usual ly wind up upgr ading as w ell. Planned obsolesc ence is not al ways done ethical ly, and some c ompanies can dictat e the obsolesc ence aft er the user mak es a pur chase . Apple users t ook t o social media t o confirm that their older iPhones suddenl y beg an losing power or w ere slo wing do wn c onsider ably. Man y users bought ne w phones at high pric es, and lat er learned that the slow do wns w ere int ended b y the phone mak er. Cus tomers filed do zens o f clas s action la wsuits , which ar e suits wher e a v ery lar ge group o f people can band t ogether . Apple w as found t o ha ve int entional ly and impr operl y altered its phones thr ough a so ftware updat e in or der t o hide bat tery problems . While it ne ver admit ted g uilt, Apple 's $500 million set tlement paid benefits t o iPhone 6 and iPhone 7 users who had been aff ected, and a lat er $113 agr eement with s tate attorne ys gener al included pr ovisions t o beha ve mor e ethical ly and tr anspar ently (CNBC 2020). Product Advertising and the Attention Economy Comp anies use adv ertising to sell to us , but the w ay the y re ach us is changing . Naomi Klein identifie d the destructiv e imp act o f corporate branding her 1999 te xt,No Log o, an antiglob aliza tion tre atise tha t focuse d on sweatshops , corporate p ower, and antic onsumeris t social mo vements . In the p ost-millennial so ciety , synergis tic adv ertising practic es ensure y ou are rec eiving the same mes sage from a v ariety o f sourc es and on a variety o f pla tforms . For e xample , you ma y see billb oards f or Miller b eer on y our w ay to a s tadium , sit do wn to watch a g ame prec eded by a Miller c ommercial on the big screen , and w atch a halftime ad in which p eople are shown holding up the trademark b ottles. Chanc es are y ou c an gues s which brand o f beer is f or
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sale a t the concession s tand . Advertising has chang ed, as technolog y and me dia ha ve allo wed consumers to b ypass traditional adv ertising venues . From the in vention o f the remote c ontrol , which allo ws us to skip television adv ertising without leaving our se ats, to rec ording devic es tha t let us w atch programs but skip the ads , conventional television advertising is on the w ane. And print me dia is no diff erent . Advertising rev enue in new spapers and on television has fallen signific antly , which sho ws tha t comp anies nee d new w ays of getting their mes sages to consumers . Brand amb assadorships c an also b e powerful to ols f or adv ertisers . For e xample , comp anies hire c olleg e students to b e their on-c ampus representa tives, and the y ma y targ et for students eng aged in high-pro file activities lik e sp orts, fra ternities , and music . (This practic e is slightly diff erent from sp onsorships , and note that some s tudents , particularly a thletes , nee d to f ollow strict guidelines a bout ac cepting mone y or pro ducts .) The mark eting te am is b etting tha t if w e buy p erfume b ecause Be yoncé tells us to , we’ll also cho ose our workout g ear, clothing , or mak e-up brand if another s tudent enc oura ges tha t choic e. Tens o f thousands o f brand amb assadors or brand ev angelists w ork on c olleg e campuses , and such mark eting appro aches are seen as highly eff ectiv e investments f or c omp anies . The numb ers mak e it cle ar: Amb assador -referre d cus tomers provide sixteen p ercent higher v alue to c omp anies than other cus tomers , and o ver ninety p ercent o f people indic ate tha t people tr ust ref errals from p eople the y kno w (On-C ampus A dvertising , 2017).8.2 • Media and T echnolog y in Society 213 Social me dia has made such influenc er and amb assador mark eting a ne ar constant . Some f ormal amb assadors are sp onsore d by comp anies to sho w or use their pro ducts . In some c ases , comp ensa tion arriv es only in the f orm o f the free pro ducts and wha tever monetiza tion the amb assador rec eives from the site , such as Y ouTube. Influenc ers are usually les s formally eng aged with c omp anies than are amb assadors , relying mos tly on site rev enue to rew ard their eff orts. Some influenc ers ma y overstate their p opularity in order to g et free pro ducts or ser vices. For e xample , luxur y hotels rep ort tha t the y are b arra ged by influenc ers (some with very few f ollowers, and theref ore ques tiona ble influenc e) who e xpect free s tays in e xchang e for cre ating p osts promoting the lo cation (Lo cker 2019). One ethic al and p erhaps rela tionship -oriente d ques tion is whether p aid amb assadors should b e re quire d to disclose their rela tionship with a c omp any, and ho w tha t works in online v ersus fac e-to-fac e interactions . In this c ase, online presenc e ma y be more "tr uthful" than in-p erson rela tionships . A video c an f ormally include sponsorship inf orma tion , and some amb assadors lis t partners or sp onsors on their pro files . But in da y-to-day, in-p erson c onversa tions , it might b e awkw ard f or a clas sma te or c olleague to mention tha t the y are w earing a particular brand or using g ear b ased on a financial rela tionship . In other w ords , the p erson sit ting ne xt to y ou with the gre at bag ma y be paid to c arry it, and y ou ma y nev er kno w. Homogeniz ation and Fr agmentation Despite the v ariety o f me dia a t hand , the mains tream new s and enter tainment y ou enjo y are incre asingly homog eniz ed. Research b y McManus (1995) sugg ests tha t diff erent new s outlets all tell the same s tories , using the same sourc es, resulting in the same mes sage, presente d with only slight v aria tions . So whether y ou are reading the New Y ork Times or the CNN’ s web site , the c overage of na tional ev ents lik e a major c ourt case or politic al is sue will lik ely b e the same . Simultaneously with this homog eniza tion among the major new s outlets , the opp osite pro cess is o ccurring in the new er me dia s treams . With so man y choic es, people incre asingly cus tomiz e their new s experienc e, minimizing their opp ortunity to enc ounter inf orma tion tha t do es not jiv e with their w orldview (P rior 2005). For ins tanc e, those who are s taunchly R epublic an c an a void c entris t or lib eral-le aning c able new s sho ws and web sites tha t would sho w Demo crats in a fa vorable light . The y kno w to seek out F ox News over MSNBC , jus t as Demo crats kno w to do the opp osite . Further , people who w ant to a void p olitics c ompletely c an cho ose to visit web sites tha t deal only with enter tainment or tha t will k eep them up to da te on sp orts sc ores . The y ha ve an easy way to a void inf orma tion the y do not wish to he ar. Americ ans seem to view this phenomenon with gre at concern, indic ating tha t the imp act o f cus tomiz ed or p ersonaliz ed new s deliv ers w orse new s. Yet, the y still engage with the pla tforms tha t deliv er new s in tha t manner . The fra gmenta tion o f the new s has le d to an incre ased amount o f digital trib alism . Tribalism in this sense is the s tate or tendency to g ather and reinf orce ide as b elonging to a group , and to do so out o f a sense o f strong loyalty. Digital trib alism , then , is the tendency to do so online , and also to f orge new trib es purely b ased on online p ersonas or ideologies . Ins tead o f basing these groups on the clas sic b onds o f ethnic , religious , or geographic ideologies , the y are b ased on p olitics , emotions , lifestyles or lif estyle g oals, or ev en brands ( Taute & Sierra 2014). Digital trib es c an le ad p eople to a gre ater sense o f belonging , and c an also b e he avily e xploite d for c ommercial or p ower-attaining interes ts. 8.3 Global Implications of Media and T echnology LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the adv antag es and c oncerns o f media globalization •Explain the globalization o f technolog y214 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 8.8 This gr aphic indicat es the c onnections among people who tw eeted or r eplied about the Stat e of the Union addr ess. Green lines indicat e people who f ollow each other on the plat form. (Cr edit Mar c Smith/flickr) Technolog y, and incre asingly me dia, has alw ays driv en glob aliza tion . In a landmark b ook, Thomas F riedman (2005), identifie d sev eral w ays in which technolog y “fla ttene d” the glob e and c ontribute d to our glob al econom y. The firs t edition o fThe W orld Is Fla t, writ ten in 2005, p osits tha t core ec onomic c oncepts w ere chang ed by personal c omputing and high-sp eed Internet . Access to these tw o technologic al shifts has allo wed core-nation c orporations to recr uit w orkers in c all c enters lo cated in China or India. U sing e xamples lik e a Midw estern U .S. w oman who r uns a busines s from her home via the c all c enters o f Bang alore , India, F riedman warns tha t this new w orld order will e xist whether c ore-nation busines ses are re ady or not , and tha t in order to keep its k ey ec onomic role in the w orld , the Unite d Sta tes will nee d to p ay attention to ho w it prep ares w orkers of the tw enty -firs t centur y for this dynamic . Of c ourse not ev eryone a grees with F riedman ’s theor y. Man y ec onomis ts pointe d out tha t in re ality inno vation , economic activity , and p opula tion s till g ather in g eographic ally a ttractiv e are as, and the y continue to cre ate economic p eaks and v alleys, which are b y no me ans fla ttene d out to me an e quality f or all . China ’s hug ely inno vative and p owerful cities o f Shanghai and Beijing are w orlds a way from the r ural squalor o f the c ountr y’s poores t deniz ens. It is w orth noting tha t Friedman is an ec onomis t, not a so ciologis t. His w ork f ocuses on the ec onomic g ains and risks this new w orld order entails . In this section , we will lo ok more closely a t ho w me dia glob aliza tion and technologic al glob aliza tion pla y out in a so ciologic al persp ectiv e. As the names sugg est,media glob alizat ion is the w orldwide integra tion o f me dia through the cros s-cultural e xchang e of ide as, while technologic al glob alizat ion refers to the cros s-cultural dev elopment and e xchang e of technolog y. Media Globaliz ation Lyons (2005) sugg ests tha t multina tional c orporations are the primar y vehicle o f me dia glob aliza tion , and these c orporations c ontrol glob al mas s-me dia c ontent and dis tribution (C omp aine 2005). It is tr ue, when looking a t who c ontrols which me dia outlets , tha t there are f ewer indep endent new s sourc es as larg er and larg er conglomera tes dev elop . In the e arly 2000s , the Unite d Sta tes o ffered about 1,500 new spapers, 2,800 book publishers , plus 6,000 ma gazines and a whopping 10,000 radio outlets (Ba gdikian 2004). B y 2019, some of those numb ers had chang ed: There w ere only 1,000 new spapers, but o ver 7,000 ma gazines (note tha t both new spapers and ma gazines c ount as such ev en if the y publish larg ely online) (BBC 2019). The numb er o f book8.3 • Global Implica tions o f Media and T echnolog y215 publishers and radio outlets has g enerally remaine d static, which ma y seem surprising . On the sur face, there is endles s opp ortunity to find div erse me dia outlets . But the numb ers are misle ading . Media c onsolidat ion is a pro cess in which f ewer and f ewer o wners c ontrol the majority o f me dia outlets . This creates an olig opolyin which a f ew firms domina te the me dia mark etplac e. In 1983, a mere 50 c orporations owne d the bulk o f mas s-me dia outlets . Today in the Unite d Sta tes ( which has no g overnment -owne d me dia) just fiv e comp anies c ontrol 90 p ercent o f me dia outlets (McChesne y 1999). Rank ed by 2014 c omp any rev enue , Comc ast is the bigg est, followed by the Disne y Corporation , Time W arner , CBS, and V iacom ( Time .com 2014). Wha t imp act do es this c onsolida tion ha ve on the typ e of inf orma tion to which the U .S. public is e xposed? Do es media c onsolida tion depriv e the public o f multiple viewp oints and limit its disc ourse to the inf orma tion and opinions share d by a f ew sourc es? Wh y do es it ma tter? Monop olies ma tter b ecause les s comp etition typic ally me ans c onsumers are les s well ser ved sinc e dis senting opinions or div erse viewp oints are les s lik ely to b e found . Me dia c onsolida tion results in the f ollowing dysfunctions . First, consolida ted me dia o wes more to its s tockholders than to the public . Publicly trade d Fortune 500 c omp anies mus t pay more a ttention to their pro fitability and to g overnment regula tors than to the public 's right to kno w. The f ew c omp anies tha t control mos t of the me dia, b ecause the y are o wne d by the power elite , represent the p olitic al and so cial interes ts of only a small minority . In an olig opoly there are f ewer incentiv es to inno vate, impro ve ser vices, or decre ase pric es. While some so cial scientis ts pre dicte d tha t the incre ase in me dia f orms w ould cre ate a glob al villa ge (McL uhan 1964), current rese arch sugg ests tha t the public sphere ac cessing the glob al villa ge will tend to b e rich , Caucasoid , and English-sp eaking (J an 2009). As sho wn b y the spring 2011 uprisings throughout the Ara b world , technolog y re ally do es o ffer a windo w into the new s of the w orld . For e xample , here in the Unite d Sta tes we sa w internet up dates o f Egyptian ev ents in re al time , with p eople tw eeting , posting , and blogging on the ground in T ahrir Square . Still , there is no ques tion tha t the e xchang e of technolog y from c ore na tions to p eripheral and semi-p eripheral ones le ads to a numb er o f comple x issues . For ins tanc e, someone using a c onflict theoris t appro ach might focus on ho w much p olitic al ideolog y and cultural c olonialism o ccurs with technologic al gro wth . In theor y at least, technologic al inno vations are ideolog y-free; a fib er optic c able is the same in a Muslim c ountr y as a secular one , a c ommunis t countr y or a c apitalis t one . But those who bring technolog y to les s-dev elop ed nations —whether the y are nong overnment org aniza tions , busines ses, or g overnments —usually ha ve an agenda. A functionalis t, in c ontras t, might f ocus on the w ays technolog y cre ates new me ans to share informa tion a bout suc cessful crop -gro wing programs , or on the ec onomic b enefits o f op ening a new mark et for c ell phone use . Either w ay, cultural and so cietal as sumptions and norms are b eing deliv ered along with those high-sp eed wires . Cultural and ideologic al bias are not the only risks o f me dia glob aliza tion . In addition to the risk o f cultural imp erialism and the los s of local culture , other problems c ome with the b enefits o f a more interc onnecte d glob e. One risk is the p otential f or c ensoring b y na tional g overnments tha t let in only the inf orma tion and media the y feel ser ve their mes sage, as is o ccurring in China. In addition , core na tions such as the Unite d States risk the use o f interna tional me dia b y criminals to circum vent lo cal la ws agains t socially deviant and dang erous b ehaviors such as g ambling , child p ornograph y, and the se x trade . Offshore or interna tional w eb sites allo w U.S. citiz ens (and others) to seek out wha tever illeg al or illicit inf orma tion the y want, from tw enty - four hour online g ambling sites tha t do not re quire pro of of age, to sites tha t sell child p ornograph y. These examples illus trate the so cietal risks o f unf ettere d inf orma tion flo w.216 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Authority and the Internet: An Uncomf ortable Friendship FIGURE 8.9 What inf ormation is ac cessible t o these patr ons o f an int ernet caf é in China? What is c ensor ed fr om their vie w? (Cr edit: K ai Hendr y/flickr) In the Unit ed Stat es, the Int ernet is used t o ac cess illegal gambling and pornogr aphy sit es, as w ell as t o resear ch stocks, crowd-sour ce what car t o buy , or k eep in t ouch with childhood friends . Can w e allow one or mor e of those activities , while r estricting the r est? And who decides what needs r estricting? In a c ountr y with democr atic principles and an underl ying belief in fr ee-mark et capitalism, the ans wer is decided in the c ourt system. But global ly, the ques tions ––and the g overnments ' responses ––ar e very diff erent. Other c ountries tak e a far mor e restrictiv e and dir ectiv e appr oach t o Int ernet r egulation. China , which is a countr y with a tight r ein on the dis semination o f information, has long w orked to suppr ess what it cal ls “harmful information, ” including dis sent c oncerning g overnment politics , dialog ue about China’ s relationship with Hong Kong, or criticism o f the g overnment ’s handling o f events . With sit es lik e Twitter, Facebook, and Y ouTube block ed in China , the nation ’s Int ernet users turn t o local media companies f or their needs . Even so , the c ountr y exerts strong c ontr ol by identif ying and pr osecuting some violat ors o f the bans , and under taking mor e far -reaching tactics . The nation block s the use o f certain t erms , such as “human rights ,” and pas ses ne w la ws that r equir e people t o regis ter with their r eal names and mak e it mor e dang erous t o criticiz e government actions . In earl y 2021, My anmar 's militar y launched a c oup ag ains t its g overnment. Elect ed leader Ang San Suu K yi was arrested, and other t op o fficials w ere detained or pushed fr om po wer. (Suu K yi had pr eviousl y spent y ears under house arr est.) Immediat ely, citiz ens launched widespr ead and persis tent pr otests ag ains t the c oup. My anmar 's militar y took immediat e steps t o quel l the pr otests, including firing at and kil ling do zens o f protesters and storming c olleges and hospitals . But firs t, the g overnment banned T witter, Ins tagr am, F acebook, and Whats App in an eff ort to reduc e coordination among pr otesters and r estrain ne ws about the cr ackdown. The g overnment also arr ested repor ters, including f oreign nationals , who w ere ac cused o f violating a public or der la w. Social media c ompanies r eplied in what w ays the y could, such as deactiv ating the ac counts o f My anmar 's militar y so that the y couldn 't shar e their o wn mes sages.BIG PICTURE8.3 • Global Implica tions o f Media and T echnolog y217 Technological Globaliz ation Technologic al glob aliza tion is sp eeded in larg e part bytechnologic al diffusion , the spre ad o f technolog y acros s borders . In the las t two dec ades , there has b een rapid impro vement in the spre ad o f technolog y to peripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions , and a 2008 W orld Bank rep ort discus ses b oth the b enefits and ong oing challeng es o f this diffusion . In g eneral , the rep ort found tha t technologic al progres s and ec onomic growth ra tes w ere link ed, and tha t the rise in technologic al progres s has help ed impro ve the situa tions o f man y living in a bsolute p overty (World Bank 2008). The rep ort rec ogniz es tha t rural and lo w-tech pro ducts such as c orn c an b enefit from new technologic al inno vations , and tha t, conversely , technologies lik e mobile banking c an aid those whose r ural e xistenc e consis ts of low-tech mark et vending . In addition , technologic al advances in are as lik e mobile phones c an le ad to c omp etition , lowered pric es, and c oncurrent impro vements in rela ted are as such as mobile b anking and inf orma tion sharing . However, the same p atterns o f social ine quality tha t cre ate a digital divide in the Unite d Sta tes also cre ate digital divides within p eripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions . While the gro wth o f technolog y use among countries has incre ased drama tically o ver the p ast
🌐 Digital Divide Dynamics
🔄 Technology diffusion occurs unevenly across global societies, creating stark disparities between core nations and peripheral regions where limited training, skills, and infrastructure restrict access to potentially life-saving innovations
📱 Mobile technology represents a transformative force in Sub-Saharan Africa, with fivefold increases in phone access enabling market connections, secure money transfers, and entrepreneurial opportunities despite infrastructure limitations
🎯 Media functions simultaneously as commercial platform, entertainment source, and powerful socialization agent that shapes cultural norms, behaviors, and responses to significant events
🔍 Conflict perspective reveals how media gatekeeping and technological control reinforce existing power structures, with wealth determining political visibility and surveillance technologies enabling unprecedented social monitoring
👩 Gender representation in media perpetuates stereotypes through narrow portrayals of women, contributing to persistent gaps in tech-related fields while new media platforms offer potential (though unregulated) spaces for alternative feminist discourse
sev eral dec ades , the spre ad o f technolog y within c ountries is signific antly slo wer among p eripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions . In these c ountries , far f ewer p eople have the training and skills to tak e adv anta ge of new technolog y, let alone ac cess it. Technologic al ac cess tends to b e clus tere d around urb an are as and le aves out v ast swaths o f peripheral-na tion citiz ens. While the diffusion o f inf orma tion technologies has the p otential to resolv e man y glob al so cial problems , it is o ften the popula tion mos t in nee d tha t is mos t affecte d by the digital divide . For e xample , technolog y to purif y water could sa ve man y liv es, but the villa ges in p eripheral na tions mos t in nee d of water purific ation don ’t ha ve access to the technolog y, the funds to purchase it , or the technologic al comf ort lev el to intro duce it as a solution . The Mighty Cell Phone: Ho w Mobile Phones Ar e Impacting Sub-Sahar an Africa Man y of Africa’ s poor est countries suff er fr om a mark ed lack o f infr astructur e including poor r oads , limit ed electricity , and minimal ac cess to education and t elephones . But while landline use has not chang ed appr eciabl y during the pas t ten y ears , ther e’s been a fiv efold incr ease in mobile phone ac cess; mor e than a thir d of people in Sub-Sahar an Africa ha ve the ability t o ac cess a mobile phone (K atine 2010). Ev en mor e can use a “ village phone ”—thr ough a shar ed-phone pr ogram cr eated b y the Gr ameen F oundation. With ac cess to mobile phone technolog y, a hos t of benefits bec ome a vailable that ha ve the pot ential t o chang e the dynamics in these poor est nations . Sometimes that chang e is as simple as being able t o mak e a phone cal l to neighboring mark et towns . By finding out which mark ets ha ve vendors int erested in their g oods , fishers and farmers can ensur e the y travel to the mark et that wil l ser ve them bes t and a void a w asted trip . Others can use mobile phones and some o f the emer ging mone y-sending s ystems t o secur ely send mone y to a famil y member or busines s par tner else wher e (Katine 2010). These shar ed-phone pr ograms ar e often funded b y busines ses lik e German y’s Vodaf one or Britain ’s Masbabi, which hope t o gain mark et shar e in the r egion. Phone giant Nokia points out that ther e are 4 bil lion mobile phone users worldwide —that ’s mor e than twic e as man y people as ha ve bank ac counts —meaning ther e is ripe oppor tunity t o connect banking c ompanies with people who need their ser vices (I TU T elec om 2009). Not al l access is c orpor ate- based, ho wever. Other pr ograms ar e funded b y busines s organizations that seek t o help peripher al nations with tools f or inno vation and entr epreneurship . But this w ave of inno vation and pot ential busines s comes with c osts. Ther e is, certainl y, the risk o f cul tural imperialism, and the as sump tion that c ore nations (and c ore-nation mul tinationals) kno w what is bes t for those strug gling in the w orld’ s poor est communities . Whether w ell intentioned or not, the vision o f a c ontinent o f Africans successfully chat ting on their iPhone ma y not be ideal . Like all aspects o f global inequity , access to technolog y in Africa r equir es mor e than jus t foreign in vestment. Ther e mus t be a c oncerted eff ort to ensur e the benefits o fSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD218 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. technolog y get to wher e the y are needed mos t. 8.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Media and T echnology LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Discus s ho w we anal yze media and t echnolog y thr ough v arious sociological perspectiv es It is difficult to c onceive of an y one theor y or theoretic al persp ectiv e tha t can e xplain the v ariety o f ways in which p eople interact with technolog y and the me dia. T echnolog y runs the g amut from the ma tch y ou s trike to light a c andle all the w ay up to sophis ticated nucle ar p ower plants tha t might p ower the factor y where tha t candle w as made . Me dia c ould ref er to the television y ou w atch, the ads wrapping the bus y ou tak e to w ork or scho ol, or the ma gazines y ou flip through in a dentis t's waiting ro om, not to mention all the f orms o f new media, including Ins tagram , Facebook, blogs , YouTube, and the lik e. Are me dia and technolog y critic al to the forward march o f humanity? Are the y pernicious c apitalis t tools tha t lead to the e xploita tion o f workers worldwide? Are the y the ma gic bullet the w orld has b een w aiting f or to lev el the pla ying field and raise the world ’s poor out o f extreme p overty? Cho ose an y opinion and y ou will find s tudies and scholars who a gree with you––and those who disa gree . Functionalism Because functionalism f ocuses on ho w me dia and technolog y contribute to the smo oth functioning o f society , a good plac e to b egin unders tanding this p ersp ectiv e is to write a lis t of functions y ou p erceive me dia and technolog y to p erform . Your lis t might include the a bility to find inf orma tion on the Internet , television ’s enter tainment v alue , or ho w adv ertising and pro duct plac ement c ontribute to so cial norms . Commer cial Function FIGURE 8.10 TV commer cials can carr y significant cul tural curr ency . For some , the ads during the Super Bo wl ar e mor e water cooler -worthy than the g ame itself . (Cr edit: Dennis Y ang/flickr) As y ou might gues s, with ne arly ev ery U.S. household p ossessing a television , and the 250 billion hours o f television w atche d annually b y people in the Unite d Sta tes, comp anies tha t wish to c onnect with c onsumers8.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Media and T echnolog y219 find television an irresis tible pla tform to promote their g oods and ser vices (Nielsen 2012). T elevision advertising is a highly functional w ay to meet a mark et demographic where it liv es. Sponsors c an use the sophis ticated da ta gathere d by netw ork and c able television c omp anies reg arding their view ers and targ et their adv ertising ac cordingly . Whether y ou are w atching c artoons on Nick Jr . or a c ooking sho w on T elemundo , chanc es are adv ertisers ha ve a plan to re ach y ou. And it c ertainly do esn’t stop with television . Commercial adv ertising prec edes mo vies in the aters and sho ws up on and inside public transp ortation , as w ell as on the sides o f building and ro adw ays. Major c orporations such as C oca-Cola bring their adv ertising into public scho ols, by sp onsoring sp orts fields or tournaments , as well as filling the halls and c afeterias o f those scho ols with v ending machines ha wking their g oods. With rising concerns a bout childho od ob esity and a ttendant dise ases , the era o f soda machines in scho ols ma y be numb ered. In fact , as p art of the Unite d Sta tes Dep artment o f Agriculture 's He alth y, Hung er F ree Kids A ct and Michelle Ob ama 's Let 's Mo ve! Initia tive, a b an on junk f ood in scho ol began in J uly 2014. Entertainment Function An ob vious manif est function o f me dia is its enter tainment v alue . Mos t people , when ask ed wh y the y watch television or g o to the mo vies , would ans wer tha t the y enjo y it. And the numb ers c ertainly illus trate tha t. While 2012 Nielsen rese arch sho ws a slight re duction o f U.S. homes with televisions , the re ach o f television is s till vast. And the amount o f time sp ent w atching is e qually larg e. Cle arly , enjo yment is p aramount . On the technolog y side , as w ell, there is a cle ar enter tainment factor to the use o f new inno vations . From online gaming to cha tting with friends on F acebook, technolog y offers new and more e xciting w ays for p eople to enter tain themselv es. Social Norm Functions Even while the me dia is selling us g oods and enter taining us , it also ser ves to so cializ e us , helping us p ass along norms , values , and b eliefs to the ne xt genera tion . In fact , we are so cializ ed and reso cializ ed by me dia throughout our whole liv es. All forms o f me dia te ach us wha t is g ood and desira ble, how w e should sp eak, how we should b ehave, and ho w w e should re act to ev ents . Me dia also pro vide us with cultural touchs tones during events o f na tional signific ance. Ho w man y of your older rela tives c an rec all w atching the e xplosion o f the sp ace shut tleChalleng eron television? Ho w man y of those re ading this te xtbook followed the ev ents o f Septemb er 11 or Hurric ane K atrina on television or the Internet? Just as in Anderson and B ushman 's (2011) evidenc e in the V iolenc e in Me dia and V ideo G ames: Do es It Ma tter? feature , deb ate still e xists over the e xtent and imp act o f me dia so cializa tion . One rec ent s tudy (K rahe et al . 2011) demons trated tha t violent me dia c ontent do es ha ve a desensitizing a ffect and is c orrela ted with aggres sive thoughts . Another group o f scholars (Gentile , Ma thieson , and C rick 2011) f ound tha t among children e xposure to me dia violenc e led to an incre ase in b oth ph ysical and rela tional a ggres sion . Yet, a meta- analy sis s tudy c overing f our dec ades o f rese arch (Sa vage 2003) c ould not es tablish a definitiv e link b etween viewing violenc e and c ommit ting criminal violenc e. It is cle ar from w atching p eople emula te the s tyles o f dres s and talk tha t app ear in me dia tha t me dia has a socializing influenc e. Wha t is not cle ar, despite ne arly fifty y ears o f empiric al rese arch , is ho w much socializing influenc e the me dia has when c omp ared to other a gents o f socializa tion , which include an y so cial institution tha t passes along norms , values , and b eliefs (such as p eers , family , religious ins titutions , and the like). Life-Changing Functions Like me dia, man y forms o f technolog y do indee d enter tain us , pro vide a v enue f or c ommercializa tion , and socializ e us . For e xample , some s tudies sugg est the rising ob esity ra te is c orrela ted with the decre ase in physical activity c aused by an incre ase in use o f some f orms o f technolog y, a la tent function o f the prev alenc e of me dia in so ciety (K autiainen et al . 2011). W ithout a doubt , a manif est function o f technolog y is to chang e our220 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. lives, sometimes f or the b etter and sometimes f or the w orse . Think o f ho w the digital a ge has impro ved the ways we communic ate. Ha ve you ev er use d Skyp e or another w ebcast to talk to a friend or family memb er far away? Or ma ybe you ha ve org aniz ed a fund driv e, raising thousands o f dollars , all from y our desk chair . Of c ourse , the do wnside to this ong oing inf orma tion flo w is the ne ar imp ossibility o f disc onnecting from technolog y tha t leads to an e xpecta tion o f constant c onvenient ac cess to inf orma tion and p eople . Such a fas t- paced dynamic is not alw ays to our b enefit . Some so ciologis ts as sert tha t this lev el of me dia e xposure le ads to narc otizing dy sfunct ion, a result in which p eople are to o overwhelme d with me dia input to re ally c are a bout the is sue, so their in volvement b ecomes define d by awarenes s ins tead o f by action (Laz erfeld and Mer ton 1948). Conflict P erspective In contras t to theories in the functional p ersp ectiv e, the c onflict p ersp ectiv e focuses on the cre ation and repro duction o f ine quality —so cial pro cesses tha t tend to disr upt so ciety ra ther than c ontribute to its smo oth operation . When w e tak e a c onflict p ersp ectiv e, one major f ocus is the diff erential ac cess to me dia and technolog y emb odied in the digital divide . Conflict theoris ts also lo ok a t who c ontrols the me dia, and ho w media promotes the norms o f upp er-middle -clas s White p eople in the Unite d Sta tes while minimizing the presenc e of the w orking clas s, esp ecially p eople o f color . Contr ol of Media and T echnology Powerful individuals and so cial ins titutions ha ve a gre at deal of influenc e over which f orms o f technolog y are rele ased, when and where the y are rele ased, and wha t kind o f me dia is a vailable f or our c onsumption , which is a form o f gatekeeping . Sho emak er and V os (2009) define gatek eeping as the sor ting pro cess by which thousands o f possible mes sages are shap ed into a mas s me dia-appropria te form and re duced to a mana geable amount . In other w ords , the p eople in charg e of the me dia decide wha t the public is e xposed to, which , as C . Wright Mills (1956) famously note d, is the he art of me dia’s power. Take a moment to think o f the w ay “new media” ev olve and replac e traditional f orms o f heg emonic me dia. W ith heg emonic me dia, a culturally div erse society c an b e domina ted by one rac e, gender , or clas s tha t manipula tes the me dia to imp ose its w orldview as a societal norm . New me dia w eakens the g atekeeper role in inf orma tion dis tribution . Popular sites such as YouTube and F acebook not only allo w more p eople to freely share inf orma tion but also eng age in a f orm o f self - policing . Users are enc oura ged to rep ort inappropria te behavior tha t mo dera tors will then addres s. In addition , some c onflict theoris ts sugg est tha t the w ay U.S. me dia are g enera ted results in an unb alanc ed politic al arena. Those with the mos t mone y can buy the mos t me dia e xposure , run sme ar camp aigns a gains t their c omp etitors , and maximiz e their visual presenc e. Almos t a y ear b efore the 2012 U .S. presidential election , the c andida tes––Barack Ob ama f or the Demo crats and numerous R epublic an c ontenders ––had raise d more than $186 million (C armi et al . 2012). Some w ould sa y tha t the Citiz ens Unite d vs . Federal Election Commit teeis a major c ontributing factor to our unb alanc ed politic al arena. In Citiz ens Unite d, the Supreme Court affirme d the right o f outside groups , including Sup er P olitic al A ction C ommit tees (Sup erPACs) with undisclose d donor lis ts, to sp end unlimite d amounts o f mone y on p olitic al ads as long as the y don 't coordina te with the c andida te's camp aign or sp ecific ally adv ocate for a c andida te. Wha t do y ou think a c onflict persp ectiv e theoris t would sugg est about the p otential f or the non-rich to b e he ard in p olitics , esp ecially when Sup erPACs ensure tha t the riches t groups ha ve the mos t say? Technological Social Contr ol and Digital Surveillance Social scientis ts tak e the ide a of the sur veillanc e so ciety so seriously tha t there is an entire journal dev oted to its s tudy ,Surveillanc e and So ciety . The panopt ic sur veillanc eenvisione d by Jerem y Bentham , depicte d in the form o f an all-p owerful, all-seeing g overnment b y Georg e Or well in 1984 , and la ter analyz ed by Michel Foucault (1975) is incre asingly re alized in the f orm o f technolog y use d to monitor our ev ery mo ve. This surveillanc e was ima gine d as a f orm o f constant monitoring in which the obser vation p osts are dec entraliz ed and the obser ved is nev er communic ated with directly . Today, digital security c ameras c apture our8.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Media and T echnolog y221 movements , obser vers c an track us through our c ell phones , and p olice forces around the w orld use facial- recognition so ftware. Feminist P erspective FIGURE 8.11 Man y people ar gue that w omen 's por trayal in the media r emains misleadingl y narr ow. But the adv ent of influenc er cul ture ma y provide mor e ag ency t o women, who can c ontr ol their o wn por trayal. (Cr edit: Nenad Stojkovic/flickr) Take a lo ok a t popular television sho ws, adv ertising c amp aigns , and online g ame sites . In mos t, women are portrayed in a p articular set o f parameters and tend to ha ve a unif orm lo ok tha t society rec ogniz es as attractiv e. Mos t are thin , White or light -skinne d, beautiful , and y oung . Wh y do es this ma tter? F eminis t persp ectiv e theoris ts believ e this ide alized ima ge is cr ucial in cre ating and reinf orcing s tereotyp es. For example , Fox and Bailenson (2009) f ound tha t online f emale a vatars c onforming to g ender s tereotyp es enhanc e neg ative attitudes to ward w omen , and Bras ted (2010) f ound tha t me dia (adv ertising in p articular) promotes g ender s tereotyp es. As e arly as 1990, Ms.magazine ins titute d a p olicy to publish without an y commercial adv ertising . The g ender g ap in tech-rela ted fields (scienc e, technolog y, engineering , and ma th) is no secret . A 2011 U .S. Dep artment o f Commerc e Report sugg ested tha t gender s tereotyping is one re ason f or this g ap which ackno wledges the bias to ward men as k eepers o f technologic al kno wledge (US Dep artment o f Commerc e 2011). B ut g ender s tereotyp es g o far b eyond the use o f technolog y. Press coverage in the me dia reinf orces stereotyp es tha t sub ordina te w omen; it giv es air time to lo oks o ver skills , and c overage disp arages w omen who defy ac cepte d norms . Recent rese arch in new me dia has o ffered a mix ed picture o f its p otential to e qualiz e the s tatus o f men and women in the arenas o f technolog y and public disc ourse . A Europ ean a gency , the A dvisor y Commit tee on Equal Opp ortunities f or Men and W omen (2010), is sued an opinion rep ort sugg esting tha t while there is the potential f or new me dia f orms to p erpetua te gender s tereotyp es and the g ender g ap in technolog y and me dia access, at the same time new me dia c ould o ffer alterna tive forums f or feminis t groups and the e xchang e of feminis t ide as. Still , the c ommit tee w arne d agains t the rela tively unregula ted en vironment o f new me dia
🌐 Digital Divide and Media Influence
💻 Technology access creates profound social inequalities through the digital divide, where demographic factors determine who benefits from technological advancement and who gets left behind
📱 Media, technology, and society form an interconnected ecosystem where each element shapes the others, creating both opportunities and challenges for human connection
🌍 Technological globalization spreads innovations across borders but reinforces existing power structures, with benefits clustering in already-advantaged regions
🔍 Social construction of reality occurs through media consumption, as platforms like Facebook transform from social networks into sophisticated advertising vehicles that shape our perceptions and consumer behaviors
🧠 Theoretical perspectives offer different lenses: functionalists see technology as stabilizing society, conflict theorists highlight reinforced inequalities, and symbolic interactionists examine how technology represents status and identity
🔐 Surveillance and privacy concerns grow as digital monitoring becomes normalized, raising questions about power dynamics in an increasingly connected world
and the p otential f or antif eminis t activities , from p ornograph y to human tra fficking , to flourish there .222 8 • Media and T echnolog y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Incre asingly prominent in the discus sion o f new me dia and f eminism is cyberfeminism , the applic ation to , and promotion o f, feminism online . Research on cyb erfeminism r uns the g amut from the lib erating use o f blogs b y women living in Iraq during the sec ond Gulf W ar (P eirc e 2011) to an in vestigation o f the Suicide Girls web site (Ma gnet 2007). Symbolic Inter actionism Technolog y itself ma y act as a s ymb ol for man y. The kind o f computer y ou o wn, the kind o f car y ou driv e, your ability to a fford the la test Apple pro duct —these ser ve as a so cial indic ator o f wealth and s tatus.Neo-Luddites are p eople who see technolog y as s ymb olizing the c oldnes s and aliena tion o f mo dern lif e. But for technophiles , technolog y symb olizes the p otential f or a brighter future . For those adopting an ideologic al middle ground , technolog y might s ymb olize status (in the f orm o f a mas sive fla t-screen television) or failure (ownership o f a b asic old mobile phone with no b ells or whis tles). Social Construction of R eality Meanwhile , me dia cre ate and spre ad s ymb ols tha t become the b asis f or our share d unders tanding o f society . Theoris ts w orking in the interactionis t persp ectiv e focus on this so cial c onstruction o f reality , an ong oing process in which p eople subjectiv ely cre ate and unders tand re ality . Me dia c onstructs our re ality in a numb er of ways. For some , the p eople the y watch on a screen c an b ecome a primar y group , me aning the small inf ormal groups o f people who are closes t to them . For man y others , me dia b ecomes a ref erenc e group: a group tha t influenc es an individual and to which an individual c omp ares himself or herself, and b y which w e judg e our successes and failures . We might do v ery well without the la test smar tphone , until w e see characters using it on our fa vorite television sho w or our clas sma tes whipping it out b etween clas ses. While me dia ma y indee d be the me dium to spre ad the mes sage of rich White men , Gamson , Crote au, Ho ynes , and Sas son (1992) p oint out tha t some f orms o f me dia disc ourse allo w comp eting c onstructions o f reality to app ear. For e xample , adv ertisers find new and cre ative ways to sell us pro ducts w e don ’t nee d and prob ably wouldn ’t want without their prompting , but some netw orking sites such as F reecy cle o ffer a c ommercial-free way of reques ting and trading items tha t would other wise b e disc arde d. The w eb is also full o f blogs chronicling liv es liv ed “off the grid ,” or without p articip ation in the c ommercial ec onom y. Social Networking and Social Construction While T umblr and F acebook enc oura ge us to check in and pro vide details o f our da y through online so cial netw orks , corporations c an jus t as e asily promote their pro ducts on these sites . Even supp osedly cro wd- sourc ed sites lik e Yelp ( which a ggreg ates lo cal review s) are not immune to c orporate shenanig ans. Tha t is, we think w e are re ading objectiv e obser vations when in re ality w e ma y be buying into one more f orm o f advertising . Facebook, which s tarted as a free so cial netw ork f or c olleg e students , is incre asingly a monetiz ed busines s, selling y ou g oods and ser vices in subtle w ays. But chanc es are y ou don ’t think o f Facebook as one big online advertisement . Wha t started out as a s ymb ol of coolnes s and insider s tatus, una vailable to p arents and corporate shills , now promotes c onsumerism in the f orm o f games and fandom . For e xample , think o f all the mone y sp ent to upgrade p opular F acebook g ames lik e Candy C rush . And notic e tha t whenev er you b ecome a “fan ,” you lik ely rec eive pro duct up dates and sp ecial de als tha t promote online and re al-w orld c onsumerism . It is unlik ely tha t millions o f people w ant to b e “friends” with P amp ers. But if it me ans a w eekly c oup on, the y will , in es senc e, rent out sp ace on their F acebook p ages for P amp ers to app ear. Thus , we dev elop b oth new w ays to spend mone y and brand lo yalties tha t will las t even a fter F acebook is c onsidere d outda ted and obsolete .8.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Media and T echnolog y223 Key T erms cyberfeminism the applic ation to and promotion o f feminism online design p atents patents tha t are grante d when someone has in vente d a new and original design f or a manufacture d pro duct digital divide the unev en ac cess to technolog y around rac e, clas s, and g eographic lines e-readines s the a bility to sor t through , interpret , and pro cess digital kno wledge evolut ionar y mo del of technologic al chang e a bre akthrough in one f orm o f technolog y tha t leads to a numb er o f varia tions , from which a prototyp e emerg es, followed by a p erio d of slight adjus tments to the technolog y, interr upte d by a bre akthrough gatek eeping the sor ting pro cess by which thousands o f possible mes sages are shap ed into a mas s me dia- appropria te form and re duced to a mana geable amount kno wle dge gap the g ap in inf orma tion tha t builds as groups gro w up without ac cess to technolog y media all print , digital , and electronic me ans o f communic ation media c onsolidat ion a pro cess by which f ewer and f ewer o wners c ontrol the majority o f me dia outlets media glob alizat ion the w orldwide integra tion o f me dia through the cros s-cultural e xchang e of ide as neo -Luddites those who see technolog y as a s ymb ol of the c oldnes s of mo dern lif e net neutralit y the principle tha t all Internet da ta should b e tre ated equally b y internet ser vice pro viders new me dia all interactiv e forms o f inf orma tion e xchang e olig opoly a situa tion in which a f ew firms domina te a mark etplac e panopt ic sur veillanc e a form o f constant monitoring in which the obser vation p osts are dec entraliz ed and the obser ved is nev er communic ated with directly planne d obsolesc enc e the act o f a technolog y comp any planning f or a pro duct to b e obsolete or una ble from the time it ’s cre ated plant p atents patents tha t rec ogniz e the disc overy of new plant typ es tha t can b e ase xually repro duced technologic al diffusion the spre ad o f technolog y acros s borders technologic al glob alizat ion the cros s-cultural dev elopment and e xchang e of technolog y technolog y the applic ation o f scienc e to solv e problems in daily lif e technophiles those who see technolog y as s ymb olizing the p otential f or a brighter future utility patents patents tha t are grante d for the in vention or disc overy of an y new and useful pro cess, product , or machine Section Summary 8.1 Technology T oday Technolog y is the applic ation o f scienc e to addres s the problems o f daily lif e. The fas t pace of technologic al advancement me ans the adv ancements are c ontinuous , but tha t not ev eryone has e qual ac cess. The g ap created by this une qual ac cess has b een terme d the digital divide . The kno wledge gap ref ers to an eff ect o f the digital divide: the lack o f kno wledge or inf orma tion tha t keeps those who w ere not e xposed to technolog y from gaining mark etable skills 8.2 Media and T echnology in Society Media and technolog y ha ve been inter woven from the e arlies t days of human c ommunic ation . The printing pres s, the telegraph , and the Internet are all e xamples o f their intersection . Mas s me dia ha ve allo wed for more share d so cial e xperienc es, but new me dia no w cre ate a seemingly endles s amount o f air time f or an y and ev ery voice tha t wants to b e he ard. Advertising has also chang ed with technolog y. New me dia allo w consumers to bypass traditional adv ertising v enues and c ause c omp anies to b e more inno vative and intr usiv e as the y try to gain our a ttention .224 8 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 8.3 Global Implications of Media and T echnology Technolog y driv es glob aliza tion , but wha t tha t me ans c an b e hard to decipher . While some ec onomis ts see technologic al adv ances le ading to a more lev el pla ying field where an yone an ywhere c an b e a glob al contender , the re ality is tha t opp ortunity s till clus ters in g eographic ally adv anta ged are as. Still , technologic al diffusion has le d to the spre ad o f more and more technolog y acros s borders into p eripheral and semi-p eripheral nations . Ho wever, true technologic al glob al equality is a long w ay off. 8.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Media and T echnology There are m yriad theories a bout ho w so ciety , technolog y, and me dia will progres s. Functionalism sees the contribution tha t technolog y and me dia pro vide to the s tability o f society , from facilita ting leisure time to incre asing pro ductivity . Conflict theoris ts are more c oncerne d with ho w technolog y reinf orces ine qualities among c ommunities , both within and among c ountries . The y also lo ok a t ho w me dia typic ally giv e voice to the mos t powerful, and ho w new me dia might o ffer to ols to help those who are disenfranchise d. Symb olic interactionis ts see the s ymb olic uses o f technolog y as signs o f everything from a s terile futuris tic w orld to a successful pro fessional lif e. Section Quiz 8.1 Technology T oday 1.Jerome is a ble to use the Internet to select relia ble sourc es for his rese arch p aper, but Charlie jus t copies larg e piec es o f web p ages and p astes them into his p aper. Jerome has _____________ while Charlie do es not. a.a functional p ersp ectiv e b.the kno wledge gap c.e-readines s d.a digital divide 2.The ________ c an b e directly a ttribute d to the digital divide , because diff erential a bility to ac cess the internet le ads directly to a diff erential a bility to use the kno wledge found on the Internet . a.digital divide b.kno wledge gap c.feminis t persp ectiv e d.e-gap 3.The fact tha t your c ell phone is using outda ted technolog y within a y ear or tw o of purchase is an e xample o f ____________. a.the c onflict p ersp ectiv e b.conspicuous c onsumption c.media d.planne d obsolesc ence 4.The his tory of technolog y began _________. a.in the e arly s tages o f human so cieties b.with the in vention o f the c omputer c.during the R enais sanc e d.during the nineteenth c entur y8 • Section Quiz 225 8.2 Media and T echnology in Society 5.When it c omes to technolog y, me dia, and so ciety , which o f the f ollowing is tr ue? a.Media c an influenc e technolog y, but not so ciety . b.Technolog y cre ated me dia, but so ciety has nothing to do with these . c.Technolog y, me dia, and so ciety are b ound and c annot b e sep arated. d.Society influenc es me dia but is not c onnecte d to technolog y. 6.If the U .S. P atent Offic e were to is sue a p atent f or a new typ e of toma to tha t tas tes lik e a jellyb ean, it w ould be issuing a _________ p atent? a.utility p atent b.plant p atent c.design p atent d.The U .S. P atent Offic e do es not is sue a p atent f or plants . 7.Which o f the f ollowing is the primar y comp onent o f the ev olutionar y mo del o f technologic al chang e? a.Technolog y should not b e subject to p atenting . b.Technolog y and the me dia ev olve tog ether . c.Technolog y can b e trac ed back to the e arly s tages o f human so ciety . d.A bre akthrough in one f orm o f technolog y leads to a numb er o f varia tions , and technologic al developments . 8.Which o f the f ollowing is not a form o f new me dia? a.The c able television program Yellowstone b.Wikip edia c.Snap chat d.A cooking blog writ ten b y Rachael Ra y 9.Research reg arding video g ame violenc e sugg ests tha t _________. a.boys who pla y violent video g ames b ecome more a ggres sive, but girls do not b.girls who pla y violent video g ames b ecome more a ggres sive, but b oys do not c.violent video g ames ha ve no c onnection to a ggres sive behavior d.violent video g ames le ad to an incre ase in a ggres sive thought and b ehavior 10.Comic b ooks, Wikip edia, MT V, and a c ommercial f or C oca-Cola are all e xamples o f: a.media b.symb olic interaction p ersp ectiv e c.e-readines s d.the digital divide 8.3 Global Implications of Media and T echnology 11.When J apanese scientis ts dev elop a new v accine f or swine flu and o ffer tha t technolog y to U .S. pharmac eutic al comp anies , __________ has tak en plac e. a.media glob aliza tion b.technologic al diffusion c.monetizing d.planne d obsolesc ence226 8 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.In the mid-90s , the U .S. g overnment grew c oncerne d tha t Microso ft was a _______________, e xercising disprop ortiona te control o ver the a vailable choic es and pric es o f computers . a.monop oly b.conglomera te c.oligopoly d.technologic al glob aliza tion 13.The mo vieBabelfeature d an interna tional c ast and w as filme d on lo cation in v arious na tions . When it screene d in the aters w orldwide , it intro duced a numb er o f ide as and philosophies a bout cros s-cultural connections . This might b e an e xample o f: a.technolog y b.conglomera ting c.symb olic interaction d.media glob aliza tion 14.Which o f the f ollowing is not a risk o f me dia glob aliza tion? a.The cre ation o f cultural and ideologic al biases b.The cre ation o f local monop olies c.The risk o f cultural imp erialism d.The los s of local culture 15.The g overnment o f __________ blo cks citiz ens’ ac cess to p opular new me dia sites lik e Facebook, YouTube, and Twit ter. a.China b.India c.Afghanis tan d.Australia 8.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Media and T echnology 16.A parent secretly monitoring the b abysitter through the use o f GPS, site blo cker, and nann y cam is a g ood example o f: a.the so cial c onstruction o f reality b.technophilia c.a neo -Luddite d.panoptic sur veillanc e 17.The use o f Facebook to cre ate an online p ersona b y only p osting ima ges tha t ma tch y our ide al self exemplifies the _____________ tha t can o ccur in f orms o f new me dia. a.social c onstruction o f reality b.cyberfeminism c.mark et segmenta tion d.referencing 18._________ tend to b e more pro -technolog y, while _______ view technolog y as a s ymb ol of the c oldnes s of modern lif e. a.Luddites; technophiles b.technophiles; L uddites c.cyberfeminis ts; technophiles d.liberal f eminis ts; c onflict theoris ts8 • Section Quiz 227 19.When it c omes to me dia and technolog y, a functionalis t would f ocus on: a.the s ymb ols cre ated and repro duced by the me dia b.the as sociation o f technolog y and technologic al skill with men c.the w ay tha t various f orms o f me dia so cializ e users d.the digital divide b etween the technologic al ha ves and ha ve-nots 20.When all me dia sourc es rep ort a simplifie d version o f the en vironmental imp act o f hydraulic fracturing , with no eff ort to c onvey the hard scienc e and c omplic ated statistical da ta behind the s tory, ___________ is prob ably o ccurring . a.gatekeeping b.the digital divide c.technophilia d.mark et segmenta tion Short Answer 8.1 Technology T oday 1.Can y ou think o f people in y our o wn lif e who supp ort or def y the premise tha t access to technolog y leads to greater opp ortunities? Ho w ha ve you notic ed technolog y use and opp ortunity to b e link ed, or do es y our experienc e contradict this ide a? 2.Should the U .S. g overnment b e resp onsible f or pro viding all citiz ens with ac cess to the Internet? Or is gaining Internet ac cess an individual resp onsibility? 3.How ha ve digital me dia chang ed so cial interactions? Do y ou b eliev e it has deep ened or w eakened human connections? Def end y our ans wer. 4.Conduct so ciologic al rese arch . Go ogle y ourself. Ho w much inf orma tion a bout y ou is a vailable to the public? How man y and wha t typ es o f comp anies o ffer priv ate inf orma tion a bout y ou f or a f ee? C ompile the da ta and statistics y ou find . Write a p aragraph or tw o about the so cial is sues and b ehaviors y ou notic e. 8.2 Media and T echnology in Society 5.Where and ho w do y ou g et your new s? Do y ou w atch netw ork television? R ead the new spaper? Go online? How about y our p arents or grandp arents? Do y ou think it ma tters where y ou seek out inf orma tion? Wh y, or why not? 6.Do y ou b eliev e new me dia allo ws for the kind o f unif ying moments tha t television and radio programming used to? If so , giv e an e xample . 7.Where are y ou mos t lik ely to notic e adv ertisements? Wha t causes them to c atch y our a ttention? 8.3 Global Implications of Media and T echnology 8.Do y ou b eliev e tha t technolog y has indee d fla ttene d the w orld in terms o f pro viding opp ortunity? Wh y, or why not? Giv e examples to supp ort your re ason . 9.Where do y ou g et your new s? Is it o wne d by a larg e conglomera te (you c an do a w eb se arch and find out!)? Does it ma tter to y ou who o wns y our lo cal new s outlets? Wh y, or wh y not? 10.Who do y ou think is mos t lik ely to bring inno vation and technolog y (like cell phone busines ses) to Sub - Saharan Afric a: nonpro fit org aniza tions , governments , or busines ses? Wh y? 8.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Media and T echnology 11.Contras t a functionalis t viewp oint o f digital sur veillanc e with a c onflict p ersp ectiv e viewp oint .228 8 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.In wha t ways has the Internet a ffecte d ho w you view re ality? Explain using a s ymb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e. 13.Describ e ho w a cyb erfeminis t might addres s the fact tha t powerful f emale p oliticians are o ften demoniz ed in traditional me dia. 14.The is sue o f airplane -pilot e xhaustion is an is sue o f gro wing me dia c oncern. Select a theoretic al persp ectiv e, and describ e ho w it w ould e xplain this . 15.Would y ou characteriz e yourself as a technophile or a L uddite? Explain , and use e xamples . Further R esear ch 8.1 Technology T oday To learn more a bout the digital divide and wh y it ma tters , check out this website with rese arch on the digital divide (http://openstax.org/l/Digital_Divide) . To find out more a bout Internet priv acy and security ,check out this w ebsite on priv acy rights (http://openstax.org/l/2EP rivacy). 8.2 Media and T echnology in Society To get a sense o f
🌐 Digital Divide Resources
🔍 Digital inequality persists across racial, economic, and geographic lines, with rural and lower-income communities experiencing significant barriers to internet access and technology adoption
📱 Smartphone dependency creates new forms of connection while simultaneously generating concerns about privacy, addiction, and the blurring of work-life boundaries
👶 Children's digital presence raises critical questions about privacy, exploitation through brand ambassadorships, and the long-term implications of early social media exposure
🎓 Educational technology access reveals stark disparities, particularly highlighted during the pandemic when Native American, Black, and Hispanic students faced greater learning disruptions due to connectivity challenges
🔬 Theoretical perspectives on media include cyberfeminism, surveillance studies, and socialist critiques that examine power dynamics in our increasingly digital society
🌍 Global technology adoption shows both promising developments in areas like mobile banking in developing regions and concerning trends in digital colonialism and information control
the timeline o f technolog y.Check out this w ebsite with a technolog y timeline . (http://openstax.org/l/Tech_His tory) To learn more a bout new me dia, check out the New Me dia Ins titute (http://openstax.org/l/new _me dia) To unders tand ho w indep endent me dia c overage diff ers from major c orporate affilia ted new s outlets , review material from the Demo cracy N ow! w ebsite (http://openstax.org/l/2EDemoN ow). 8.3 Global Implications of Media and T echnology Check out more in this article a bout the glob al digital divide (http://openstax.org/l/Glob al_Digital_Divide) . http://openstax.org/l/Glob al_Digital_Divide 8.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Media and T echnology To learn more a bout cyb erfeminism , check out the interdisciplinar y ar tist collectiv e, subR osa (http://openstax.org/l/cyb erfeminism) . To explore the implic ations o f panoptic sur veillanc e, review some sur veillanc e studies a t the free , open sourc e Surveillanc e and So ciety site (http://openstax.org/l/Sur veillanc e). Read an example o f socialis t me dia from Jacobin magazine (http://openstax.org/l/2EJ acobin) . References Intr oduction Hask ell, Rob. 2017. “ Selena Gome z on Ins tagram F atigue , Go od Mental He alth , and Stepping Back F rom the Limelight .” Vogue . (https:/ /www.vogue .com/ar ticle/selena-g ome z-april-c over-inter view-mental-he alth- instagram) Kirkp atrick , Emily . 2020. “Lorde Explains Wh y She Stepp ed Back from So cial Me dia in 2018. ” Vanity F air. (https:/ /www.vanity fair.com/s tyle/2020/11/lorde -explains -no-ins tagram-twit ter-cazzie -david-inter view ) 8.1 Technology T oday Abb ott, Tyler. 2020. “ Americ a's Lo ve Affair W ith Their Phones .” Review s.org. (https:/ /www.review s.org/mobile/ cell-phone -addiction/#Smar t_Phone _Addiction_ Stats)8 • F urther R esear ch 229 Allchin , Josie . 2012. “N ew guidanc e for brands using child amb assadors .” Mark eting W eek. (https:/ /www.mark eting week.com/new-guidanc e-for-brands -using-child-amb assadors /) Americ an P ress Ins titute . 2015. “Rac e and ethnicity , devic e usa ge, and c onnectivity .” (https:/ /www.americ anpres sins titute .org/public ations /rep orts/sur vey-rese arch/rac e-ethnicity -devic e- usage-connectivity /) Auxier , Bro oke and Rainie , Lee . 2019. “ Americ ans and P rivacy.” Pew R esearch C enter . (https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/internet /2019/11/15/americ ans-and-priv acy-concerne d-confuse d-and- feeling-lack -of-control-o ver-their -personal-inf orma tion/) Guillén , M.F ., and S.L. Suáre z. 2005. “Explaining the Glob al Digital Divide: E conomic , Politic al and So ciologic al Driv ers o f Cross-National Internet U se.”Social F orces84:681–708. Hall , J. A., & Ba ym, N. K. (2012). “ Calling and te xting (to o much): Mobile maintenanc e expecta tions , (over) dep endenc e, entrapment , and friendship sa tisfaction .” New Me dia and So ciety , 14, 316–331. Kooser , Amanda. 2015. “ Sleep with y our smar tphone in hand? Y ou're not alone .” CNET . (https:/ /www.cnet .com/ new s/americ ans-like-to-sno oze-with-their -smar tphones -says-sur vey/) Levy, Sara. 2019. “N o, I W on't Post A Picture o f My Kid on So cial Me dia.” Glamour . (https:/ /www.glamour .com/ story/mom-w ont-post-childs -photo -on-so cial-me dia) Luo, Shanhong . 2014. “Eff ects o f Texting on Sa tisfaction in R omantic R elationships: The R ole o f Attachment .” Computers in Human Beha vior . April 2014. (10.1016/j .chb.2014.01.014) Lewis , Dave. 2014. “ICloud Da ta Bre ach: Hacking and C elebrity Photos .” Forbes.com. Forbes. Retriev ed Octob er 6, 2014 ( https:/ /www.forbes.com/sites /davelewis /2014/09/02/icloud-da ta-bre ach-hacking-and-nude - celebrity -photos /?sh=735a2a f22de7). Liff, Sondra, and A drian Shepherd . 2004. “ An E volving Gender Digital Divide .” Oxf ord Internet Ins titute , Internet Is sue Brief N o. 2. R etriev ed Januar y 11, 2012 ( https:/ /educ.ubc.ca/faculty /bryson/565/ genderdig div.pdf). Mar tin, Michael J . R. 2019. “R ural and Lo wer Inc ome C ounties La g Nation in Internet Subscription .” (https:/ /www.census .gov/librar y/stories /2018/12/r ural-and-lo wer-inc ome -counties -lag-na tion-internet - subscription .html) McChesne y, Robert. 1999. Rich Me dia, P oor Demo cracy: C ommunic ation P olitics in Dubious Times . Urb ana and Chic ago: Univ ersity o f Illinois P ress. Moreno , Johan . 2020. “ YouTube Disa bles P ersonaliz ed Ads, Commnts on Children 's Videos .” Forbes. (https:/ /www.forbes.com/sites /johanmoreno/2020/01/06/y outub e-disa bles -personaliz ed-ads -comments - on-childrens -videos /?sh=202ef7695bf0) Mos sberger, Karen , Caroline T olbert, and Michele Gilb ert. 2006. “Rac e, Plac e, and Inf orma tion T echnolog y.” Urb an Affairs R eview 41:583–620. Perrin , Andrew and T urner , Eric a. 2019. “ Smar tphones help blacks , Hisp anics bridg e some – but not all – digital g aps with whites .” Pew R esearch C ener . (https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2019/08/20/ smar tphones -help -blacks -hisp anics -bridg e-some -but -not -all-digital-g aps-with-whites /) “Planne d Obsolesc ence.” 2009. The E conomis t, March 23. R etriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 (http://www.economis t.com/no de/13354332). Popula tion R eferenc e Bureau. 2020. “ Children , Corona virus, and the Digital Divide: N ative Americ an, Black , and Hisp anic Students a t Gre ater E ducational Risk During P andemic . (https:/ /www.prb.org/corona virus- digital-divide -education/)230 8 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Rainie , Lee , Sara Kiesler , Ruogo Kang , and Mar y Madden . 2013. " Anon ymity , Privacy, and Security Online ." Pew Research C enters Internet Americ an Lif e Project RS S. Pew R esearch C enter . Retriev ed Octob er 5, 2014 (http://www.pewinternet .org/2013/09/05/anon ymity -priv acy-and-security -online/). Rapp aport, Richard . 2009. “ A Shor t His tory of the Digital Divide .” Edutopia, Octob er 27. R etriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.edutopia. org/digital-g enera tion-divide -connectivity ). Sciadas , Georg e. 2003. “Monitoring the Digital Divide … and Be yond .” World Bank Group . Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 ( http://www.infodev.org/en/Public ation .20.html). Smith , Aaron . 2012. " The Bes t (and W orst) of Mobile C onnectivity ." Pew R esearch Internet P roject . 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Retriev ed Januar y 13, 2012 ( http://www.apa.org/scienc e/about/psa / 2003/10/anderson .asp x). Anderson , Philip , and Michael T ushman . 1990. “ Technologic al Disc ontinuities and Dominant Designs: A Cyclical Mo del o f Technologic al Chang e.”Adminis trative Scienc e Quar terly 35:604–633. CNBC , 2020. “ Apple , US Sta tes R each $113 million set tlement on iPhone throt tling .” (https:/ /www.cnb c.com/ 2020/11/18/apple -us-states-reach-113-million-set tlement -on-iphone -throt tling .html) Dillon , Andrew . 1992. “R eading F rom P aper V ersus Screens: A C ritic al Review o f the Empiric al Litera ture .” Ergonomics 35(10): 1297–1326. DeSilver, Drew . 2014. “ Overall Bo ok R eadership Sta ble, But e -Books Bec oming More P opular .” Pew R esearch Center . Retriev ed Dec emb er 5, 2014 ( http://www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2014/01/21/o verall-b ook- readership -stable-but -e-books-becoming-more -popular /). Dugg an, Maev e, and Aaron Smith . "So cial Me dia Up date 2013. " Pew R esearch C enters Internet Americ an Lif e Project RS S. Pew R esearch C enter . Retriev ed Octob er 2, 2014 ( http://www.pewinternet .org/2013/12/30/ social-me dia-up date-2013/). Interna tional T elec ommunic ation Unions . 2014. “ The W orld in 2014: ICT F acts and F igures .” Unite d Nations . Retriev ed Dec emb er 5, 2014 ( http://www.itu.int/en/ITU -D/Sta tistics/Documents /facts / ICTF actsF igures2014- e.pdf). Jansen , Jim . "Use o f the Internet in Higher -inc ome Households ." Pew R esearch C enters Internet Americ an Lif e Project RS S. Pew R esearch C enter . Retriev ed Octob er 1, 2014 ( http://www.pewinternet .org/2010/11/24/use - of-the -internet -in-higher -inc ome -households). Kumar , Ravi. 2014. "So cial Me dia and So cial Chang e: Ho w Young P eople Are T apping into T echnolog y." Youthink! N .p. Retriev ed Octob er 3, 2014 ( http://blogs .worldb ank .org/youthink /social-me dia-and-so cial- chang e-how-young-p eople -are -tapping-technolog y). 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Pew R esearch C enter . Retriev ed Octob er 1, 2014 ( http://www.pewinternet .org/2014/01/06/ african-americ ans-and-technolog y-use/). Smith , Aaron . 2014b . "Older A dults and T echnolog y Use." Pew R esearch C enters Internet Americ an Lif e Project RSS. Pew R eserch C enter . Retriev ed Octob er 2, 2014 ( http://www.pewinternet .org/2014/04/03/older -adults - and-technolog y-use/). Unite d Sta tes P atent and T rademark Offic e. 2012. “ General Inf orma tion C oncerning P atents .” Retriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 ( http://www.uspto .gov/patents /resourc es/ general_inf o_concerning _patents .jspht tp://www.uspto .gov/patents /resourc es/ general_inf o_concerning _patents .jsp). van de Donk , W., B.D. Loader , P.G. Nix on, and D . Rucht , eds. 2004. Cyb erprotes t: New Me dia, Citiz ens, and Social Mo vements . New Y ork: R outle dge.232 8 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. World As sociation o f Newspapers. 2004. “N ewspapers: A Brief His tory.” Retriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 (http://www.wan-pres s.org/article .php3?id_ article=2821). 8.3 Global Implications of Media and T echnology Acker, Jenn y C., and Isaac M. Mbiti . 2010. “Mobile Phones and E conomic Dev elopment in Afric a.”Journal o f Economic P ersp ectiv es24(3):207–232. R etriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 (pubs .aeaweb.org/doi/p df/10.1257/ jep.24.3.207). Bagdikian , Ben H. 2004. The N ew Me dia Monop oly. Bos ton, MA: Be acon P ress Bo oks. Bris tow, Michael . 2011. “ Can China C ontrol So cial Me dia R evolution? ” BBC N ews China, N ovemb er 2. R etriev ed Januar y 14, 2012 ( http://www.bbc.co.uk/new s/world-asia-p acific -15383756). Comp aine , B. 2005. “ Glob al Me dia.” Pp . 97-101 in Living in the Inf orma tion Ag e: A N ew Me dia R eader Belmont: Wadsworth Thomson Le arning . Friedman , Thomas . 2005. The W orld Is Fla t: A Brief His tory of the Tw enty -First Centur y. New Y ork: F arrar , Stra us, and Giroux . ITU N ews. 2009. “ITU T elec om W orld 2009: S pecial R eport: Reflecting N ew N eeds and R ealities .” Novemb er. Retriev ed Januar y 14, 2012 ( http://www.itu.int/net /itunew s/issues /2009/09/26.asp x). Jan, Mirza. 2009. “ Glob aliza tion o f Me dia: K ey Issues and Dimensions .”Europ ean J ournal o f Scientific Research 29:66–75. Katine Chronicles Blog . 2010. “ Are Mobile Phones Afric a’s Silv er B ullet? ”The Guardian , Januar y 14. R etriev ed Januar y 12, 2012 ( http://www.guardian .co.uk/katine/ka tine -chronicles -blog?p age=6). Ma, Damien . 2011. “2011: When Chinese So cial Me dia F ound Its Legs .”The A tlantic , Dec emb er 18. R etriev ed Januar y 15, 2012 ( http://www.theatlantic .com/interna tional/archiv e/2011/12/2011-when-chinese -social- media-f ound-its -legs /250083/). McL uhan , Marshall . 1964. Unders tanding Me dia: The Extensions o f Man . New Y ork: McGra w-Hill . Pierson , David. 2012. “Numb er o f Web U sers in China Hits 513 Million .”Los Ang eles Times , Januar y 16. Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://latimesblogs .latimes .com/technolog y/2012/01/chinese -web-users -gro w- to-513-million .html). The W orld Bank . 2008. “ Glob al Economic P rosp ects 2008: T echnolog y Diffusion in the Dev eloping W orld .” World Bank . Retriev ed Januar y 24, 2012 ( http://siteresourc es.worldb ank .org/INT GEP2008/R esourc es/ GEP _ove_001-016. pdf). 8.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Media and T echnology A. Taute, H., & Sierra, J . (2014). Brand trib alism: an anthrop ologic al persp ectiv e. Journal o f Product & Brand Mana gement , 23(1), 2–15. ht tp://doi.org/10.1108/JPBM-06-2013-0340 BBC N ews. 2019. “Unite d Sta tes P rofile--Me dia.” (https:/ /www.bbc.com/new s/world-us -canada-16757497) Bras ted, Monic a. 2010. “ Care Be ars vs . Trans formers: Gender Stereotyp es in A dvertisements .” Retriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.sociolog y.org/me dia-s tudies /care-bears-vs-trans formers -gender - stereotyp es-in-adv ertisements). Carmi , Evan, Ma tthew Ericson , David N olen , Kevin Que aly, Michael Strickland , Jerem y White , and Derek W illis. 2012. “ The 2012 Mone y Rac e: Comp are the C andida tes.”New Y ork Times . Retriev ed Januar y 15, 2012 (http://elections .nytimes .com/2012/c amp aign-financ e). Foucault, Michel . 1975. Discipline and Punish: The Bir th o f the P rison . New Y ork: V inta ge Bo oks.8 • R eferences 233 Fox, Jesse, and J erem y Bailenson . 2009. “ Virtual V irgins and V amps: The Eff ects o f Exp osure to F emale Characters’ Se xualiz ed Appearanc e and G aze in an Immersiv e Virtual En vironment .”Sex Roles 61:147–157. Gamson , William , David C rote au, William Ho ynes , and Theo dore Sas son. 1992. “Me dia Ima ges and the So cial Construction o f Reality .”Annual R eview o f Sociolog y18:373–393. Gentile , Douglas , Lindsa y Ma thieson , and Nikki C rick . 2011. “Me dia V iolenc e As sociations with the F orm and Function o f Aggres sion among Elementar y Scho ol Children .”Social Dev elopment 20:213–232. Kautiainen , S., L. K oivusilta, T . Lintonen , S. M. V irtanen , and A . Rimp elä. 2005.“Use o f Inf orma tion and Communic ation T echnolog y and P revalenc e of Overweight and Ob esity Among A dolesc ents .”Interna tional Journal o f Ob esity 29:925–933 Krahe , Barb ara, Ingrid Moller , L. Huesmann , Lucyna Kir wil, Julianec F elber, and Anja Berg er. 2011. “Desensitiza tion to Me dia V iolenc e: Links W ith Ha bitual Me dia V iolenc e Exp osure , Aggres sive Cognitions , and Aggres sive Beha vior .”Journal o f Personality and So cial P sycholog y 100:630–646. Lazerfeld, Paul F. and R obert K. Mer ton. 1948. “Mas s Communic ation , Popular T aste, and Org aniz ed So cial Action .”The C ommunic ation o f Ide as. New Y ork: Harp er & Bros . Magnet , Shoshana. 2007. “F eminis t Sexualities , Rac e, and The Internet: An In vestigation o f suicidegirls .com.” New Me dia & So ciety 9:577-602. Mills , C. Wright . 2000 [1956]. The P ower Elite . New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. Nielsen Wire. 2011. “Nielsen Es tima tes Numb er o f U.S. T elevision Homes to b e 114.7 Million .” Ma y 3. R etriev ed Januar y 15, 2012 ( http://blog .nielsen .com/nielsen wire/me dia_ enter tainment /nielsen-es tima tes-numb er- of-u-s -television-homes -to-be-114-7-million/). Pierc e, Tess. 2011. “ Singing a t the Digital W ell: Blogs as Cyb erfeminis t Sites o f Resis tanc e.”Feminis t Forma tions 23:196–209. Savage, Joanne . 2003. “Do es V iewing V iolent Me dia R eally C ause C riminal V iolenc e? A Metho dologic al Review .” Aggres sion and V iolent Beha vior 10:99–128. Sho emak er, Pamela and Tim V os. 2009. “Me dia G atekeeping .” Pp . 75–89 in An Integra ted Appro ach to Communic ation Theor y and R esearch , 2nd e d., edite d by D. Stacks and M. Salw en. New Y ork: R outle dge. U.S. Dep artment o f Commerc e. 2011. “ Women in S TEM: A Gender G ap to Inno vation .” Augus t. Retriev ed February 22, 2012 ( http://www.esa. doc.gov/sites /defa ult/files /rep orts/documents / womenins tema gaptoinno vation8311. pdf/).234 8 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 9.1 This house , formerl y owned b y the famous t elevision pr oduc er, Aaron Spel ling, sold in 2019 f or $119 million, which set the r ecord for the highes t individual home sale in Calif ornia his tory. It is the lar gest priv ate home in Los Ang eles , and is c onsider ed one o f the mos t extravagant homes in the Unit ed Stat es. (Cr edit: A twater Vil lage Newbie/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the Unit ed Stat es 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality 9.4 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Social Str atification Jarret t grew up on a farm in r ural Ohio , left home to ser ve in the Arm y, and returne d a f ew years la ter to tak e over the family farm . He mo ved into his family house , and eighteen months la ter marrie d Eric , with whom he had maintaine d a long-dis tanc e rela tionship f or sev eral y ears. Eric had tw o children from a previous marria ge. The y quickly re alized the inc ome from the farm w as no long er sufficient to meet their needs. Jarret t, with lit tle e xperienc e beyond the farm , took on a job a t a gro cery store to supplement his income . This p art-time job shifte d the direction o f their family ’s life. One o f the mana gers a t the s tore lik ed Jarret t, his a ttitude , and his w ork ethic . He b egan to gro om J arret t for advancement a t the s tore , and enc oura ged him to tak e a f ew clas ses a t a lo cal colleg e. Despite kno wing he 'd receive financial supp ort from the militar y, this w as the firs t time J arret t had seriously thought a bout c olleg e. Could he b e suc cessful, Jarret t wondere d? C ould he actually b ecome the firs t in his family to e arn a degree? Fortuna tely, Eric also b eliev ed in him . Jarret t kept his c olleg e enrollment a secret from his mother , his brothers , and his friends . He did not w ant others to kno w about it , in c ase he faile d. Jarret t was ner vous on his firs t day of clas s. He w as older than the other s tudents , and he had nev er considere d9Social Str atification in the United States himself c olleg e ma terial . When he e arne d only a C - on his firs t tes t, he thought his f ears w ere b eing re alized, and tha t it w as p erhaps not a fit f or him . But his ins tructor s trongly rec ommende d tha t Jarret t pay a visit to the academic suc cess center . After a f ew ses sions , he utiliz ed a b etter s tudy sche dule and g ot a B- on the ne xt exam . He w as suc cessful in tha t clas s, and enrolle d in tw o
🏫 Educational Journey Against Odds
🎓 First-generation college students face overwhelming challenges with 89% failing to complete degrees within six years—dropping out at four times the rate of peers with college-educated parents
🏆 Personal determination transforms lives, as exemplified by Jarrett who overcame military service transitions, family illness, and self-doubt to earn his Bachelor's degree
📊 Social stratification creates systematic inequality where resources, opportunities, and status are unevenly distributed based on wealth, income, education, and family background
🧩 Class systems in America operate as "open systems" allowing some mobility between social levels, unlike rigid "closed systems" like castes that permanently fix social position
💼 Meritocracy remains theoretical as multiple factors beyond personal effort—including parental status, cultural norms, and institutional barriers—continue to determine social standing
🌉 Status consistency varies as individuals like Serena can achieve different rankings across education, occupation, and income, demonstrating the flexibility within class systems
more the ne xt semes ter. Unfortuna tely, life took a difficult turn when J arret t's and Eric 's da ughter b ecame ill; he c ouldn 't focus on his studies and he dropp ed all o f his clas ses. With his momentum slo wed, Jarret t wasn't sure he w as re ady to resume a fter his da ughter rec overed. His da ughter , though , set him s traight . One da y after telling her to s tart her homew ork, she w as reluctant and said , "You're not doing y our homew ork an ymore; I shouldn ’t ha ve to do mine ." A bit anno yed, Jarret t and Eric e xplaine d the diff erenc e between b eing an adult with w ork and family oblig ations and b eing a child in middle scho ol. But Jarret t realized he w as mos t upset a t himself f or using her illnes s as an e xcuse . He thought he w asn't living up to the e xample he w ante d to set f or her . The ne xt da y, he called his ac ademic advisor and re -enrolle d. Just under tw o years la ter, Jarret t was w alking acros s the s tage to rec eive a Bachelor ’s degree with a sp ecial certific ate for p eer supp ort. The c eremon y seeme d surre al to J arret t. He 'd earne d me dals and other recognition in the militar y, but he alw ays felt those ac complishments w ere share d among his te am. While he 'd had a lot o f help with c olleg e, he f elt tha t gradua ting w as a miles tone tha t was more closely tie d to himself. Stories lik e this p erme ate Americ an so ciety and ma y sound familiar , yet this ques t to achiev e the Americ an Dream is o ften hard f or man y Americ ans to achiev e, even with hard w ork. After all , nearly one in three firs t- year colleg e students is a firs t-genera tion c olleg e student and man y are not as suc cessful as J arret t. According to the C enter f or Student Opp ortunity , a na tional nonpro fit, 89% o f firs t-genera tion s tudents will not e arn an undergradua te degree within six y ears o f starting their s tudies . In fact , these s tudents “ drop out o f colleg e at four times the ra te of peers whose p arents ha ve postsec ondar y degrees” (C enter f or Student Opp ortunity quote d in Huot 2014). Why do s tudents with p arents who ha ve complete d colleg e tend to gradua te more o ften than those s tudents whose p arents do not hold degrees? Tha t ques tion and man y others will b e ans wered as w e explore so cial stratific ation . 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e betw een open and closed s tratification s ystems •Distinguish betw een cas te and clas s systems •Explain wh y merit ocracy is c onsider ed an ideal s ystem o f stratification236 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 9.2 In the upper echelons o f the w orking w orld, people with the mos t power reach the t op. These people mak e the decisions and earn the mos t mone y. The majority o f Americans wil l never see the vie w from the t op. (Credit: Ale x Proimos/flickr) Sociologis ts use the term so cial s tratific ation to describ e the s ystem o f social s tanding .Social s trat ification refers to a so ciety ’s categoriza tion o f its p eople into rankings b ased on factors lik e wealth , inc ome , educ ation , family b ackground , and p ower. Geologis ts also use the w ord “ stratific ation ” to describ e the dis tinct v ertical la yers f ound in ro ck. Typic ally, society ’s layers, made o f people , represent the unev en dis tribution o f society ’s resourc es. Society view s the people with more resourc es as the top la yer o f the so cial s tructure o f stratific ation . Other groups o f people , with f ewer and f ewer resourc es, represent the lo wer la yers. An individual ’s plac e within this s tratific ation is calledsocioeconomic s tatus (SES ).9.1 • Wha t Is Social S tratifica tion? 237 FIGURE 9.3 Strata in r ock il lustrate social s tratification. P eople ar e sor ted, or la yered, int o social cat egories . Man y factors det ermine a person ’s social s tanding , such as w ealth, inc ome , education, famil y back ground, and po wer. (Credit: Jus t a P rairie Bo y/flickr) Mos t people and ins titutions in the Unite d Sta tes indic ate tha t the y value e quality , a b elief tha t everyone has an equal chanc e at suc cess. In other w ords , hard w ork and talent —not inherite d wealth , prejudicial tre atment , institutional racism , or so cietal v alues —determine so cial mobility . This emphasis on choic e, motiv ation , and self-effort perpetua tes the Americ an b elief tha t people c ontrol their o wn so cial s tanding . However, sociologis ts rec ogniz e so cial s tratific ation as a so ciety -wide s ystem tha t mak es ine qualities app arent . While ine qualities e xist between individuals , sociologis ts are interes ted in larg er so cial p atterns . Sociologis ts look to see if individuals with similar b ackgrounds , group memb erships , identities , and lo cation in the c ountr y share the same so cial s tratific ation . No individual , rich or p oor, can b e blame d for so cial ine qualities , but instead all p articip ate in a s ystem where some rise and others fall . Mos t Americ ans b eliev e the rising and falling is b ased on individual choic es. But so ciologis ts see ho w the s tructure o f society a ffects a p erson 's so cial standing and theref ore is cre ated and supp orted by so ciety .238 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 9.4 The people who liv e in these houses mos t likely shar e similar le vels o f inc ome and education. Neighborhoods o ften house people o f the same social s tanding . Wealthy families do not typical ly live ne xt door t o poor er families , though this v aries depending on the par ticular city and c ountr y. (Cr edit: Orin Z ebes t/flickr) Factors tha t define s tratific ation v ary in diff erent so cieties . In mos t societies , stratific ation is an ec onomic system , based on wealth , the net v alue o f mone y and as sets a p erson has , and income , a p erson ’s wages or investment dividends . While p eople are regularly c ategoriz ed based on ho w rich or p oor the y are , other imp ortant factors influenc e so cial s tanding . For e xample , in some cultures , pres tige is v alue d, and p eople who have them are rev ered more than those who don ’t. In some cultures , the elderly are es teeme d, while in others , the elderly are disp araged or o verlo oked. Societies’ cultural b eliefs o ften reinf orce stratific ation . One k ey determinant o f social s tanding is our p arents . Parents tend to p ass their so cial p osition on to their children . People inherit not only so cial s tanding but also the cultural norms , values , and b eliefs tha t accomp any a c ertain lif estyle. The y share these with a netw ork o f friends and family memb ers tha t pro vide resourc es and supp ort. This is one o f the re asons firs t-genera tion c olleg e students do not fare as w ell as other students . The y lack ac cess to the resourc es and supp ort commonly pro vide d to those whose p arents ha ve gone to colleg e. Other determinants are f ound in a so ciety ’s occup ational s tructure . Teachers , for e xample , often ha ve high levels o f educ ation but rec eive rela tively lo w pay. Man y believ e tha t teaching is a noble pro fession , so te achers should do their jobs f or lo ve of their pro fession and the g ood of their s tudents —not f or mone y. Yet, the same attitude is not applie d to pro fessional a thletes , executiv es, or those w orking in c orporate w orld . Cultural attitudes and b eliefs lik e these supp ort and p erpetua te so cial and ec onomic ine qualities . Systems of Str atification Sociologis ts dis tinguish b etween tw o typ es o f systems o f stratific ation .Close d sy stems accommo date lit tle chang e in so cial p osition . The y do not allo w people to shift lev els and do not p ermit so cial rela tionships between lev els. Close d systems include es tate, sla very, and c aste systems .Open sy stems are b ased on achiev ement and allo w for mo vement and interaction b etween la yers and clas ses. Ho w diff erent s ystems operate reflect , emphasiz e, and f oster sp ecific cultural v alues , shaping individual b eliefs . In this section , we’ll review clas s and c aste stratific ation s ystems , plus discus s the ide al system o f merito cracy .9.1 • Wha t Is Social S tratifica tion? 239 The Caste System FIGURE 9.5 India used t o ha ve a rigid cas te system. The people in the lo west cas te suff ered fr om e xtreme po verty and w ere shunned b y society . Some aspects o f India’ s defunct cas te system r emain social ly relevant. (Cr edit: Eles sar/flickr) Caste sy stems are close d stratific ation s ystems where p eople c an do lit tle or nothing to chang e the so cial standing o f their bir th. The c aste system determines all asp ects o f an individual ’s life: occup ations , marria ge partners , and housing . Individual talents , interes ts, or p otential do not pro vide opp ortunities to impro ve a person 's so cial p osition . In the Hindu c aste tradition , people e xpect to w ork in an o ccup ation and to enter into a marria ge based on their c aste. Accepting this so cial s tanding is c onsidere d a moral duty and p eople are so cializ ed to ac cept their social s tanding . Cultural v alues reinf orced the s ystem . Caste systems promote b eliefs in fa te, des tiny, and the will o f a higher p ower, rather than promoting individual free dom as a v alue . This b elief s ystem is an ideolog y. Every culture has an ideolog ythat supp orts its s ystem o f stratific ation . The c aste system in India has b een o fficially dismantle d, but is s till deeply emb edde d in Indian so ciety , particularly in r ural are as. In India ’s larg er cities , people no w ha ve more opp ortunities to cho ose their o wn career p aths and marria ge partners . As a glob al center o f emplo yment , corporations ha ve intro duced merit - based hiring and emplo yment to the na tion shifting the cultural e xpecta tions o f the c aste system . The Class System Aclas s sy stem is based on b oth so cial factors and individual achiev ement . Aclas sconsis ts of a set o f people who share similar s tatus b ased on factors lik e wealth , inc ome , educ ation , family b ackground , and o ccup ation . Unlik e caste systems , clas s systems are op en. People ma y mo ve to a diff erent lev el (vertical mo vement) o f education or emplo yment s tatus than their p arents . Though family and other so cietal mo dels help guide a person to ward a c areer , personal choic e and opp ortunity pla y a role . The y can also so cializ e with and marr y memb ers o f other clas ses. People ha ve the option to f orm an exogamous marria ge, a union o f spouses from diff erent so cial c ategories . Exogamous marria ges o ften f ocus on v alues such as lo ve and c omp atibility . Though so cial c onformities s till e xist tha t enc oura ge people to cho ose partners within their o wn clas s, called an endog amous marria ge, people are not as pres sure d to cho ose240 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. marria ge partners b ased solely on their so cial lo cation . Meritocr acy Merito cracy is a h ypothetic al system in which so cial s tratific ation is determine d by personal eff ort and merit . The c oncept o f merito cracy is an ide al because no so ciety has ev er existed where so cial s tanding w as b ased entirely on merit . Rather , multiple factors influenc e so cial s tanding , including pro cesses lik e so cializa tion and the re alities o f ine quality within ec onomic s ystems . While a merito cracy has nev er existed, sociologis ts see aspects o f merito cracies in mo dern so cieties when the y study the role o f academic and job p erformanc e and the s ystems in plac e for ev alua ting and rew arding achiev ement in these are as. The diff erenc es b etween an op en and close d system are e xplore d fur ther in the e xample b elow. Status Consistency Sociologis ts use the term status c onsis tency to describ e the c onsis tency , or lack thereo f, of an individual ’s rank acros s the factors tha t determine so cial s tratific ation within a lif etime . Caste systems c orrela te with high status c onsis tency , due to the ina bility to mo ve out o f a clas s, where as the more fle xible clas s system demons trates lo wer status c onsis tency . To illus trate, let’s consider Serena. Serena e arne d her high scho ol diploma but did not g o to c olleg e. Completing high scho ol but not c olleg e is a trait more c ommon to the lo wer-middle clas s. After high scho ol, she b egan landsc aping , which , as manual la bor, tracks with lo wer-middle clas s or ev en lo wer clas s. Ho wever, over time , Serena s tarted her o wn c omp any. She hire d emplo yees. She w on larg er contracts . Serena b ecame a busines s owner and e arne d more mone y. Those traits represent the upp er-middle clas s. Inc onsis tencies between Serena ’s educational lev el, her o ccup ation , and inc ome sho w Serena ’s fle xibility in her so cial s tatus, giving her lo w status c onsis tency . In a clas s system , hard w ork, new opp ortunities , couple d with a lo wer education s tatus s till allo w a p erson mo vement into middle or upp er clas s, where as in a c aste system , tha t would not b e possible . In a clas s system , low status c onsis tency c orrela tes with ha ving more choic es and opp ortunities . LEA VING R OYALTY BEHIND FIGURE 9.6 Prince Harr y and Meghan Markle with other members o f the R oyal famil y, in 2017. One y ear lat er, the couple w ould w ed and the American-born actr ess and fashion-designer w ould immediat ely bec ome Her R oyal Highnes s The Duches s of Sus sex, a position and title that bes tows significant benefits o f social clas s (Cr edit: MarkSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE9.1 • Wha t Is Social S tratifica tion? 241 Jones/Wikimedia Commons) Meghan Markle , who married a member o f the British r oyal famil y, for years endur ed unc easing neg ative media attention, in vasion o f priv acy, and r acial ly abusiv e comments . She and her husband–P rince Harr y, grandson t o Queen Elizabeth–under took a series o f leg al actions t o push back ag ains t overly ag gressive media outlets . But because o f the c ontinued har assment and disagr eements with others in the r oyal famil y, Meghan and Harr y decided to step do wn fr om their r oyal oblig ations and begin a disas sociation fr om the British monar chy. In doing so , the y gave up honor ary positions , titles , and financial suppor t. For Meghan, who had been born in the U .S. and had earned her w ealth thr ough a suc cessful car eer, these chang es ma y not be so jarring . Prince Harr y, however, had been "His Royal Highnes s" sinc e he w as born; b y natur e of his anc estry he w as entitled t o vast sums o f mone y, proper ty, and cultural-political positions such as Honor ary Air Commandant, Commodor e-in-Chief , and P resident o f the Queen 's Common wealth Trust. Harr y would also lose the militar y rank he had earned thr ough almos t ten y ears o f militar y service, including tw o combat deplo yments t o Afghanis tan. W ould Megxit w ork f or him? What g ave him those honors in the firs t plac e? Britain ’s monar chy arose during the Middle Ag es. Its social hier archy plac ed royalty at the t op and c ommoners on the bot tom. This w as g ener ally a closed s ystem, with people born int o positions o f nobility . Wealth w as pas sed fr om gener ation t o gener ation thr ough primog enitur e, a la w stating that al l proper ty w ould be inherit ed b y the firs tborn son. If the famil y had no son, the land w ent t o the ne xt closes t male r elation. W omen c ould not inherit pr oper ty, and their social s tanding w as primaril y det ermined thr ough marriag e. The arriv al of the Indus trial R evolution chang ed Britain ’s social s tructur e. Commoners mo ved to cities , got jobs , and made bet ter livings . Gradual ly, people f ound ne w oppor tunities t o incr ease their w ealth and po wer. Today, the government is a c onstitutional monar chy with the prime minis ter and other minis ters elect ed to their positions , and with the r oyal famil y’s role being lar gely ceremonial . The long-ag o diff erences betw een nobility and c ommoners have blurr ed, and the modern clas s system in Britain is similar t o that o f the Unit ed Stat es (McK ee 1996). Today, the r oyal famil y still commands w ealth, po wer, and a gr eat deal o f attention. When Queen Elizabeth II r etires or pas ses a way, Prince Charles wil l be firs t in line t o asc end the thr one. If he abdicat es (chooses not t o bec ome king ) or dies , the position wil l go to Prince Wil liam, P rince Harr y's older br other . Prince Harr y and Meghan Markle , mean while , mo ved to Los Ang eles and signed a v oiceover deal with Disne y while also joining Net flix in a series pr oduction. The y founded an or ganization f ocusing on non-pr ofit activities and media ventur es. Living in L A and w orking t o some e xtent in ent ertainment, the y wil l likely be c onsider ed a diff erent type o f royalty. 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the United States LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the U .S. clas s structur e •Describe se veral types o f social mobility •Recogniz e char acteristics that define and identif y clas s How do es so cial s tratific ation a ffect y our a bility to mo ve up or do wn the so cial clas ses? Wha t is a s tandard o f living? Wha t factors ma tter in rising up or b ecoming more suc cessful in the e yes o f those around y ou? Do es being in a so cial clas s dicta te your s tyle, behavior , or opp ortunities?242 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Social Classes in the United States FIGURE 9.7 Does tas te or fashion sense indicat e clas s? Is ther e an y way to tell if these people c ome fr om an upper - , middle -, or lo wer-clas s back ground? (Cr edit: K elly Baile y/flickr) For so ciologis ts, categorizing so cial clas s is a fluid scienc e. Sociologis ts generally identif y three lev els o f clas s in the Unite
💰 Social Class Stratification
🏛️ American society divides into three main classes (upper, middle, lower) with wealth being the primary distinguishing factor, creating a structure where the top 1% owns roughly one-third of the country's wealth
🔄 Social mobility allows individuals to move between classes through education, career advancement, or marriage, though systemic barriers like unequal education and discrimination limit upward movement for many
👔 Class traits (behaviors, customs, norms) traditionally signal socioeconomic status, though these distinctions have blurred in recent decades as consumption patterns become less predictable
📊 Middle class spans a wide income range ($48,500-$145,500 in 2018), with upper-middle focusing on careers and education while lower-middle faces more precarious employment
👷 Lower class includes working class, working poor, and underclass—many working full-time yet struggling with low wages that haven't kept pace with inflation
🏆 Power dynamics define class differences—upper class controls others' lives, middle class controls their own lives, while lower class has minimal control over work or living conditions
d Sta tes: upp er, middle , and lo wer clas s. Within e ach clas s, there are man y sub categories . Wealth is the mos t signific ant w ay of dis tinguishing clas ses, because w ealth c an b e trans ferre d to one ’s children and perpetua te the clas s structure . One ec onomis t, J.D. Foster, defines the 20 p ercent o f U.S. citiz ens’ highes t earners as “upp er inc ome ,” and the lo wer 20 p ercent as “lo wer inc ome .” The remaining 60 p ercent o f the popula tion mak e up the middle clas s (Mason 2010). W ith tha t dis tinction , economis ts can describ e the rang e in annual household inc omes f or the middle -clas s, but the y cannot sho w ho w the rang e of all inc omes v ary and how the y chang e over time . For this re ason , the P ew C enter defines clas ses b ased on the me dian household income . The lo wer clas s includes those whose inc ome is tw o-thirds o f the na tional me dian , the middle clas s includes those whose inc ome falls b etween tw o-thirds and twic e the me dian , and the upp er clas s includes those whose inc ome is a bove twic e the na tional me dian (K ochhar 2015). Though me dian inc ome lev els v ary from s tate to s tate, at the na tional lev el you w ould b e considere d in the middle -clas s if y ou e arne d between $48,500 to $145,500 in 2018 U .S. dollars (Bennet t 2000). One so ciologic al persp ectiv e dis tinguishes the clas ses, in p art, according to their rela tive power and c ontrol over their liv es. Memb ers o f the upp er clas s not only ha ve power and c ontrol o ver their o wn liv es, but their social s tatus giv es them p ower and c ontrol o ver others’ liv es. The middle clas s do esn’t generally c ontrol other strata of society , but its memb ers do e xert control o ver their o wn liv es. In c ontras t, the lo wer clas s has lit tle control o ver their w ork or liv es. Belo w, we will e xplore the major divisions o f U.S. so cial clas s and their k ey subcategories .9.2 • Social S tratifica tion and Mobility in the Unit ed S tates 243 Upper Class FIGURE 9.8 Members o f the upper clas s can aff ord to liv e, work, and pla y in e xclusiv e plac es, such as c ountr y clubs and g ated c ommunities , designed f or luxur y, saf ety, and c omfort. (Cr edit: P rime Imag eMedia .com/flickr) The upp er clas s is c onsidere d the top , and only the p owerful elite g et to see the view from there . In the Unite d States, people with e xtreme w ealth mak e up one p ercent o f the p opula tion , and the y own roughly one -third o f the c ountr y’s wealth (Beeghle y 2008). Mone y pro vides not jus t access to ma terial g oods, but also ac cess to a lot o f power. As c orporate le aders , memb ers o f the upp er clas s mak e decisions tha t affect the job s tatus o f millions o f people . As me dia o wners , they influenc e the c ollectiv e identity o f the na tion . The y run the major netw ork television s tations , radio broadcasts, new spapers, ma gazines , publishing houses , and sp orts franchises . As b oard memb ers o f the mos t influential c olleg es and univ ersities , the y influenc e cultural a ttitudes and v alues . As philanthropis ts, the y establish f ounda tions to supp ort social c auses the y believ e in. As c amp aign c ontributors and legisla tion driv ers, the y fund p olitic al camp aigns to s way policymak ers, sometimes to protect their o wn ec onomic interes ts and a t other times to supp ort or promote a c ause. (The metho ds, effectiv enes s, and imp act o f these politic al eff orts are discus sed in the P olitics and Go vernment chapter .) U.S. so ciety has his toric ally dis tinguishe d between “ old mone y” (inherite d wealth p assed from one g enera tion to the ne xt) and “new mone y” (wealth y ou ha ve earne d and built y ourself ). While b oth typ es ma y ha ve equal net w orth, the y ha ve traditionally held diff erent so cial s tandings . People o f old mone y, firmly situa ted in the upp er clas s for g enera tions , have held high pres tige. Their families ha ve so cializ ed them to kno w the cus toms , norms , and e xpecta tions tha t come with w ealth . Often , the v ery wealth y don ’t work f or w ages. Some s tudy busines s or b ecome la wyers in order to mana ge the family f ortune . Others , such as P aris Hilton and Kim Kardashian , capitaliz e on b eing a rich so cialite and trans form tha t into c elebrity s tatus, flaunting a w ealth y lifestyle. However, new-mone y memb ers o f the upp er clas s are not oriente d to the cus toms and mores o f the elite . The y haven’t gone to the mos t exclusiv e scho ols. The y ha ve not es tablishe d old-mone y so cial ties . People with new mone y might fla unt their w ealth , buying sp orts cars and mansions , but the y might s till e xhibit b ehaviors attribute d to the middle and lo wer clas ses.244 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The Middle Class FIGURE 9.9 These members o f a club lik ely consider themsel ves middle clas s, as do man y Americans . (Cr edit: Unit ed W ay Canada -Centr aide Canada /flickr) Man y people c onsider themselv es middle clas s, but there are diff ering ide as a bout wha t tha t me ans. People with annual inc omes o f $150,000 c all themselv es middle clas s, as do p eople who annually e arn $30,000. Tha t helps e xplain wh y, in the Unite d Sta tes, the middle clas s is brok en into upp er and lo wer sub categories . Lower-middle clas s memb ers tend to c omplete a tw o-year as sociate’s degrees from c ommunity or technic al colleg es or a f our-year b achelor ’s degree . Upp er-middle clas s people tend to c ontinue on to p ostgradua te degrees . The y’ve studie d subjects such as busines s, mana gement , law, or me dicine . Middle -clas s people w ork hard and liv e fairly c omf ortable liv es. Upp er-middle -clas s people tend to pursue careers , own their homes , and tra vel on v acation . Their children rec eive high-quality e duc ation and he althc are (Gilb ert 2010). P arents c an supp ort more sp ecializ ed nee ds and interes ts of their children , such as more extensiv e tutoring , arts les sons , and a thletic eff orts, which c an le ad to more so cial mobility f or the ne xt genera tion . Families within the middle clas s ma y ha ve ac cess to some w ealth , but also mus t work f or an income to maintain this lif estyle. In the lo wer middle clas s, people hold jobs sup ervise d by memb ers o f the upp er middle clas s. The y fill technic al, lower- lev el mana gement or adminis trative supp ort positions . Comp ared to lo wer-clas s work, lower- middle -clas s jobs c arry more pres tige and c ome with slightly higher p aychecks . With these inc omes , people can a fford a dec ent, mains tream lif estyle, but the y struggle to maintain it . The y generally don ’t ha ve enough income to build signific ant sa vings . In addition , their grip on clas s status is more prec arious than those in the upp er tiers o f the clas s system . When c omp anies nee d to sa ve mone y, lower-middle clas s people are o ften the ones to lose their jobs .9.2 • Social S tratifica tion and Mobility in the Unit ed S tates 245 The Lower Class FIGURE 9.10 Bike mes seng ers and bik e deliv ery people ar e often c onsider ed members o f the w orking clas s. The y endur e difficul t and dang erous c onditions t o do their w ork, and the y are not al ways well represent ed b y government agencies and in r egulations designed f or saf ety or fairnes s. (Cr edit: edw ardhblak e/flickr) The lo wer clas s is also ref erre d to as the w orking clas s. Just lik e the middle and upp er clas ses, the lo wer clas s can b e divide d into subsets: the w orking clas s, the w orking p oor, and the underclas s. Comp ared to the lo wer middle clas s, people from the lo wer ec onomic clas s ha ve les s formal e duc ation and e arn smaller inc omes . The y work jobs tha t require les s training or e xperienc e than middle -clas s occup ations and o ften do routine tasks under close sup ervision . Working-clas s people , the highes t sub category of the lo wer clas s, often land s teady jobs . The w ork is hands -on and o ften ph ysically demanding , such as landsc aping , cooking , cle aning , or building . Bene ath the w orking clas s is the w orking p oor. The y ha ve unskille d, low-p aying emplo yment . Ho wever, their jobs rarely o ffer b enefits such as he althc are or retirement planning , and their p ositions are o ften se asonal or temp orar y. The y work as migrant farm w orkers, housecle aners , and da y laborers . Educ ation is limite d. Some lack a high scho ol diploma. How can p eople w ork full-time and s till b e poor? E ven w orking full-time , millions o f the w orking p oor e arn incomes to o me ager to supp ort a family . The g overnment re quires emplo yers p ay a minimum w age tha t varies from s tate to s tate, and o ften le ave individuals and families b elow the p overty line . In addition to lo w w ages, the value o f the w age has not k ept p ace with infla tion . “The re al value o f the f ederal minimum w age has dropp ed 17% sinc e 2009 and 31% sinc e 1968 (C ooper, Gould , & Zipp erer , 2019). F urthermore , the living w age, the amount nec essary to meet minimum s tandards , diff ers acros s the c ountr y because the c ost of living diff ers. Theref ore, the amount o f inc ome nec essary to sur vive in an are a such as N ew Y ork City diff ers drama tically from small to wn in Oklahoma (Glasmeier , 2020). The underclas s is the Unite d Sta tes’ lo west tier . The term itself and its clas sific ation o f people ha ve been ques tione d, and some prominent so ciologis ts (including a f ormer president o f the Americ an So ciologic al Association), b eliev e its use is either o vergeneralizing or inc orrect (G ans 1991). B ut man y ec onomis ts, sociologis ts government a gencies , and adv ocacy groups rec ogniz e the gro wth o f the underclas s. Memb ers o f the underclas s liv e mainly in inner cities . Man y are unemplo yed or underemplo yed. Those who do hold jobs typic ally p erform menial tasks f or lit tle p ay. Some o f the underclas s are homeles s. Man y rely on w elfare systems to pro vide f ood, me dical care, and housing as sistanc e, which o ften do es not c over all their b asic needs. The underclas s ha ve more s tres s, poorer he alth , and suff er crises fairly regularly .246 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Class T raits Does a p erson ’s app earanc e indic ate clas s? C an y ou tell a p erson ’s educ ation lev el based on their clothing? Do you kno w a p erson ’s inc ome b y the c ar the y driv e?Clas s traits , also c alled clas s mark ers, are the typic al behaviors , cus toms , and norms tha t define e ach clas s. Clas s traits indic ate the lev el of exposure a p erson has to a wide rang e of cultures . Clas s traits also indic ate the amount o f resourc es a p erson has to sp end on items lik e hobbies , vacations , and leisure activities . People ma y as sociate the upp er clas s with enjo yment o f costly, refine d, or highly cultiv ated tas tes—expensiv e clothing , luxur y cars, high-end fund-raisers , and fre quent or e xpensiv e vacations . People ma y also b eliev e tha t the middle and lo wer clas ses are more lik ely to enjo y camping , fishing , or hunting , shopping a t larg e retailers , and p articip ating in c ommunity activities . While these descriptions ma y identif y clas s traits , the y are stereotyp es. Moreo ver, jus t as clas s dis tinctions ha ve blurre d in rec ent dec ades , so to o ha ve clas s traits . A factor y worker could b e a skille d French c ook. A billionaire might dres s in ripp ed jeans, and a lo w-inc ome student might o wn designer sho es. For famous w ealth y people , making choic es tha t do not seem to align with their ec onomic s tatus c an o ften le ad to public c ommentar y. Jennif er Lop ez being sp otted in a dres s tha t cost les s than $30 and Zac Efron shopping at thrift s tores ha ve made the new s. Others , like Halle Berr y and K eanu R eeves, are kno wn f or fre quent use o f public transp ortation and rela tively mo dest living (a t least when c onsidering to their net w orth). When ques tione d, mos t point to nothing more than practic ality . Lady G aga tw eete d " wh y do p eople lo ok a t me lik e I'm crazy when i use c oup ons a t gro cery or tr y bargaining a t retail ..." (2012). And in dense , cro wded cities such as W ashington , Chic ago, and N ew Y ork, riding the trains is o ften fas ter and e asier than taking a c ar. Social Mobility People are o ften inspire d and amaz ed at people 's ability to o vercome e xtremely difficult upbringings . Mariano Rivera, ackno wledged to b e the b est relief pitcher in his tory, made a b aseb all glo ve out o f cardb oard and tap e because his family c ould not a fford a re al one . Alice Coachman grew up with f ew resourc es and w as denie d access to training facilities b ecause o f her rac e; she ran b aref oot and built her o wn high jump e quipment before b ecoming the firs t Black a thlete (and one o f the firs t Americ an track and field a thletes) to win an Olympic Gold . Pelé, perhaps the mos t trans forma tive figure in so ccer, learne d the g ame while using a ra g- stuffed so ck for a b all. These are some o f the s tories told in do cumentaries or biographies me ant to inspire and share the challeng es o f une qual upbringings . Relative to the o verall p opula tion , the numb er o f people who rise from p overty to b ecome v ery suc cessful is small , and the numb er tha t become w ealth y is ev en smaller . Systemic b arriers lik e une qual e ducation , discrimina tion , and lack o f opp ortunity c an slo w or diminish one 's ability to mo ve up . Still , people who e arn a c olleg e degree , get a job promotion , or marr y someone with a g ood income ma y mo ve up so cially . Social mobilit yrefers to the a bility o f individuals to chang e positions within a so cial s tratific ation s ystem . When p eople impro ve or diminish their ec onomic s tatus in a w ay tha t affects so cial clas s, the y experienc e social mobility . Individuals c an e xperienc e up ward or do wnward so cial mobility f or a v ariety o f reasons . Upward mobilit yrefers to an incre ase—or up ward shift —when the y mo ve from a lo wer to a higher socioeconomic al clas s. In c ontras t, individuals e xperienc edownward mobilit ywhen the y mo ve from higher socioeconomic clas s to a lo wer one . Some p eople mo ve do wnward b ecause o f busines s setb acks , unemplo yment , or illnes s. Dropping out o f scho ol, losing a job , or g etting a div orce ma y result in a los s of income or s tatus and , theref ore, downward so cial mobility . It is not unc ommon f or diff erent g enera tions o f a family to b elong to v arying so cial clas ses. This is kno wn as inter generat ional mobilit y. For e xample , an upp er-clas s executiv e ma y ha ve parents who b elong ed to the middle clas s. In turn , those p arents ma y ha ve been raise d in the lo wer clas s. Patterns o f interg enera tional mobility c an reflect long-term so cietal chang es. On the other hand ,intra generat ional mobilit yrefers to chang es in a p erson 's so cial mobility o ver the c ourse9.2 • Social S tratifica tion and Mobility in the Unit ed S tates 247 of their lif etime . For e xample , the w ealth and pres tige experienc ed by one p erson ma y be quite diff erent from that of their siblings . Structural mobilit yhapp ens when so cietal chang es ena ble a whole group o f people to mo ve up or do wn the social clas s ladder . Str uctural mobility is a ttributa ble to chang es in so ciety as a whole . In the firs t half o f the twentieth c entur y, indus trializa tion e xpande d the U .S. ec onom y, raising the s tandard o f living and le ading to upward s tructural mobility f or almos t everyone. In the dec ade and a half o f the tw enty -firs t centur y, rec essions and the outsourcing o f jobs o verse as ha ve contribute d to the withdra wal of Americ ans from the w orkf orce (BLS 2021). Man y people e xperienc ed ec onomic setb acks , cre ating a w ave of downward s tructural mobility . When analyzing the trends and mo vements in so cial mobility , sociologis ts consider all mo des o f mobility . Scholars rec ogniz e tha t mobility is not as c ommon or e asy to achiev e as man y people think . Stratification of Socioeconomic Classes In the las t centur y, the Unite d Sta tes has seen a s teady rise in its standard of living , the lev el of wealth available to ac quire the ma terial nec essities and c omf orts to maintain a sp ecific lif estyle. The c ountr y’s standard o f living is b ased on factors such as inc ome , emplo yment , clas s, literacy ra tes, mor tality ra tes, poverty ra tes, and housing a fforda bility . A c ountr y with a high s tandard o f living will o ften reflect a high quality of life, which in the Unite d Sta tes me ans residents c an a fford a home , own a c ar, and tak e vacations . Ultima tely, standard o f living is shap ed by the w ealth and dis tribution o f wealth in a c ountr y and the e xpecta tions its citiz ens ha ve for their lif estyle. Wealth is not ev enly dis tribute d in mos t countries . In the Unite d Sta tes, a small p ortion o f the p opula tion has the me ans to the highes t standard o f living . The w ealthies t one p ercent o f the p opula tion holds one -third o f our nation ’s wealth while the b ottom 50 p ercent o f Americ ans hold only 2 p ercent. Those in-b etween, the top 50 to 90 p ercent hold almos t two-thirds o f the na tion ’s wealth ( The F ederal R eser ve, 2021). Man y people think o f the Unite d
💰 America's Shrinking Middle Class
🏠 Middle class in America has dramatically declined from 69% in 1971 to 51% in 2020, while its share of national wealth plummeted from 32% to 16%, threatening the nation's standard of living
👩👧 Feminization of poverty disproportionately affects women, who make up 56% of Americans living in poverty, with one in four unmarried mothers struggling below the poverty line
🌍 Global stratification creates vast inequalities between industrialized and non-industrialized nations, with economists using metrics like GDP and GNI to rank countries' economic status and citizens' quality of life
🔍 Functionalist perspective (Davis-Moore thesis) argues stratification exists because different jobs have unequal value to society, while conflict theory views stratification as a system that benefits the wealthy at the expense of workers
Sta tes as a “middle -clas s so ciety .” The y think a f ew p eople are rich , a few are poor, and mos t are fairly w ell o ff, existing in the middle o f the so cial s trata. Rising from lo wer clas ses into the middle -clas s is to achiev e the Americ an Dre am. For this re ason , scholars are p articularly w orrie d by the shrinking o f the middle clas s. Although the middle clas s is s till signific antly larg er than the lo wer and upp er clas ses, it shrank from 69 p ercen in 1971 to 51 p ercent in 2020. argue the mos t signific ant thre at to the U .S.’s rela tively high s tandard o f living is the decline o f the middle clas s. The w ealth o f the middle clas s has also b een declining in rec ent dec ades . Its share o f the w ealth f ell from 32 p ercent in 1983 to 16 p ercent in 2016 (Horo witz, Igielnik , & K ochhar 2020). People with w ealth o ften rec eive the mos t and b est scho oling , access better he alth c are, and c onsume the mos t goods and ser vices. In addition , wealth y people also wield decision-making p ower o ver their daily lif e because mone y giv es them ac cess to b etter resourc es. By contras ts, man y lower-inc ome individuals rec eive les s education and inade qua te he alth c are and ha ve les s influenc e over the circums tanc es o f their ev eryday liv es. Additionally , tens o f millions o f women and men s truggle to p ay rent , buy f ood, find w ork, and a fford b asic medical care. Women who are single he ads o f household tend to ha ve a lo wer inc ome and lo wer standard o f living than their marrie d or single male c ounterp arts. This is a w orldwide phenomenon kno wn as the “feminizat ion of p overty”—which ackno wledges tha t women disprop ortiona tely mak e up the majority o f individuals in p overty acros s the glob e and ha ve a lo wer standard o f living . In the Unite d Sta tes, women mak e up appro xima tely 56 p ercent o f Americ ans living in p overty. One re ason f or this diff erenc e is the s truggle o f single mothers to pro vide f or their children . One in f our unmarrie d mother liv es in p overty (Bleiw eis, 2020). The w age gap, discus sed extensiv ely in the W ork and the E conom y chapter , also c ontributes to the g ender - disp arity in p overty. In the Unite d Sta tes, poverty is mos t often ref erre d to as a rela tive ra ther than a bsolute me asurement . Absolute p overtyis an ec onomic c ondition in which a family or individual c annot a fford b asic nec essities ,248 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. such as f ood and shelter , so tha t day-to-day sur vival is in jeop ardy .Relat ive povertyis an ec onomic c ondition in which a family or individuals ha ve 50% inc ome les s than the a verage me dian inc ome . This inc ome is sometimes c alled the p overty lev el or the p overty line . In 2021, f or e xample , the p overty for a single individual was set a t $12,880 f or one individual , $17,420 f or a c ouple , and $26,500 f or a family o f four (ASPE 2021). As a w ealth y dev elop ed countr y, the Unite d Sta tes in vests in resourc es to pro vide the b asic nec essities to those in nee d through a series o f federal and s tate so cial w elfare programs . These programs pro vide f ood, me dical, and c ash as sistanc e. Temp orar y As sistanc e for N eedy F amilies ( TANF) pro vides c ash as sistanc e. The g oal of TANF is to help families with children achiev e ec onomic self -sufficiency . Adults who rec eive as sistanc e mus t fall under a sp ecific inc ome lev el, usually half the p overty lev el, set b y the s tate. TANF funding g oes to childc are, supp ort for p arents who are w orking or training a re quire d numb er o f hours a w eek, and other services. TANF is time -limite d. Mos t states only pro vide as sistanc e for a maximum o f 5 y ears (CBPP). One o f the b est-kno wn programs is the Supplemental Nutrition As sistanc e Program (SN AP), adminis tere d by the Unite d Sta tes Dep artment o f Agriculture and f ormerly kno wn as the F ood Stamp P rogram . This program began in the Gre at Depres sion , when unmark etable or surplus f ood was dis tribute d to the hungr y. It w as not formaliz ed until 1961, when P resident J ohn F . Kenne dy initia ted a f ood stamp pilot program . His suc cessor Lyndon B . Johnson w as ins trumental in the p assage of the F ood Stamp A ct in 1964. In 1965, more than 500,000 individuals rec eived food as sistanc e. During the height o f the p andemic in 2020, p articip ation reache d 43 million p eople . 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define global s tratification •Describe diff erent sociological models f or unders tanding global s tratification •Explain the w ays that s tudies o f global s tratification enable social scientis ts to identif y worldwide inequalities FIGURE 9.11 A famil y lives in this gr ass hut in Ethiopia . Another famil y lives in a single -wide tr ailer in the Unit ed Stat es. Both families ar e consider ed poor , or lo wer clas s. With such diff erences in global s tratification, what constitut es po verty? (Cr edit: (a) Canned Muffins/flickr; Phot o (b) Herb Neuf eld/flickr) Glob al strat ification comp ares the w ealth , status, power, and ec onomic s tability o f countries acros s the w orld . Glob al stratific ation highlights w orldwide p atterns o f social ine quality . In the e arly y ears o f civiliza tion , hunter -gatherer and a grarian so cieties liv ed off the e arth and rarely interacte d with other so cieties . When e xplorers b egan tra veling , societies b egan trading g oods, as w ell as ide as and cus toms . In the nineteenth c entur y, the Indus trial R evolution cre ated unprec edente d wealth in W estern Europ e and North Americ a. Due to mechanic al in ventions and new me ans o f pro duction , people b egan w orking in9.3 • Global S tratifica tion and Inequality 249 factories —not only men , but w omen and children as w ell. By the la te nineteenth and e arly tw entieth c enturies , indus trial technolog y had gradually raise d the s tandard o f living f or man y people in the Unite d Sta tes and Europ e. The Indus trial R evolution also sa w the rise o f vast ine qualities b etween c ountries tha t were indus trializ ed and those tha t were not . As some na tions embrac ed technolog y and sa w incre ased wealth and g oods, the non- indus trializ ed na tions f ell b ehind ec onomic ally, and the g ap widene d. Sociologis ts studying glob al stratific ation analyz e ec onomic c omp arisons b etween na tions . Inc ome , purchasing p ower, and w ealth are use d to c alcula te glob al stratific ation . Glob al stratific ation also c omp ares the quality o f life tha t a c ountr y’s popula tion c an ha ve. Poverty lev els ha ve been sho wn to v ary gre atly acros s countries . Yet all c ountries s truggle to supp ort the lo wer clas ses. Models of Global Str atification FIGURE 9.12 Luxur y vacation r esor ts can c ontribut e to a poor er countr y’s econom y. This one , in Jamaica , attracts middle and upper -middle clas s people fr om w ealthier nations . The r esor t is a sour ce of inc ome and pr ovides jobs f or local people . Jus t outside its bor ders , however, are po verty-strick en neighborhoods . (Cr edit, both phot os: Gail Frederick/flickr) In order to determine the s tratific ation or ranking o f a c ountr y, economis ts cre ated various mo dels o f glob al stratific ation . All of these mo dels ha ve one thing in c ommon: the y rank c ountries ac cording to their ec onomic status, often rank ed by gros s na tional pro duct (GNP). The GNP is the v alue o f goods and ser vices pro duced by a nation ’s citiz ens b oth within its b oarders and a broad. Another s ystem o f glob al clas sific ation defines c ountries b ased on the gros s domes tic pro duct (GDP), a countr y’s na tional w ealth . The GDP c alcula ted annually either totals the inc ome o f all p eople living within its borders or the v alue o f all g oods and ser vices pro duced in the c ountr y during the y ear. It also includes government sp ending . Bec ause the GDP indic ates a c ountr y’s pro ductivity and p erformanc e, comp aring GDP rates helps es tablish a c ountr y’s ec onomic he alth in rela tion to other c ountries , with some c ountries rising to the top and others falling to the b ottom . The chapter on W ork and the E conom y (sp ecific ally the section on Glob aliza tion and the E conom y) sho ws the diff erenc es in GDP among v arious c ountries . Traditional mo dels , now considere d outda ted, use d labels, such as “firs t world ”, “second w orld ,” and “ third world ” to describ e the s tratific ation o f the diff erent are as o f the w orld . First and sec ond w orld describ ed indus trializ ed na tions , while third w orld ref erre d to “undev elop ed” countries (Henslin 2004). When rese arching e xisting his toric al sourc es, you ma y still enc ounter these terms , and ev en to day people s till ref er to some na tions as the “ third w orld .” This mo del, however, is outda ted because it lumps c ountries tog ether tha t are quite diff erent in terms o f wealth , power, pres tige, and ec onomic s tability . Another mo del sep arates c ountries into tw o groups: more dev elop ed and les s dev elop ed. More -dev elop ed nations ha ve higher w ealth , such as C anada, J apan, and A ustralia. Les s-dev elop ed na tions ha ve les s wealth to distribute among p opula tions , including man y countries in c entral Afric a, South Americ a, and some island250 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. nations . GNP and GDP are use d to g ain insight into glob al stratific ation b ased on a c ountr y’s standard o f living . According to this analy sis, a GDP s tandard o f a middle -inc ome na tion represents a glob al average. In lo w- income c ountries , mos t people are p oor rela tive to p eople in other c ountries . Citiz ens ha ve little ac cess to amenities such as electricity , plumbing , and cle an w ater. People in lo w-inc ome c ountries are not guarantee d education , and man y are illitera te. The lif e expectancy o f citiz ens is lo wer than in high-inc ome c ountries . Theref ore, the diff erent e xpecta tions in lif estyle and ac cess to resourc es v aries . The Big Pictur e: Calculating Global Str atification A few or ganizations tak e on the job o f comparing the w ealth of nations . The P opulation R eference Bur eau (PRB) is one o f them. Besides a f ocus on population data , the PRB publishes an annual r epor t that measur es the relativ eeconomic w ell-being o f all the w orld’ s countries using the Gr oss National Inc ome (GNI) and Pur chasing Power Parity (PPP). The GNI measur es the curr ent v alue o f goods and ser vices pr oduc ed b y a c ountr y. The PPP measur es the r elativ e power a c ountr y has t o pur chase those same g oods and ser vices. So, GNI r efers t o productiv e output and PPP refers t o buying po wer. Because c osts of goods and ser vices vary from one c ountr y to the ne xt, the PPP is used t o convert the GNI int o a relativ e int ernational unit. This v alue is then divided b y the number o f residents living in a c ountr y to es tablish the average relativ e inc ome o f a resident o f that c ountr y. This measur e is cal led the GNI PPI. Calculating GNI PPP figures helps r esear chers ac curately compar e countries’ s tandar d of living . The y allow the Unit ed Nations and Population R eference Bur eau t o compar e and r ank the w ealth of all countries and c onsider int ernational stratification is sues (nationsonline .org). 9.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Social Str atification LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Appl y functionalis t, conflict theor y, and int eractionis t perspectiv es on social s tratification Bask etball is one o f the highes t-paying pro fessional sp orts and s tratific ation e xists ev en among te ams in the NBA. For e xample , the T oronto Raptors hands out the lo west annual p ayroll , while the N ew Y ork K nicks reportedly p ays the highes t. Stephen Curr y, a Golden Sta te W arriors guard , is one o f the highes t paid a thletes in the NB A, earning around $43 million a y ear (S ports Illus trated 2020), where as the lo west paid pla yer e arns just over $200,000 (ESPN 2021). E ven within sp ecific fields , layers are s tratifie d, memb ers are rank ed, and inequality e xists. In so ciolog y, even an is sue such as NB A salaries c an b e seen from v arious p oints o f view . Functionalis ts will examine the purp ose o f such high salaries , conflict theoris ts will s tudy the e xorbitant salaries as an unfair distribution o f mone y, and s ymb olic interactionis ts will describ e ho w pla yers displa y tha t wealth . Social stratific ation tak es on new me anings when it is e xamine d from diff erent so ciologic al persp ectiv es—functionalism , conflict theor y, and s ymb olic interactionism . Functionalism In so ciolog y, the functionalis t persp ectiv e examines ho w so ciety ’s parts op erate. According to functionalism , different asp ects o f society e xist because the y ser ve a vital purp ose. Wha t is the function o f social stratific ation? In 1945, so ciologis ts Kingsle y Da vis and W ilbert Mo ore publishe d the Davis-Mo ore thesis , which argue d tha tBIG PICTURE9.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Social S tratifica tion 251 the gre ater the functional imp ortanc e of a so cial role , the gre ater mus t be the rew ard. The theor y posits tha t social s tratific ation represents the inherently une qual v alue o f diff erent w ork. Certain tasks in so ciety are more v alua ble than others (f or e xample , doctors or la wyers). Qualifie d people who fill those p ositions are rew arde d more than others . According to Da vis and Mo ore, a firefighter ’s job is more imp ortant than , for ins tanc e, a gro cery store c ashier ’s job. The c ashier p osition do es not re quire similar skill and training lev el as firefighting . Without the inc entiv e of higher p ay, better b enefits , and incre ased resp ect, wh y would someone b e willing to r ush into burning buildings? If p ay lev els w ere the same , the firefighter might as w ell w ork as a gro cery store c ashier and a void the risk o f firefighting . Davis and Mo ore b eliev ed tha t rew arding more imp ortant w ork with higher lev els o f income , pres tige, and p ower enc oura ges p eople to w ork harder and long er. Davis and Mo ore s tated tha t, in mos t cases , the degree o f skill re quire d for a job determines tha t job ’s imp ortanc e. The y note d tha t the more skill re quire d for a job , the f ewer qualifie d people there w ould b e to do that job . Certain jobs , such as cle aning hallw ays or ans wering phones , do not re quire much skill . Theref ore, mos t people w ould b e qualifie d for these p ositions . Other w ork, like designing a high way system or deliv ering a baby, requires immense skill limiting the numb er o f people qualifie d to tak e on this typ e of work. Man y scholars ha ve criticiz ed the Da vis-Mo ore thesis . In 1953, Melvin T umin argue d tha t it do es not e xplain inequalities in the e ducation s ystem or ine qualities due to rac e or g ender . Tumin b eliev ed so cial s tratific ation prev ente d qualifie d people from a ttempting to fill roles ( Tumin 1953). Conflict Theory FIGURE 9.13 These people ar e protesting a decision made b y Tennes see T echnological Univ ersity in Cook eville, Tennes see, to lay off cus todians and outsour ce the jobs t o a priv ate firm t o avoid pa ying emplo yee benefits . Private job ag encies o ften pa y lower hourl y wages. Is the decision fair? (Cr edit: Brian Stansberr y/Wikimedia Commons) Conflict theoris ts are deeply critic al of social s tratific ation , asserting tha t it b enefits only some p eople , not all o f society . For ins tanc e, to a c onflict theoris t, it seems wrong tha t a b asketball pla yer is p aid millions f or an annual c ontract while a public scho ol te acher ma y earn $35,000 a y ear. Stra tific ation , conflict theoris ts believ e, perpetua tes ine quality . Conflict theoris ts tr y to bring a warenes s to ine qualities , such as ho w a rich so ciety c an have so man y poor memb ers. Man y conflict theoris ts dra w on the w ork o f Karl Marx . During the nineteenth-c entur y era o f indus trializa tion ,252 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Marx b eliev ed so cial s tratific ation resulte d from p eople ’s rela tionship to pro duction . People w ere divide d into two main groups: the y either o wne d factories or w orked in them . In Marx ’s time , bourg eois c apitalis ts owne d high-pro ducing busines ses, factories , and land , as the y still do to day. Proletaria ts w ere the w orkers who performe d the manual la bor to pro duce goods. Upp er-clas s capitalis ts rak ed in pro fits and g ot rich , while working-clas s proletaria ts earne d skimp y wages and s truggle d to sur vive. With such opp osing interes ts, the two groups w ere divide d by diff erenc es o f wealth and p ower. Marx b eliev ed workers e xperienc e deep aliena tion , isola tion and miser y resulting from p owerles s status lev els (Marx 1848). Marx argue d tha t proletaria ts w ere oppres sed by the b ourg eoisie . Today, while w orking c onditions ha ve impro ved, conflict theoris ts believ e tha t the s traine d working rela tionship b etween emplo yers and emplo yees s till e xists. Capitalis ts own the me ans o f pro duction , and a system is in plac e to mak e busines s owners rich and k eep w orkers p oor. According to c onflict theoris ts, the resulting s tratific ation cre ates clas s conflict . Symbolic Inter actionism Symb olic interactionism uses ev eryday interactions o f individuals to e xplain so ciety as a whole . Symb olic interactionism e xamines s tratific ation from a micro -lev el persp ectiv e. This analy sis s trives to e xplain ho w people ’s so cial s tanding a ffects their ev eryday interactions . In mos t communities , people interact primarily with others who share the same so cial s tanding . It is precisely because o f social s tratific ation tha t people tend to liv e, work, and as sociate
🏛️ Social Stratification Systems
🔍 Social stratification divides society into hierarchical layers based on wealth, power, and prestige, creating either closed systems (like castes) with little mobility or open systems (like classes) allowing movement between layers
👥 People naturally group with others of similar socioeconomic status, sharing income levels, educational backgrounds, and cultural preferences, reinforcing existing stratification patterns
💼 Class traits and symbolic interactions manifest through housing, clothing, transportation, and personal style, with people often engaging in conspicuous consumption to communicate social standing
🌐 Global stratification compares nations' wealth, status, and economic stability, revealing inequalities within and between countries
🔄 Different theoretical perspectives explain stratification: functionalists see it as necessary for society, conflict theorists view it as promoting inequality, and symbolic interactionists examine how social class is constructed through everyday interactions
📊 The United States has three main classes (upper, middle, lower) with varying degrees of social mobility, though economic inequality persists with wealth concentrated among a small percentage of citizens
with others lik e themselv es, people who share their same inc ome lev el, educational b ackground , clas s traits and ev en tas tes in f ood, music , and clothing . The built -in s ystem o f social s tratific ation groups p eople tog ether . This is one o f the re asons wh y it was rare f or a ro yal princ e lik e England ’s Princ e William to marr y a c ommoner . Symb olic interactionis ts also note tha t people ’s app earanc e reflects their p erceived so cial s tanding . As discus sed above, clas s traits seen through housing , clothing , and transp ortation indic ate so cial s tatus, as do hairs tyles , tas te in ac cessories , and p ersonal s tyle. Symb olic interactionis ts also analyz e ho w individuals think of themselv es or others interpreta tion o f themselv es b ased on these clas s traits . FIGURE 9.14 (a) A gr oup o f construction w orkers on the job sit e, and (b) busines speople in a meeting . What categories o f stratification do these c onstruction w orkers shar e? Ho w do c onstruction w orkers diff er fr om executiv es or cus todians? Who is mor e skil led? Who has gr eater pr estige in society? (Cr edit: (a) Wikimedia Commons; Phot o (b) Chun Kit/flickr) To symb olically c ommunic ate so cial s tanding , people o ften eng age in conspicuous c onsumpt ion, which is the purchase and use o f certain pro ducts to mak e a so cial s tatement a bout s tatus. Carrying pric ey but ec o-friendly water b ottles c ould indic ate a p erson ’s so cial s tanding , or wha t the y would lik e others to b eliev e their so cial standing is . Some p eople buy e xpensiv e trendy sne akers ev en though the y will nev er w ear them to jog or pla y sports. A $17,000 c ar pro vides transp ortation as e asily as a $100,000 v ehicle , but the luxur y car mak es a so cial9.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Social S tratifica tion 253 statement tha t the les s expensiv e car can’t live up to . All these s ymb ols o f stratific ation are w orthy of examina tion b y an interactionis t.254 9 • Social S tratifica tion in the Unit ed S tates Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms absolute p overty depriv ation so sev ere tha t it puts da y-to-day sur vival in jeop ardy . caste sy stem a system in which p eople are b orn into a so cial s tanding tha t the y will retain their entire liv es clas s a group who shares a c ommon so cial s tatus b ased on factors lik e wealth , inc ome , educ ation , and occup ation clas s sy stem social s tanding b ased on so cial factors and individual ac complishments clas s traits the typic al behaviors , cus toms , and norms tha t define e ach clas s (also c alled clas s mark ers) close d sy stem a system o f stratific ation tha t accommo dates lit tle chang e in so cial p osition . conspicuous c onsumpt ion the act o f buying and using pro ducts to mak e a s tatement a bout one ’s so cial standing Davis-Mo ore thesis a thesis tha t argues some so cial s tratific ation is a so cial nec essity and is functional downward mobilit y a lowering o f one ’s so cial clas s endog amous marria ges unions o f people within the same so cial c ategory exogamous unions unions o f spouses from diff erent so cial c ategories glob al strat ification a comp arison o f the w ealth , status, power, and ec onomic s tability o f countries as a whole ideolog y the cultural b elief s ystem tha t jus tifies a so ciety ’s system o f stratific ation income the mone y a p erson e arns from w ork or in vestments inter generat ional mobilit y a diff erenc e in so cial clas s between diff erent g enera tions o f a family intra generat ional mobilit y chang es in a p erson 's so cial mobility o ver the c ourse o f their lif etime . merito cracy an ide al system in which p ersonal eff ort—or merit —determines so cial s tanding open sy stem a system o f stratific ation , based on achiev ement , tha t allo ws some mo vement and interaction between la yers and clas ses. primog eniture a law stating tha t all prop erty p asses to the firs tborn son relat ive poverty is not ha ving the me ans to liv e the lif estyle o f the a verage person in y our c ountr y social mobilit y the a bility to chang e positions within a so cial s tratific ation s ystem social s trat ification a so cioeconomic s ystem tha t divides so ciety ’s memb ers into c ategories ranking from high to lo w, based on things lik e wealth , power, and pres tige. Also c alled ine quality . socioeconomic s tatus (SES ) an individual ’s lev el of wealth , power, and pres tige standard of living the lev el of wealth a vailable to ac quire ma terial g oods and c omf orts to maintain a particular so cioeconomic lif estyle status c onsis tency the c onsis tency , or lack thereo f, of an individual ’s rank acros s so cial c ategories lik e wealth , power, and pres tige structural mobilit y a so cietal chang e tha t ena bles a whole group o f people to mo ve up or do wn the clas s ladder upward mobilit y an incre ase—or up ward shift —in so cial clas s wealth the v alue o f mone y and as sets a p erson has from , for e xample , inheritanc e or salar y. Section Summary 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? Stra tific ation s ystems , where p eople are rank ed based on their w ealth , power, and s tatus within so ciety , are either close d, me aning the y allo w lit tle chang e in so cial p osition , or op en, me aning the y allo w mo vement and interaction b etween the la yers. A c aste system is one in which so cial s tanding is b ased on ascrib ed status or birth. Clas s systems are op en, with achiev ement pla ying a role in so cial p osition . People fall into clas ses b ased on factors lik e wealth , inc ome , education , and o ccup ation . A merito cracy is an ide al system o f social stratific ation tha t confers s tanding b ased on solely on p ersonal w orth, rew arding eff ort. A pure merito cracy has nev er existed. Stra tific ation is reinf orced and shap ed by cultural b eliefs and v alues , called an ideolog y.9 • K ey Terms 255 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the United States The Unite d Sta tes has a high s tandard o f living , where individuals e xpect to o wn prop erty and ha ve the a bility to tra vel. Even so , the Unite d Sta tes s truggles with ec onomic ine quality , with a small numb er o f citiz ens with a larg e amount o f wealth and a larg er numb er o f people falling into rela tive poverty. There are three main clas ses in the Unite d Sta tes: upp er, middle , and lo wer clas s. Social mobility describ es a shift from one so cial clas s to another . Clas s traits , also c alled clas s mark ers, are the typic al behaviors , cus toms , and norms tha t define e ach clas s, but ha ve become les s definitiv e in as signing clas s to a sp ecific individual . 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality Glob al stratific ation c omp ares the w ealth , status, power, and ec onomic s tability , of countries and ranks the countries . By comp aring inc ome and pro ductivity b etween na tions , rese archers c an b etter identif y glob al financial and ec onommic le aders as w ell as ine qualities within and among na tions . 9.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Social Str atification Social s tratific ation c an b e examine d from diff erent so ciologic al persp ectiv es—functionalism , conflict theor y, and s ymb olic interactionism . The functionalis t persp ectiv e states tha t systems e xist in so ciety f or g ood reasons , such as inc entiv es and rew ards f or those who demons trate high skill and c omplete a high-lev el of education or training . Conflict theoris ts obser ve tha t stratific ation promotes ine quality , such as diff erent opp ortunities and suc cess of rich busines s owners and their lo wer p aid w orkers. Symb olic interactionis ts examine s tratific ation from a micro -lev el persp ectiv e. The y obser ve ho w so cial s tanding a ffects p eople ’s everyday interactions and ho w the c oncept o f “social clas s” is c onstructe d and maintaine d through ev eryday interactions . Section Quiz 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? 1.Wha t factor mak es c aste systems close d? a.The y are r un b y secretiv e governments . b.People c annot chang e their so cial s tanding . c.Mos t ha ve been outla wed. d.The y exist only in r ural are as. 2.Which o f these s ystems allo ws for the mos t social mobility? a.Caste b.Monarch y c.Merito cracy d.Clas s 3.Which p erson b est illus trates opp ortunities f or up ward so cial mobility in the Unite d Sta tes? a.First-shift factor y worker b.First-genera tion c olleg e student c.Firstborn son who inherits the family busines s d.First-time inter view ee who is hire d for a job 4.Which s tatement illus trates lo w status c onsis tency? a.A suburb an family liv es in a mo dest ranch home and enjo ys a nic e vacation e ach summer . b.A single mother rec eives food stamps and s truggles to find ade qua te emplo yment . c.A colleg e drop out la unches an online c omp any tha t earns millions in its firs t year. d.A celebrity actor o wns homes in three c ountries .256 9 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 5.Base d on merito cracy , a ph ysician ’s as sistant w ould: a.receive the same p ay as all the other ph ysician ’s as sistants b.be considere d a memb er o f the upp er clas s c.mos t lik ely marr y a pro fessional a t the same lev el d.earn a p ay raise f or doing e xcellent w ork 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the United States 6.In the Unite d Sta tes, mos t people define themselv es as: a.middle clas s b.upp er clas s c.lower clas s d.no sp ecific clas s 7.The b ehaviors , cus toms , and norms as sociated with a clas s are kno wn as: a.clas s traits b.power c.pres tige d.underclas s 8.Which o f the f ollowing sc enarios is an e xample o f intra genera tional mobility? a.A janitor b elongs to the same so cial clas s as his grandmother did . b.An e xecutiv e belongs to a diff erent clas s than her p arents . c.An e ditor shares the same so cial clas s as his c ousin . d.A la wyer b elongs to a diff erent clas s than her sis ter. 9.Occup ational pres tige me ans tha t jobs are: a.all e qual in s tatus b.not e qually v alue d c.assigne d to a p erson f or lif e d.not p art of a p erson ’s self -identity 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality 10.How do traditional mo dels o f glob al stratific ation bre akdown diff erent c ategories o f countries? a.The y analyz e the degree o f indus trializa tion . b.The y ev alua te cultural norms and so cial g oals. c.The y me asure so cial mobility b etween clas ses. d.The y use me asures to as sess the ec onomic p ower e ach na tion . 11.Which ev ent cre ated a signific ant divide b etween W estern Europ e/Americ a and the res t of the w orld? a.The Indus trial R evolution b.The Americ an R evolution c.The R eforma tion d.World W ar I 12.The GNI PPP figure represents: a.a countr y’s total ac cumula ted wealth b.annual g overnment sp ending c.the a verage annual inc ome o f a c ountr y’s citiz ens d.a countr y’s debt9 • Section Quiz 257 9.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Social Str atification 13.The b asic premise o f the Da vis-Mo ore thesis is tha t the une qual dis tribution o f rew ards in so cial stratific ation: a.is an outda ted mo de o f societal org aniza tion b.is an ar tificial reflection o f society c.serves a purp ose in so ciety d.cannot b e jus tifie d 14.Unlik e Da vis and Mo ore, Melvin T umin b eliev ed tha t, because o f social s tratific ation , some qualifie d people w ere _______ higher -lev el job p ositions . a.denie d the opp ortunity to obtain b.encoura ged to train f or c.often fire d from d.forced into 15.Which s tatement represents s tratific ation from the p ersp ectiv e of symb olic interactionism? a.Men o ften e arn more than w omen , even w orking the same job . b.After w ork, Pat, a janitor , feels more c omf ortable e ating in a tr uck s top than a F rench res taurant . c.Doctors e arn more mone y because their job is more highly v alue d. d.Teachers c ontinue to s truggle to k eep b enefits such as he alth insuranc e. 16.When K arl Marx said w orkers e xperienc e aliena tion , he me ant tha t workers: a.mus t labor alone , without c omp anionship b.do not f eel c onnecte d to their w ork or to one another c.move from one g eographic al lo cation to another d.have to put f orth self -effort to g et ahe ad 17.Conflict theoris ts view c apitalis ts as those who: a.are ambitious b.fund so cial ser vices c.spend mone y wisely d.get rich while w orkers s tay poor Short Answer 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? 1.Track the so cial s tratific ation o f your family tree . Did the so cial s tanding o f your p arents diff er from the social s tanding o f your grandp arents and gre at-grandp arents? Are there an y exogamous marria ges in y our history? Do es y our family e xhibit s tatus c onsis tencies or inc onsis tencies? 2.Review the c oncept o f stratific ation . Do es y our family ha ve wealth? Wha t is the o verall family inc ome? Wha t kind o f emplo yment do y our c aregiv ers/parents /guardians ha ve? Where w ould y ou gues s you fall within the social clas ses ( low, middle , or high)? 3.Where did y our family gro w up? Wha t is their unders tanding o f the Americ an Dre am and ho w you c an achiev e it? Do es y our family share the same unders tanding o f stratific ation?258 9 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the United States 4.Which so cial clas s do y ou and y our family b elong to? Are y ou in a diff erent or same so cial clas s than y our grandp arents and gre at-grandp arents? Wh y are y ou in the clas s you are? Wha t chang ed? Wha t stayed the same? Marria ges? A cquisition o f prop erty? E duc ation? C areer chang es? R eflect on y our family ’s journe y within the clas ses. 5.Wha t clas s traits define y our p eer group? F or e xample , wha t speech p atterns or clothing trends do y ou and your friends share? Wha t cultural elements , such as tas te in music or hobbies , define y our p eer group? Ho w do y ou see this set o f clas s traits as diff erent from other clas ses either a bove or b elow yours? 6.Write a lis t of ten to tw enty clas s traits tha t describ e the en vironment o f your upbringing . Which o f these seem lik e true clas s traits , and which seem lik e stereotyp es? Wha t items might fall into b oth c ategories? How do y ou ima gine a so ciologis t might addres s the c onfla tion o f clas s traits and s tereotyp es? 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality 7.7. Wha t do es it me an f or a c ountr y to b e seen as “underdev elop ed”? Wha t about “ develop ed”? Ho w do es this shap e our p erception o f the citiz ens within those c ountries? 8.Why is it imp ortant to unders tand and b e aware o f glob al stratific ation? Mak e a lis t of specific is sues tha t are rela ted to glob al stratific ation . For inspira tion , turn on a new s channel or re ad the new spaper. Next, choose a topic from y our lis t, and lo ok a t it more closely . Who is a ffecte d by this is sue? Ho w is the is sue specific ally rela ted to glob al stratific ation? 9.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Social Str atification 9.Analyz e the Da vis-Mo ore thesis . Do y ou a gree with Da vis and Mo ore? Do es so cial s tratific ation ha ve an imp ortant function in so ciety? Wha t examples c an y ou think o f tha t supp ort the thesis? Wha t examples c an you think o f tha t refute the thesis? 10.Consider so cial s tratific ation from the s ymb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e. Ho w do es so cial s tratific ation influenc e the daily interactions o f individuals? Ho w do s ystems o f clas s, based on factors such as pres tige, power, inc ome , and w ealth , influenc e your o wn daily routines , as w ell as y our b eliefs and a ttitudes? Illus trate your ide as with sp ecific e xamples and anec dotes from y our o wn lif e and the liv es o f people in your c ommunity . Further R esear ch 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? The N ew P ress pro vides an interactiv e helpful in e xploring so cial s tratific ation (http://openstax.org/l/ NY_Times _ho w_clas s_works) . Within the rela tively s traightf orward graphic activity , you c an select tw o demographic c ategories and illus trate the quantity those p opula tions b y inc ome lev el. 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the United States The P ew R esearch C enter C reated an income c alcula tor(http://openstax.org/l/so cial_ clas s_in_ Americ a)to determine p eople 's so cioeconomic clas sific ation ac cording to s tate and inc ome . 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality Our W orld in Da ta's Glob al Economic Ine quality p age(http://openstax.org/l/N ations _Online) a wide rang e of data sourc es, narra tives, and char ts. While the sourc es should b e verifie d before citing them in p apers, the presenta tion o ffers a multifac eted picture o f glob al ine quality : .9 • F urther R esear ch 259 References Intr oduction Huot , Anne E. 2014. " A Commitment to Making C olleg e Accessible to F irst-Genera tion C olleg e Students ." Huffington P ost. Retriev ed March 25, 2021 from ht tps:/ /www.huffp ost.com/entr y/firs t-genera tion-c olleg e- students _b_6081958. -s . 9.1 What Is Social Str atification? Köhler , Nicholas . 2010. “ An Unc ommon P rinc ess.”Macle an’s, Novemb er 22. R etriev ed March 25, 2021 from https:/ /www.macle ans.ca/new s/world/an-unc ommon-princ ess/. McK ee, Victoria. 1996. “Blue Blo od and the C olor o f Mone y.”New Y ork Times , June 9. Marquand , Robert. 2011. “ Wha t Kate Middleton ’s Wedding to P rinc e William C ould Do f or Britain .”Chris tian Scienc e Monitor , April 15. R etriev ed Januar y 9, 2012 ( http://www.csmonitor .com/W orld/Europ e/2011/0415/ Wha t-Kate-Middleton-s -wedding-to -Princ e-William-c ould-do -for-Britain). Wong , Grac e. 2011. "K ate Middleton: A F amily B usines s Tha t Built a P rinc ess."CNN Mone y. Retriev ed Dec emb er 22, 2014 ( http://mone y.cnn .com/2011/04/14/smallbusines s/kate-middleton-p arty-piec es/). 9.2 Social Str atification and Mobility in the United States Civilian la bor force particip ation ra te, U.S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics, https:/ /www.bls.gov/char ts/emplo yment - situa tion/civilian-la bor-force-particip ation-ra te.htm ac cessed March 15, 2021. Distribution o f Household W ealth in the U .S. sinc e 1989. (n .d.) The F ederal R eser ve. Retriev ed March 21, 2021 from ht tps:/ /www.federalreser ve.gov/rele ases /z1/da taviz/dfa /dis tribute/ char t/#quar ter:124;series:N et%20w orth;demographic:netw orth;p opula tion:7;units:shares;rang e:2005.4,2020.4. Policy Basics: T emp orar y As sistanc e for N eedy F amilies . (February 6, 2020). C enter on B udg et and P olicy Priorities (CBPP). ht tps:/ /www.cbpp .org/rese arch/family -inc ome -supp ort/temp orar y-assistanc e-for-nee dy- families HHS P overty Guidelines f or 2021. (J anuar y 13, 2021). Offic e of the As sistant Secretar y for Planning and Evalua tion
📊 Global Inequality Metrics
🌍 Global stratification measures unequal resource distribution between nations using tools like the Human Development Index, Gini Coefficient, and International Poverty Line ($1.90/day)
💰 Despite recent improvements, 689 million people (9.2% of world population) lived in extreme poverty in 2017, with dramatic disparities between countries like Sierra Leone (40.1% below $1.90/day) and Ukraine (0.0%)
🔍 Classification systems for nations have evolved from Cold War terminology (first/second/third world) to more nuanced frameworks that avoid ethnocentric bias when describing economic development
🏭 The 2013 Rana Plaza collapse in Bangladesh, killing 1,100+ garment workers making clothing for Western companies, highlights the human cost of global inequality and outsourced manufacturing
🧠 Theoretical perspectives on global inequality include functionalist views (inequality serves economic purposes), conflict theory (core nations exploit peripheral nations), and symbolic interactionism (subjective experiences of poverty)
🚫 Beyond economic factors, social inequality based on race, gender, and sexual orientation creates and aggravates conditions of global stratification
(ASPE). ht tps:/ /aspe.hhs .gov/poverty-guidelines . Beeghle y, Leonard . 2008. The Str ucture o f Social Stra tific ation in the Unite d Sta tes. Upp er Saddle Riv er, NJ: Prentic e Hall . Bennet t, J.; Fry, R.; and K ochhar , R. (July 23, 2000). Are y ou in the Americ an middle clas s? F ind out with our income c alcula tor. Pew R esearch C enter . https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2020/07/23/are -you-in- the-americ an-middle -clas s/. Bleiw eis, R; Bo esch , D.; & G aines , A. C. (Augus t 3, 2020). The Basic F acts Ab out W omen in P overty. Center f or Americ an P rogres s. Center f or Americ an P rogres s. https:/ /www.americ anprogres s.org/issues /women/ reports/2020/08/03/488536/b asic -facts -women-p overty/ Cooper, Gould , & Zipp erer , 2019. Lo w-w age workers are suff ering from a decline in the re al value o f the f ederal minimum w age. Economic P olicy Ins titute . 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Popk en, Ben . "CEO P ay Up 298%, A verage Worker's? 4.3% (1995-2005), " 2007, The C onsumeris t. Retriev ed on Dec emb er 31, 2014 ( http://consumeris t.com/2007/04/09/c eo-pay-up-298-a verage-workers-43-1995-2005/) Unite d Sta tes Dep artment o f Labor. 2014. “ Wage and Hour Division: Minimum W age La ws in the States—Septemb er 1, 2014. ” Retriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.dol.gov/whd/min wage/americ a.htm). Unite d Sta tes Dep artment o f Agriculture (USD A). (N ovemb er, 2020). F ood and Nutrition Ser vice Research and Data. R etriev ed March 21, 2021 from ht tps:/ /www.fns.usda. gov/data-rese arch . Williams , Raymond . 1984 [1976]. Keywords: A V ocabular y of Culture and So ciety . New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity Press. 9.3 Global Str atification and Inequality Nationsonline .org. “Countries b y Gros s National Inc ome (GNI). ” Retriev ed Januar y 9, 2012 (http://www.nationsonline .org/onew orld/GNI_PPP _of_countries .htm). PRB .org. “GNI PPP P er C apita (US$). ”PRB 2011 W orld P opula tion Da ta Sheet . 2011 P opula tion R eferenc e Bureau. Retriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.prb.org/DataFinder /Topic /Rankings .asp x?ind=61). Rostow, Walt W . 1960. The Sta ges o f Economic Gro wth: A N on-C ommunis t Manif esto. Cambridg e, MA: Cambridg e Univ ersity P ress. Landler , Mark , and Da vid E. Sang er. 2009. “ World Le aders Ple dge $1.1 T rillion f or C risis .”New Y ork Times , April 3. R etriev ed Januar y 9, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2009/04/03/w orld/europ e/03summit .html). 9.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Social Str atification NBA Pla yer Salaries - 2020-2021. ESPN . Retriev ed March 23, 2021 from ht tp://www.espn .com/nb a/ salaries /_/page/14. Davis, Kingsle y, and W ilbert E. Mo ore. “Some P rinciples o f Stra tific ation .”Americ an So ciologic al Review 10(2):242–249. R etriev ed Januar y 9, 2012 ( http://www.jstor.org/stable/2085643). Marx , Karl. 1848. Manif esto of the C ommunis t Party. Retriev ed Januar y 9, 2012 ( http://www.marxis ts.org/ archiv e/marx/w orks /1848/c ommunis t-manif esto/). Sports Illus trated 2020 SI. com LL C. 2020. “Here Are The F ive NB A Pla yers Whose 2019-2020 Salaries T op LeBron J ames” . Retriev ed Novemb er 13, 020. ( https:/ /www.si.com/nb a/lak ers/new s/here -are -the -five-nba- players-whose -2019-2020-salaries -top -lebron-james). Tumin , M. (1953). Some P rinciples o f Stra tific ation: A C ritic al Analy sis.Americ an So ciologic al Review , 18(4), 387-394. R etriev ed March 24, 2021, from ht tp://www.jstor.org/stable/20875519 • R eferences 261 262 9 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 10.1 Cont empor ary ec onomic de velopment o ften follows a similar pat tern ar ound the w orld, bes t described as a gr owing g ap betw een the ha ves and ha ve-nots . (Cr edit: Alicia Nijdam/Wikimedia Commons) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 10.1 Global Str atification and Clas sification 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty 10.3 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Global Str atification The A pril 24, 2013 c ollapse o f the Rana Plaza in Dhaka, Bangladesh tha t kille d over 1,100 people , was the de adlies t garment factor y ac cident in his tory, and it w as prev enta ble (Interna tional La bour Organiza tion , Dep artment o f Communic ation 2014). In addition to g arment factories emplo ying a bout 5,000 p eople , the building c ontaine d a b ank , apartments , childc are facilities , and a v ariety o f shops . Man y of these close d the da y before the c ollapse when cracks w ere disc overed in the building w alls. When some o f the g arment w orkers refuse d to enter the building , the y were thre atene d with the los s of a month ’s pay. Mos t were y oung w omen , aged tw enty or y oung er. The y typic ally worked over thir teen hours a da y, with tw o da ys off each month . For this w ork, the y took home b etween tw elve and tw enty -two cents an hour , or $10.56 to $12.48 a w eek. Without tha t pay, mos t would ha ve been una ble to feed their children . In c ontras t, the U .S. federal minimum w age is $7.25 an hour , and w orkers rec eive wages a t time -and-a-half ra tes f or w ork in e xcess of forty hours a w eek. 32 p ercent o f the clothing made in the c ollapse d Rana Plaza building w as intende d for U .S., C anadian , and Europ ean s tores . Walmar t jeans w ere made on the fifth flo or. Clothing f or The Children ’s Plac e was pro duced in the building , as w ell. After ward, Walmar t and The Children ’s Plac e ple dged $1 million and $450,00010Global Inequality (resp ectiv ely) to the Rana Plaza T rust Fund , but fifteen other c omp anies with clothing made in the building chose not to (Ins titute f or Glob al La bour and Human Rights 2014). While y ou re ad this chapter , think a bout the glob al system tha t allo ws U.S. c omp anies to outsourc e their manufacturing to p eripheral na tions , where man y women and children w ork in c onditions tha t some characteriz e as sla ve labor. Do p eople in the Unite d Sta tes ha ve a resp onsibility to f oreign w orkers? Should U .S. corporations b e held ac counta ble f or wha t happ ens to g arment factor y workers who mak e their clothing? Wha t can y ou do as a c onsumer to help such w orkers? 10.1 Global Str atification and Classification LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe global s tratification •Differentiat e the de velopment his tory of various clas sification s ystems •Use t erminolog y from W allerstein’s world s ystems appr oach •Explain the W orld Bank ’s clas sification o f economies Just as the Unite d Sta tes' wealth is incre asingly c oncentra ted among its riches t citiz ens,glob al ine qualit y concentra tes resourc es within c ertain na tions and among c ertain p eople . Measuring the financial resourc e of the w orld's riches t people is g enerally e asier than me asuring the resourc es of people living in p overty (Ma tthew s 2019), but rese archers and adv ocates ha ve cre ated some to ols to ev alua te and unders tand ec onomic c onditions and outc omes . One s traightf orward metho d is to c omp are the ra tio o f inc ome o f the riches t 10 p ercent to the inc ome o f the poores t 10 p ercent. (The same metho d is sometime use d with the riches t 20 p ercent and the p oores t 20 percent.) This metho d do es not alw ays pro vide a full picture o f inc ome ine quality (it literally le aves out the middle), but it c an c ertain pro vide insight . The Human Dev elopment Inde x expres ses the c apabilities o f people 's potential achiev ement . The inde x is calcula ted using da ta reg arding p eople 's lif espan, educ ation , and inc ome . By using b oth financial and non- financial factors , it p aints a deep er picture o f the liv es and is sues in a region . For e xample , a na tion with high income but lo w education will s till ha ve difficulty in o verall opp ortunity . This appro ach w as dev elop ed by Pakis tani ec onomis t Mahbub ul Haq , who pro duced the firs t annual Human Dev elopment rep ort, which captures and illus trates dev elopment is sues and chang es e ach y ear. FIGURE 10.2 The Human De velopment Inde x and its deriv ative, and e xtensions lik e the Inequality -adjus ted Human Development Inde x (IHDI), w ere de veloped t o center people —not jus t financ es—as the c ore det erminants o f a nation 's or r egion 's discus sions about ec onomic oppor tunities , suppor t, and policies . The inde x considers thr ee main dimension (cat egories)— which ar e heal th, kno wledg e, and s tandar d of living (inc ome)—t o calculat e an individual v alue f or each dimension, which is then a veraged to produc e the final v alue . (Under dec ent s tandar d of living , GNI s tands f or gr oss national inc ome , and PPP s tands f or pur chasing po wer parity , both o f which ar e key indicat ors o f inc ome and r elativ e wealth.) (Cr edit: Unit ed Nations De velopment P rogramme)264 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Another me asure o f ine quality is Gini C oefficient , name d after the Italian so ciologis t and s tatistician C orrado Gini . (Be sure not to c onfuse this with GNI, which is the gros s na tional inc ome .) It is is c alcula ted using a numb er o f financial indic ators , and is e xpres sed as either a decimal or a p ercenta ge. A c ountr y in which ev ery resident has the same inc ome w ould ha ve a Gini c oefficient o f 0 (or 0 p ercent). A c ountr y in which one resident earne d all the inc ome , while ev eryone else e arne d nothing , would ha ve an inc ome Gini c oefficient o f 1 (or 100 percent). Thus , the higher the numb er (the closer to tha t one p erson ha ving all the inc ome or w ealth), the more inequality there is . Other g auges are a bit more direct: T o indic ate the lev el of poverty within a na tion or region , rese archers calcula te the p ercenta ge of the p opula tion living b eneath various p overty thresholds . A c ommon me asure is to consider the p ercenta ge of a na tion 's popula tion living on les s than $1.90 p er da y, which is c ommonly kno wn as the Interna tional P overty Line . (Note tha t Unite d Sta tes dollars are o ften use d as a glob al standard in these types o f me asurement .) The ta ble in the ne xt sub -section uses this metho d. These are jus t a few o f the w ays tha t sociologis ts, economis ts, governments , and others tr y to unders tand lev els of inc ome ine quality and p overty. Chang es in these indic ators w ould aler t policymak ers tha t something is affecting the p opula tion . No chang es might tell p eople tha t, for e xample , a new financial as sistanc e program for the p oor is not w orking . With these analytic al elements in mind , let’s consider ho w the three major so ciologic al persp ectiv es might contribute to our unders tanding o f glob al ine quality . The functionalis t persp ectiv e is a macro analytic al view tha t focuses on the w ay tha t all asp ects o f society are integral to the c ontinue d he alth and via bility o f the whole . A functionalis t might f ocus on wh y we ha ve glob al inequality and wha t social purp oses it ser ves. This view might as sert, for e xample , tha t we ha ve glob al inequality b ecause some na tions are b etter than others a t adapting to new technologies and pro fiting from a glob alized ec onom y, and tha t when c ore na tion c omp anies lo cate in p eripheral na tions , the y expand the lo cal econom y and b enefit the w orkers. Conflict theor y focuses on the cre ation and repro duction o f ine quality . A c onflict theoris t would lik ely addres s the s ystema tic ine quality cre ated when c ore na tions e xploit the resourc es o f peripheral na tions . For e xample , how man y U.S. c omp anies tak e adv anta ge of overse as w orkers who lack the c onstitutional protection and guarantee d minimum w ages tha t exist in the Unite d Sta tes? Doing so allo ws them to maximiz e pro fits, but a t wha t cost? The s ymb olic interaction p ersp ectiv e studies the da y-to-day imp act o f glob al ine quality , the me anings individuals a ttach to glob al stratific ation , and the subjectiv e na ture o f poverty. Someone applying this view to glob al ine quality w ould prob ably f ocus on unders tanding the diff erenc e between wha t someone living in a c ore nation defines as p overty (rela tive poverty, define d as b eing una ble to liv e the lif estyle o f the a verage person in your c ountr y) and wha t someone living in a p eripheral na tion defines as p overty (e xtreme p overty, define d as being b arely a ble, or una ble, to a fford b asic nec essities , such as f ood). Global Str atification While s tratific ation in the Unite d Sta tes ref ers to the une qual dis tribution o f resourc es among individuals , glob al strat ification refers to this une qual dis tribution among na tions . There are tw o dimensions to this stratific ation: g aps b etween na tions and g aps within na tions . When it c omes to glob al ine quality , both economic ine quality and so cial ine quality ma y concentra te the burden o f poverty among c ertain segments o f the e arth’s popula tion (Myrdal 1970). As mentione d earlier , one w ay to ev alua te stratific ation is to c onsider ho w man y people are living in p overty, and p articularly e xtreme p overty, which is o ften define d as nee ding to sur vive on les s than $1.90 p er da y. Fortuna tely, until the C OVID-19 p andemic imp acte d ec onomies in 2020, the e xtreme p overty ra te had b een on a 20- year decline . In 2015, 10.1 p ercent o f the w orld's p opula tion w as living in e xtreme p overty; in 2017, tha t10.1 • Global S tratifica tion and Clas sifica tion 265 numb er had dropp ed an entire p ercenta ge point to 9.2 p ercent. While a p ositiv e, tha t 9.2 p ercent is e quiv alent to 689 million p eople living on les s than $1.90 a da y. The same y ear, 24.1 p ercent o f the w orld liv ed on les s than $3.20 p er da y and 43.6 p ercent on les s than $5.50 p er da y in 2017 ( World Bank 2020). The ta ble b elow mak es the diff erenc es in p overty very cle ar. Countr yPercentag e of people living on les s than $1.90Percentag e of people living on les s than $3.90Percentag e of people living on les s than $5.50 Colombia 4.1 10.9 27.8 Costa Rica 1.4 3.6 10.9 Geor gia 4.5 15.7 42.9 Kyrgyzstan 0.9 15.5 61.3 Sierr a Leone40.1 74.4 92.1 Angola 51.8 73.2 89.3 Lithuania 0.7 1.0 3.8 Ukraine 0.0 0.4 4.0 Vietnam 1.9 7.0 23.6 Indonesia 3.6 9.6 53.2 TABLE 10.1 The diff erences among c ountries is clear when c onsidering their e xtreme po verty rates. For the mos t part, the select ed c ountries sho w disparities e ven within c ountries fr om the same r egions . All data is fr om 2018. (World Bank 2020) Mos t of us are ac custome d to thinking o f glob al stratific ation as ec onomic ine quality . For e xample , we can comp are the Unite d Sta tes’ a verage worker’s wage to Americ a’s average wage. Social ine quality , however, is jus t as harmful as ec onomic discrep ancies . Prejudic e and discrimina tion—whether a gains t a c ertain rac e, ethnicity , religion , or the lik e—can cre ate and a ggra vate conditions o f economic e quality , both within and between na tions . Think a bout the ine quity tha t existed for dec ades within the na tion o f South Afric a. Apartheid , one o f the mos t extreme c ases o f ins titutionaliz ed and leg al racism , cre ated a so cial ine quality tha t earne d it the w orld ’s condemna tion . Gender ine quity is another glob al concern. Consider the c ontro versy surrounding f emale g enital mutila tion . Nations tha t practic e this f emale circumcision pro cedure def end it as a longs tanding cultural tradition in certain trib es and argue tha t the W est shouldn ’t inter fere. Western na tions , however, decr y the practic e and are working to s top it . Inequalities b ased on se xual orienta tion and g ender identity e xist around the glob e. According to Amnes ty Interna tional , a numb er o f crimes are c ommit ted agains t individuals who do not c onform to traditional g ender roles or se xual orienta tions ( however those are culturally define d). F rom culturally sanctione d rap e to s tate- sanctione d executions , the a buses are serious . These leg alized and culturally ac cepte d forms o f prejudic e and discrimina tion e xist everywhere —from the Unite d Sta tes to Somalia to Tib et—res tricting the free dom o f266 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. individuals and o ften put ting their liv es a t risk (Amnes ty Interna tional 2012). Global Classification A major c oncern when discus sing glob al ine quality is ho w to a void an ethno centric bias implying tha t les s- develop ed na tions w ant to b e lik e those who ’ve attaine d post-indus trial glob al power. Terms such as developing (nonindus trializ ed) and dev elop ed (indus trializ ed) imply tha t unindus trializ ed countries are someho w inf erior , and mus t impro ve to p articip ate suc cessfully in the glob al ec onom y, a la bel indic ating tha t all asp ects o f the ec onom y cros s na tional b orders . We mus t tak e care ho w w e deline ate diff erent c ountries . Over time , terminolog y has shifte d to mak e way for a more inclusiv e view o f the w orld . Glob al clas sific ation metho ds are not only imp ortant in unders tanding ec onomic diff erenc es among c ountries , but also in pro viding w ays to clas sify countries and identif y trends in other are as. The clas sific ations discus sed below will b e use d in other chapters , such as the chapter on he alth and me dicine . Cold W ar T erminology Cold W ar terminolog y was dev elop ed during the C old W ar era (1945–1980). F amiliar and s till use d by man y, it clas sifies c ountries into firs t world , sec ond w orld , and third w orld na tions b ased on their resp ectiv e ec onomic development and s tandards o f living . When this nomencla ture w as dev elop ed, capitalis tic demo cracies such as the Unite d Sta tes and J apan w ere c onsidere d part of the first world . The p oores t, mos t undev elop ed countries w ere ref
🌍 Global Stratification Systems
🏙️ World classification frameworks have evolved from Cold War divisions (First/Second/Third World) to economic development categories (high/middle/low-income nations) that shape global power dynamics
💰 Wallerstein's world systems approach reveals how core nations (like the U.S.) exploit peripheral and semi-peripheral nations through economic dominance, creating persistent inequality
🏭 Capital flight and deindustrialization threaten high-income nations as companies relocate to areas with cheaper labor, creating unemployment even for educated workers in core countries
📉 Middle-income nations struggle with debt accumulation while low-income countries face feminization of poverty and widespread absolute poverty
💸 Poverty exists in multiple forms: relative poverty (below society's standard), extreme poverty (below $1.90/day), and subjective poverty (perception-based deprivation)
🏘️ The underground economy provides crucial survival income for millions in peripheral nations, operating outside official regulations and tax systems
erre d to as the third w orld and include d mos t of sub -Saharan Afric a, La tin Americ a, and Asia. The second w orld was the in-b etween c ategory: na tions not as limite d in dev elopment as the third w orld , but not as w ell o ff as the firs t world , having mo dera te ec onomies and s tandard o f living , such as China or Cub a. Later, sociologis t Manual C astells (1998) adde d the term fourth w orld to ref er to s tigma tized minority groups that were denie d a p olitic al voice all o ver the glob e (indig enous minority p opula tions , prisoners , and the homeles s, for e xample). Also during the C old W ar, glob al ine quality w as describ ed in terms o f economic dev elopment . Along with developing and dev elop ed na tions , the terms les s-dev elop ed na tion and underdev elop ed na tion w ere use d. This w as the era when the ide a ofnobles se oblig e(firs t-world resp onsibility ) took ro ot, sugg esting tha t the so - terme d dev elop ed na tions should pro vide f oreign aid to the les s-dev elop ed and underdev elop ed na tions in order to raise their s tandard o f living . Immanuel W allerstein: W orld Systems Appr oach Immanuel W allers tein ’s (1979) w orld s ystems appro ach uses an ec onomic b asis to unders tand glob al inequality . Wallers tein c onceived of the glob al ec onom y as a c omple x system tha t supp orts an ec onomic hierarch y tha t plac ed some na tions in p ositions o f power with numerous resourc es and other na tions in a s tate of economic sub ordina tion . Those tha t were in a s tate of sub ordina tion fac ed signific ant obs tacles to mobiliza tion . Core nat ions are dominant c apitalis t countries , highly indus trializ ed, technologic al, and urb aniz ed. For example , Wallers tein c ontends tha t the Unite d Sta tes is an ec onomic p owerhouse tha t can supp ort or den y supp ort to imp ortant ec onomic legisla tion with far -reaching implic ations , thus e xerting c ontrol o ver ev ery aspect o f the glob al ec onom y and e xploiting b oth semi-p eripheral and p eripheral na tions . We can lo ok a t free trade a greements such as the N orth Americ an F ree T rade Agreement (N AFT A) as an e xample o f ho w a c ore nation is a ble to lev erage its p ower to g ain the mos t adv anta geous p osition in the ma tter o f glob al trade . Peripheral nat ions have very little indus trializa tion; wha t the y do ha ve often represents the outda ted castoffs of core na tions or the factories and me ans o f pro duction o wne d by core na tions . The y typic ally ha ve uns table governments , inade qua te so cial programs , and are ec onomic ally dep endent on c ore na tions f or jobs and aid . There are a bundant e xamples o f countries in this c ategory, such as V ietnam and Cub a. W e can b e sure the workers in a Cub an cig ar factor y, for e xample , which are o wne d or le ased by glob al core na tion c omp anies , are not enjo ying the same privileg es and rights as U .S. w orkers.10.1 • Global S tratifica tion and Clas sifica tion 267 Semi-p eripheral nat ions are in-b etween na tions , not p owerful enough to dicta te p olicy but nev ertheles s acting as a major sourc e for ra w ma terial and an e xpanding middle -clas s mark etplac e for c ore na tions , while also e xploiting p eripheral na tions . Me xico is an e xample , pro viding a bundant che ap a gricultural la bor to the U.S., and supplying g oods to the Unite d Sta tes mark et at a ra te dicta ted by the U .S. without the c onstitutional protections o ffered to Unite d Sta tes w orkers. World Bank Economic Classification by Income While the W orld Bank is o ften criticiz ed, both f or its p olicies and its metho d of calcula ting da ta, it is s till a common sourc e for glob al ec onomic da ta. A long with tracking the ec onom y, the W orld Bank tracks demographics and en vironmental he alth to pro vide a c omplete picture o f whether a na tion is high inc ome , middle inc ome , or lo w inc ome . FIGURE 10.3 This w orld map sho ws adv anced, tr ansitioning , les s, and leas t developed c ountries . Not e that the data in this map is one y ear older than the data pr esent ed in the t ext belo w. (Cr edit: Sb w01f , data ob tained fr om the CIA W orld F actbook/Wikimedia Commons) High-Income Nations The W orld Bank defines high-inc ome na tions as ha ving a gros s na tional inc ome o f at least $12,536 p er capita. in 2019 ( World Bank 2021). (N ote tha t the clas sific ations will alw ays lag by a c ouple o f years so tha t analy sts can ev alua te the tr ue inc ome o f the na tions .) Examples include Belgium , Canada, J apan, Oman , Puer to Ric o, and the Unite d Sta tes. High-inc ome c ountries fac e tw o major is sues: c apital flight and deindus trializa tion .Capital flight refers to the movement (flight) o f capital from one na tion to another , as when General Motors a utomotiv e comp any close d U.S. factories in Michig an and op ened factories in Me xico. Deindus trializat ion, a rela ted issue, occurs as a c onse quenc e of capital flight , as no new c omp anies op en to replac e jobs los t to f oreign na tions . As e xpecte d, glob al comp anies mo ve their indus trial pro cesses to the268 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. plac es where the y can g et the mos t pro duction with the le ast cost, including the building o f infras tructure , training o f workers, shipping o f goods, and , of course , paying emplo yee w ages. This me ans tha t as emerging economies cre ate their o wn indus trial z ones , glob al comp anies see the opp ortunity f or e xisting infras tructure and much lo wer costs. Those opp ortunities le ad to busines ses closing the factories tha t pro vide jobs to the middle clas s within c ore na tions and mo ving their indus trial pro duction to p eripheral and semi-p eripheral nations . Capital Flight, Outsour cing, and Jobs in the United States FIGURE 10.4 Factories and s tores in plac es lik e the Detr oit metr o area ha ve been closed and abandoned as companies g o out o f busines s. (Cr edit: Joe Nux oll/flickr) Capital flight describes jobs and infr astructur e mo ving fr om one nation t o another . Look at the U .S. aut omobile indus try. In the earl y tw entieth c entur y, the cars driv en in the Unit ed Stat es w ere made her e, emplo ying thousands o f workers in Detr oit and in the c ompanies that pr oduc ed e verything that made building cars pos sible . However, onc e the fuel crisis o f the 1970s hit and people in the Unit ed Stat es incr easingl y look ed to impor ted cars with bet ter gas mileag e, U.S. aut o manufacturing beg an to decline . During the 2007–2009 r ecession, the U.S. g overnment pr ovided emer gency funding (usual ly cal led a "bail out") f or the thr ee main aut o companies , which is e videnc e of those c ompanies ' vulner ability . At the same time , Japanese -owned T oyota and Honda and South K orean Kia maintained s table sales le vels. Capital flight also oc curs when ser vices (as opposed t o manufacturing ) are relocat ed. Chanc es ar e if y ou ha ve called the t ech suppor t line f or your c ell phone or Int ernet pr ovider , you’ve spok en to someone halfw ay acr oss the globe . This pr ofessional might t ell you her name is Susan or Joan, but her ac cent mak es it clear that her r eal name might be P arvati or Indir a. It might be the middle o f the night in that c ountr y, yet these ser vice providers pick up the line sa ying , “Good morning ,” as though the y are in the ne xt town o ver. The y kno w everything about your phone or y our modem, o ften using a r emot e ser ver to log in t o your home c omput er to ac complish what isBIG PICTURE10.1 • Global S tratifica tion and Clas sifica tion 269 needed. These ar e the w orkers o f the tw enty -firs t centur y. The y are not on fact ory floors or in tr aditional sweatshops; the y are educat ed, speak at leas t two lang uages, and usual ly ha ve significant t echnolog y skil ls. They are skil led w orkers, but the y are paid a fr action o f what similar w orkers ar e paid in the Unit ed Stat es. For U.S. and mul tinational c ompanies , the equation mak es sense . India and other semi-peripher al countries ha ve emer ging infr astructur es and education s ystems t o fill their needs , without c ore nation c osts. As ser vices ar e relocat ed, so ar e jobs . In the Unit ed Stat es, unemplo yment is high. Man y college-educat ed people ar e unable t o find w ork, and those with onl y a high school diploma ar e in e ven w orse shape . We ha ve, as a countr y, outsour ced oursel ves out o f jobs , and not jus t menial jobs , but whit e-collar w ork as w ell. But bef ore we complain t oo bit terly, we mus t look at the cul ture of consumerism that w e embr ace. A flat scr een t elevision that might ha ve cost $1,000 a f ew years ag o is no w $250. That c ost savings has t o come fr om some wher e. When consumers seek the lo west pos sible pric e, shop at big bo x stores for the big gest disc ount the y can g et, and gener ally ignor e other fact ors in e xchang e for lo w cost, the y are building the mark et for outsour cing . And as the demand is buil t, the mark et wil l ensur e it is met, e ven at the e xpense o f the people who w anted it in the firs t plac e. FIGURE 10.5 Outsour cing w as initial ly a pr actic e for manufacturing and r elated w ork. But as mor e technical ly skilled people bec ome mor e available in other c ountries , cus tomer ser vice and other ser vices ar e being mo ved out o f the Unit ed Stat es as w ell? (Cr edit: Carlos Eber t/flickr) Middle-Income Nations The W orld Bank divides middle -inc ome ec onomies into tw o categories . Lower middle inc ome are as are those with a GNI p er capita o f more than $1,036 but les s than $4,045. Upp er middle inc ome are as are those with A GNI p er capita b etween $4,046 and $12,535. Demo cratic R epublic o f Cong o, Tunisia, Philippines , El Salv ador , and N epal are are e xamples o f lower-middle -inc ome c ountries . And Arg entina, Me xico, China, Iran , Turkey, and N amibia are e xamples o f upp er-middle -inc ome na tions ( World Bank 2021). Perhaps the mos t pres sing is sue f or middle -inc ome na tions is the problem o f debt ac cumula tion . As the name sugg ests,debt ac cumulat ion is the buildup o f external debt , wherein c ountries b orro w mone y from other nations to fund their e xpansion or gro wth g oals. As the unc ertainties o f the glob al ec onom y mak e rep aying270 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. these debts , or ev en p aying the interes t on them , more challenging , nations c an find themselv es in trouble . Onc e glob al mark ets ha ve re duced the v alue o f a c ountr y’s goods, it c an b e very difficult to ev er mana ge the debt burden . Such is sues ha ve pla gued middle -inc ome c ountries in La tin Americ a and the C aribb ean, as w ell as Eas t Asian and P acific na tions (Dogr uel and Dogr uel 2007). Low-Income Nations The W orld Bank defines lo w-inc ome c ountries as na tions whose p er capita GNI w as $1,035 p er capita or les s in 2019. F or e xample , Afghanis tan, Ethiopia, and Y emen are c onsidere d low-inc ome c ountries . Low-inc ome economies are primarily f ound in Asia and Afric a (World Bank 2021), where mos t of the w orld ’s popula tion lives. There are tw o major challeng es tha t these c ountries fac e: w omen are disprop ortiona tely a ffecte d by poverty (in a trend to ward a glob al feminiza tion o f poverty) and much o f the p opula tion liv es in a bsolute poverty. Nations ' clas sific ations o ften chang e as their ec onomies ev olve and , sometimes , when their p olitic al positions chang e. Nepal, Indonesia, and R omania all mo ved up to a higher s tatus b ased on impro ved ec onomies . While Sudan , Algeria, and Sri Lanka mo ved do wn a lev el. A f ew y ears a go, My anmar w as a lo w-inc ome na tion , but now it has mo ved into the middle -inc ome are a. W ith My anmar 's 2021 c oup , the mas sive citiz en resp onse , and the militar y's killing o f protes ters , its ec onom y ma y go through a do wnturn a gain, returning it to the lo w- income na tion s tatus. 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e relativ e, extreme , and subjectiv e po verty •Describe the ec onomic situation o f some o f the w orld’ s mos t impo verished ar eas •Explain the cy clical impact o f the c onsequenc es o f poverty FIGURE 10.6 This y oung girl w as beg ging f or food in the s treet in Vietnam, holding a y oung er child as she w as doing so. (Cr edit: Aug apfel/flickr) Wha t do es it me an to b e poor? Do es it me an b eing a single mother with tw o kids in N ew Y ork City , waiting f or the ne xt p aycheck in order to buy gro ceries? Do es it me an living with almos t no furniture in y our ap artment because y our inc ome do esn’t allo w for e xtras lik e beds or chairs? Or do es it me an ha ving to liv e with the distende d bellies o f the chronic ally malnourishe d throughout the p eripheral na tions o f Sub -Saharan Afric a and South Asia? P overty has a thousand fac es and a thousand grada tions; there is no single definition tha t pulls tog ether ev ery part of the sp ectr um. You might f eel y ou are p oor if y ou c an’t afford c able television or buy your o wn c ar. Every time y ou see a f ellow student with a new laptop and smar tphone y ou might f eel tha t you,10.2 • Global W ealth and P overty 271 with y our ten-y ear-old desk top c omputer , are b arely k eeping up . Ho wever, someone else might lo ok a t the clothes y ou w ear and the c alories y ou c onsume and c onsider y ou rich . Types of P overty Social scientis ts define glob al poverty in diff erent w ays and tak e into ac count the c omple xities and the is sues of rela tivism describ ed above.Relat ive povertyis a s tate of living where p eople c an a fford nec essities but are una ble to meet their so ciety ’s average standard o f living . People o ften disp arage “k eeping up with the Joneses” —the ide a tha t you mus t keep up with the neighb ors’ s tandard o f living to not f eel depriv ed. But it is true tha t you might f eel ” poor” if y ou are living without a c ar to driv e to and from w ork, without an y mone y for a sa fety net should a family memb er fall ill , and without an y “extras” b eyond jus t making ends meet . Contrar y to rela tive poverty, people who liv e in extreme p overtylack ev en the b asic nec essities , which typic ally include ade qua te food, cle an w ater, safe housing , and ac cess to he althc are. Extreme p overty occurs when someone liv es on les s than 1.90 U .S dollars p er da y. In prior y ears, the W orld Bank —the primar y org aniza tion analyzing these trends ––focuse d he avily on the numb er o f people under tha t extreme p overty lev el of $1.90 p er da y. (The previous term w as "a bsolute poverty.") In 2018, the W orld Bank adde d tw o more me asures to c onsider: p eople living on les s than $3.20 and people living on les s than $5.50. As the numb er o f people in tha t extreme c ategory continues to decline , these two new c ategories will b e imp ortant to rec ogniz e the p opula tion tha t lives a bove the $1.90 line , but s till remains vulnera ble to e xtreme p overty. Someone who b egins to e arn enough to liv e on more than $1.90 is s till in sev ere p overty and should b e considere d as such (Scho ch 2020). If you w ere f orced to liv e on $1.90 a da y, or ev en $5.50, ho w w ould y ou do it? Wha t would y ou deem w orthy of spending mone y on , and wha t could y ou do without? Ho w w ould y ou mana ge the nec essities —and ho w w ould you mak e up the g ap b etween wha t you nee d to liv e and wha t you c an a fford? FIGURE 10.7 Slums in man y countries il lustrate absolut e po verty al l too w ell. (Cr edit: Ninar a/flickr) Subject ive povertydescrib es p overty tha t is c omp osed of man y dimensions; it is subjectiv ely present when your actual inc ome do es not meet y our e xpecta tions and p erceptions . With the c oncept o f subjectiv e poverty,272 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. the p oor themselv es ha ve a gre ater sa y in rec ognizing when it is present . In shor t, subjectiv e poverty has more to do with ho w a p erson or a family defines themselv es. This me ans tha t a family subsis ting on a f ew dollars a day in N epal might think o f themselv es as doing w ell, within their p erception o f normal . Ho wever, a w esterner traveling to N epal might visit the same family and see e xtreme nee d. The Undergr ound Economy Ar ound the W orld What do the driv er of an unlic ensed hack cab in Ne w York, a piec ework seams tress working fr om her home in Mumbai, and a s treet t ortilla vendor in Me xico City ha ve in c ommon? The y are all members o f the under ground econom y, a loosel y defined unr egulated mark et unhinder ed b y tax es, government permits , or human protections . Official s tatis tics bef ore the w orldwide r ecession posit that the under ground ec onom y account ed for over 50 per cent o f nonagricul tural w ork in L atin America; the fig ure went as high as 80 per cent in par ts of Asia and Africa (Chen 2001). A r ecent ar ticle in the Wall Str eet Journal discus ses the chal leng es, par amet ers, and surprising benefits o f this inf ormal mark etplac e. The w ages earned in mos t under ground ec onom y jobs , especial ly in peripher al nations , are a pit tanc e––a f ew rupees f or a handmade br acelet at a mark et, or ma ybe 250 rupees ($5 U .S.) f or a da y’s worth of fruit and v egetable sales (Bar ta 2009). But these tin y sums mark the difference betw een sur vival and e xtinction f or the w orld’ s poor .
💰 Underground Economy Lifeline
🌍 Informal economies provide crucial survival mechanisms during global recessions, especially in peripheral nations where 52 million people face job losses with minimal safety nets
👩 Women benefit disproportionately from informal sector work while simultaneously experiencing higher poverty rates worldwide (122 women in poverty for every 100 men aged 25-34)
🏭 Sweatshop labor exemplifies how multinational corporations exploit workers in developing nations through outsourced manufacturing that prioritizes low costs over fair working conditions
🔄 Poverty cycle perpetuates itself through interconnected causes and consequences including inadequate healthcare, limited education, and restricted access to resources
🌍 Regional poverty manifests differently across Africa (land ownership issues, colonial legacies), Asia (population pressure, urban slums), and MENA (economic inequality, social unrest)
💡 Intervention strategies like microcredit programs and women's collective savings accounts show mixed results, highlighting the need for comprehensive approaches that combine financial resources with cultural empowerment
The under ground ec onom y has ne ver been vie wed v ery positiv ely by global ec onomis ts. Aft er al l, its members don’t pa y tax es, don ’t tak e out loans t o grow their busines ses, and r arely earn enough t o put mone y back int o the econom y in the f orm o f consumer spending . But ac cording t o the Int ernational L abor Or ganization (an ag ency o f the Unit ed Nations), some 52 mil lion people w orldwide wil l lose their jobs due t o the ong oing w orldwide recession. And while those in c ore nations kno w that high unemplo yment r ates and limit ed g overnment saf ety nets can be fright ening , their situation is nothing c ompar ed to the los s of a job f or those bar ely eking out an existence. Onc e that job disappears , the chanc e of staying afloat is v ery slim. Within the c ontext of this r ecession, some see the under ground ec onom y as a k ey pla yer in k eeping people aliv e. Indeed, an ec onomis t at the W orld Bank cr edits jobs cr eated b y the inf ormal ec onom y as a primar y reason wh y peripher al nations ar e not in w orse shape during this r ecession. W omen in par ticular benefit fr om the inf ormal sect or. The majority o f economical ly activ e women in peripher al nations ar e eng aged in the inf ormal sect or, which is some what buff ered fr om the ec onomic do wnturn. The flip side , of course , is that it is equal ly buff ered from the pos sibility o f economic gr owth. Even in the Unit ed Stat es, the inf ormal ec onom y exists, although not on the same scale as in peripher al and semi-peripher al nations . It might include under -the -table nannies , gardeners , and housecleaners , as w ell as unlic ensed s treet v endors and taxi driv ers. Ther e are also those who run inf ormal busines ses, like da ycares or salons , from their houses . Anal ysts es timat e that this type o f labor ma y mak e up 10 per cent o f the o verall U.S. econom y, a number that wil l likely grow as c ompanies r educ e head c ounts , lea ving mor e workers t o seek other options . In the end, the ar ticle sug gests that, whether sel ling medicinal wines in Thailand or w oven br acelets in India , the w orkers o f the under ground ec onom y at leas t have what mos t people w ant mos t of all: a chanc e to stay afloat (Bar ta 2009). Who Ar e the Impoverished? Who are the imp overishe d? Who is living in a bsolute p overty? The tr uth tha t mos t of us w ould gues s is tha t the riches t countries are o ften those with the le ast people . Comp are the Unite d Sta tes, which p ossesses a rela tively small slic e of the p opula tion pie and o wns b y far the larg est slic e of the w ealth pie , with India. These disp arities have the e xpecte d conse quenc e. The p oores t people in the w orld are w omen and those in p eripheral and semi- peripheral na tions . For w omen , the ra te of poverty is p articularly w orsene d by the pres sure on their time . In general , time is one o f the f ew luxuries the v ery poor ha ve, but s tudy a fter s tudy has sho wn tha t women inBIG PICTURE10.2 • Global W ealth and P overty 273 poverty, who are resp onsible f or all family c omf orts as w ell as an y earnings the y can mak e, have les s of it. The result is tha t while men and w omen ma y ha ve the same ra te of economic p overty, women are suff ering more in terms o f overall w ellb eing (B uvinic 1997). It is harder f or females to g et cre dit to e xpand busines ses, to tak e the time to le arn a new skill , or to sp end e xtra hours impro ving their cra ft so as to b e able to e arn a t a higher ra te. Global F eminiz ation of P overty In almos t all so cieties , women ha ve higher ra tes o f poverty than men . More w omen and girls liv e in p oor conditions , rec eive inade qua te he althc are, bear the br unt o f malnutrition and inade qua te drinking w ater, and so on . This situa tion g oes b ack dec ades , and le d Univ ersity o f Michig an so ciologis t Diana P earce to c oin the term "f eminiza tion o f poverty" in 1978. Throughout the 1990s , data indic ated tha t while o verall p overty ra tes were rising , esp ecially in p eripheral na tions , the ra tes o f imp overishment incre ased for w omen ne arly 20 percent more than f or men (Mog adham 2005). More rec ently , as e xtreme p overty ra tes c ontinue to fall , women still mak e up a disprop ortiona te amount o f the w orld's p oor. Gender diff erenc es are sometimes difficult to disc ern in interna tional p overty da ta, but rese archers ha ve under taken eff orts to define the mak eup o f those affecte d by poverty. Of p eople a ged 25-34, the w orld has 122 w omen living in p overty for ev ery 100 men living in p overty. The w orld's elderly b elow the p overty line are also more lik ely to b e women ( World Bank 2018). Why is this happ ening? While m yriad v aria bles a ffect w omen 's poverty, rese arch sp ecializing in this is sue identifies three c auses (Mog adham 2005): 1. The e xpansion in the numb er o f female -headed households 2. The p ersis tenc e and c onse quenc es o f intra-household ine qualities and biases a gains t women 3. The implementa tion o f neolib eral ec onomic p olicies around the w orld While w omen are living long er and he althier liv es to day comp ared to ten y ears a go, around the w orld man y women are denie d basic rights , particularly in the w orkplac e. In p eripheral na tions , the y ac cumula te fewer assets , farm les s land , mak e les s mone y, and fac e res tricte d civil rights and lib erties. Women c an s timula te the economic gro wth o f peripheral na tions , but the y are o ften undere duc ated and lack ac cess to cre dit nee ded to start small busines ses. When w omen are a ble to a ttain higher lev els o f educ ation , the y ac count f or signific ant economic gro wth within their na tions (OECD 2012). A wide rang e of org aniza tions under take programs or pro vide supp ort in order to impro ve opp ortunity , safety, education , equality , and financial outc omes f or w omen . Some o f these eff orts in volve diplomacy , such as one government (or a c oalition) w orking to secure gre ater rights and impro ve circums tanc es o f women in other countries . Key are as o f focus are re ducing ins titutional and cultural discrimina tion , ending domes tic violenc e, providing w omen more a gency in decision making , and incre asing e duc ation f or children (Sc ott 2012). Other programs f ocus on more imme diate nee ds and opp ortunities . Micro credit and w omen 's collectiv e sa vings accounts are w ays to pro vide financial resourc es for w omen and families to mak e imp ortant in vestments , such as building a w ell a t their home to impro ve he alth and re duce time sp ent obtaining cle an w ater. Other uses may involve starting a busines s, paying a debt , or buying an imp ortant applianc e or e quipment . Unf ortuna tely, these micro financ e programs don 't ha ve a track rec ord o f allevia ting p overty, and in some c ases the y can le ad to neg ative outc omes such as trapping w omen in a cy cle o f debt , or incre asing domes tic violenc e. Collectiv e savings programs —where lo cal people p ool their resourc es and e xtend cre dit within their group —ha ve sho wn some more p ositiv e outc omes (Aiz enman 2016 and Niner 2018). The UN has emphasiz ed tha t micro financ e and cultural emp owerment w ould b oth b e more suc cessful if the y were use d in c oncert with e ach other (Sc ott 2012). Africa The majority o f the p oores t countries in the w orld are in Afric a. Tha t is not to sa y there is not div ersity within the c ountries o f tha t continent; c ountries lik e South Afric a and E gypt ha ve much lo wer ra tes o f poverty than Ang ola and Ethiopia, f or ins tanc e. Overall , Afric an inc ome lev els ha ve been dropping rela tive to the res t of the world , me aning tha t Afric a as a whole is g etting rela tively p oorer . Making the problem w orse , 2014 sa w an274 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. outbre ak o f the Ebolavirus in w estern Afric a, le ading to a public he alth crisis and an ec onomic do wnturn due to los s of workers and touris t dollars . Why is Afric a in such dire s traits? Much o f the c ontinent ’s poverty can b e trac ed to the a vailability o f land , especially ara ble land ( land tha t can b e farme d). C enturies o f struggle o ver land o wnership ha ve me ant tha t much use able land has b een r uine d or left unfarme d, while man y countries with inade qua te rainfall ha ve never set up an infras tructure to irrig ate. Man y of Afric a’s na tural resourc es w ere long a go tak en b y colonial forces, leaving lit tle a gricultural and mineral w ealth on the c ontinent . Further , Afric an p overty is w orsene d by civil w ars and inade qua te governanc e tha t are the result o f a c ontinent re-ima gine d with ar tificial c olonial b orders and le aders . Consider the e xample o f Rwanda. There , two ethnic groups c ohabita ted with their o wn s ystem o f hierarch y and mana gement until Belgians to ok c ontrol o f the countr y in 1915 and rigidly c onfine d memb ers o f the p opula tion into tw o une qual ethnic groups . While , historic ally, memb ers o f the T utsi group held p ositions o f power, the in volvement o f Belgians le d to the Hutu seizing p ower during a 1960s rev olt. This ultima tely le d to a repres sive government and g eno cide a gains t Tutsis tha t left hundre ds o f thousands o f Rwandans de ad or living in diasp ora (U .S. Dep artment o f Sta te 2011c). The p ainful rebir th o f a self -ruled Afric a has me ant man y countries b ear ong oing sc ars as the y try to see their w ay towards the future ( World P overty 2012a). In 2020, arme d conflicts w ere under way in regions o f nations including the Tigra y conflict in Ethiopia, the K amwina Nsap o reb ellion in Demo cratic R epublic o f Cong o, the Bok o Haram insurg ency in Nig eria and neighb oring c ountries , and sev eral more . While mos t of the ong oing c onflicts are c onsidere d minor , the y are b oth dang erous and disr uptiv e to the p eople living in those regions , and sev eral ha ve include d ethnic cle ansing , mas s kidnapping , extensiv e se xual violenc e, and use o f child soldiers . Asia FIGURE 10.8 For childr en who ha ve homes in slums lik e this one in Phnom Phen, Cambodia , sur vival and saf ety ar e often the primar y and immediat e concerns . Longer-term g oals , such as education and social mobility , ma y not be available op tions . (Cr edit: ND Strupler) While the majority o f the w orld ’s poores t countries are in Afric a, the majority o f the w orld ’s poores t people are in Asia. As in Afric a, Asia finds itself with disp arity in the dis tribution o f poverty, with J apan and South K orea holding much more w ealth than India and C amb odia. In fact , mos t poverty is c oncentra ted in South Asia. One of the mos t pres sing c auses o f poverty in Asia is simply the pres sure tha t the siz e of the p opula tion puts on its resourc es. Unlik e Afric a, man y people living in p overty reside in urb an are as, often in cro wded, unh ygenic conditions with limite d ac cess to w ater and resourc es. Estima tes indic ate tha t Asia has 60 p ercent o f the world's p eople who liv e in slums ( WorldV ision 2019). Those who find w ork o ften do so in g arment factories or other manufacturing facilities , where p ay is v ery low and the demands are incre dibly high . (See the f eature below on s weatshop la bor.) Children are sent to w ork in these c onditions as w ell.10.2 • Global W ealth and P overty 275 Asia is also fre quently imp acte d by na tural disas ters . Countries lik e India, Bangladesh , Vietnam , Thailand , and the Philippines e xperienc e fre quent typho ons ( hurric anes) and flo oding . For those living in insecure structures — often c onstructe d from v arious lefto ver ma terials and not subject to an y typ e of building codes—such ev ents c an le ave entire s waths o f the p opula tion homeles s and vulnera ble to dise ase or injur y (WorldV ision 2019). MENA The Middle Eas t and N orth Afric a region (MEN A) includes oil-rich c ountries in the Gulf, such as Iran , Iraq , and Kuwait, but also c ountries tha t are rela tively resourc e-poor in rela tionship to their p opula tions , such as Moro cco and Y emen . These c ountries are pre domina tely Islamic . For the las t quar ter-centur y, economic growth w as slo wer in MEN A than in other dev eloping ec onomies , and almos t a quar ter o f the 300 million people who mak e up the p opula tion liv e on les s than $2.00 a da y (World Bank 2013). The Interna tional La bour Org aniza tion tracks the w ay inc ome ine quality influenc es so cial unres t. The tw o regions with the highes t risk o f social unres t are Sub -Saharan Afric a and the Middle Eas t-North Afric a region (Interna tional La bour Org aniza tion 2012). Incre asing unemplo yment and high so cioeconomic ine quality in MEN A were major factors in the Ara b Spring , which—b eginning in 2010—topple d dicta torships throughout the Middle Eas t in fa vor o f demo cratically electe d government . Unemplo yment and inc ome ine qualities are s till being blame d on immigrants , foreign na tionals , and ethnic /religious minorities . Sweatshops and Student Pr otests: Who’ s Making Y our T eam Spirit? FIGURE 10.9 These pr otesters seek t o bring at tention t o the is sue o f sweatshop labor in pr oducing clothing . (Cr edit: Jo Guldi/flickr) Mos t of us don ’t pa y too much at tention t o wher e our fa vorite products ar e made . And c ertainl y when y ou’re shopping f or a c ollege sweatshir t or bal l cap t o wear t o a school f ootbal l game , you pr obabl y don ’t turn o ver the label , check who pr oduc ed the it em, and then r esear ch whether or not the c ompan y has fair labor pr actic es. But f or the members o f USAS —Unit ed Students Ag ains t Sw eatshops —that ’s exactl y what the y do . The or ganization, whichSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD276 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. was founded in 1997, has w aged c ountles s bat tles ag ains t both appar el mak ers and other mul tinational corpor ations that do not meet what USAS c onsiders fair w orking c onditions and w ages. USAS also f ocuses on ensuring saf e and non-e xploitativ e conditions as w ell as impr oved pa y and benefits f or campus w orkers, including dining hal l staff, security g uards, and adjuncts (USAS 2021). How do clothes g et made , and wh y are garment w orkers among the mos t commonl y mis treated? In man y cases , large appar el companies —including Nik e, Lululemon, H&M, Urban Out fitters (o wner o f Anthr opologie and F ree People), Zar a, and mos t other major br ands —outsour ce their manufacturing t o fact ories ar ound the w orld. The appar el companies neg otiat e pric es and schedules with the local manufactur ers, and o ften push f or the lo west possible manufacturing c ost and the fas test schedule . In or der t o keep up with demand and manufactur e the clothing at the r equir ed c ost, the fact ories ma y pa y their emplo yees les s, force them t o work long er hours , and ma y maintain unsaf e conditions . All of those tactics ar e as sociat ed with s weatshop pr actic es (Chan 2019). In r esponse to action fr om or ganizations lik e USAS, man y appar el companies ha ve under taken s teps t o ensur e that the fact ories they use ar e treating w orkers pr operl y, but in r eality , it is v ery difficul t to kno w for sur e. Oft en, the br ands w ork through subc ontr actors and subsidiaries , and ma y not kno w exactl y which fact ories ar e producing their pr oducts . Members o f USAS helped f orm the W orker Rights Consor tium ( WRC), which monit ors w orking c onditions f or a wide array of companies and their affiliat ed fact ories . WR C conducts r egular r eviews of worldwide manufacturing facilities and publishes the r esul ts. The WR C also s tudies and r epor ts on o verall economic c onditions and their effect on emplo yment. F or example , in 2020, as the global ec onom y went thr ough a r apid do wnturn, appar el companies demanded lo wer pric es while the y also r educ ed their or ders , which put w orkers at risk o f exploitation or job los s (Karim 2020). Consequences of P overty FIGURE 10.10 For this child, who is being as sessed f or malnutrition at a clinic in K enya, risk s associat ed with poverty and lack o f food w ere exacerbat ed b y a mas sive drought that hit the r egion. (Cr edit: DFID - UK Depar tment for Int ernational De velopment/flickr) Not surprisingly , the c onse quenc es o f poverty are o ften also c auses . The p oor o ften e xperienc e inade qua te healthc are, limite d education , and the inac cessibility o f bir th control . But those b orn into these c onditions are incre dibly challeng ed in their eff orts to bre ak out sinc e these c onse quenc es o f poverty are also c auses o f poverty, perpetua ting a cy cle o f disadv anta ge. According to so ciologis ts N eckerman and T orche (2007) in their analy sis o f glob al ine quality s tudies , the10.2 • Global W ealth and P overty 277 conse quenc es o f poverty are man y. Neckerman and T orche ha ve divide d them into three are as. The firs t, terme d “the se dimenta tion o f glob al ine quality ,” rela tes to the fact tha t onc e poverty becomes entrenche d in an area, it is typic ally v ery difficult to rev erse . As mentione d above, poverty exists in a cy cle where the conse quenc es and c auses are inter twine d. The sec ond c onse quenc e of poverty is its eff ect on ph ysical and mental he alth . Poor p eople fac e ph ysical he alth challeng es, including malnutrition and high infant mor tality rates. Mental he alth is also detrimentally a ffecte d by the emotional s tres ses o f poverty, with rela tive depriv ation c arrying the mos t robus t eff ect. Again, as with the ong oing ine quality , the eff ects o f poverty on mental and ph ysical he alth b ecome more entrenche d as time g oes
🌍 Global Inequality Systems
💰 Modern slavery persists alongside global inequality through multiple forms: chattel slavery, child slavery, debt bondage, human trafficking, and servile marriages—all situations where humans are treated as property or forced to work for minimal compensation
🏭 Modernization theory proposes low-income countries can improve their global standing through cultural value adjustments and industrialization, though critics highlight its ethnocentric assumption that Western-style development is universally desirable
🔄 Dependency theory counters by arguing global inequality stems from core nations exploiting peripheral countries, creating cycles where developing nations remain dependent on wealthy countries for economic access
👩🏭 Factory workers in developing nations like China represent the human dimension of global stratification, as they navigate changing cultural traditions while participating in the global economy
📊 Stratification frameworks classify nations as core, semi-peripheral, or peripheral based on their economic power, industrialization level, and position in global production chains
🏥 Poverty consequences extend beyond economic hardship to include increased crime rates and detrimental impacts on physical and mental health
on . Neckerman and T orche ’s third conse quenc e of poverty is the prev alenc e of crime . Cross-nationally , crime ra tes are higher , particularly f or violent crime , in c ountries with higher lev els o f inc ome ine quality (F ajnzylb er 2002). Slavery While mos t of us are ac custome d to thinking o f sla very in terms o f the anteb ellum South , mo dern da y sla very goes hand-in-hand with glob al ine quality . In shor t, sla very ref ers to an y situa tion in which p eople are sold , treated as prop erty, or f orced to w ork f or lit tle or no p ay. Just as in the pre -Civil W ar Unite d Sta tes, these humans are a t the mercy o f their emplo yers.Chattel sla very, the f orm o f sla very onc e practic ed in the Americ an South , occurs when one p erson o wns another as prop erty. Child sla very, which ma y include child pros titution , is a f orm o f cha ttel sla very. Indebt b onda ge, or b onde d labor, the p oor ple dge themselv es as servants in e xchang e for the c ost of basic nec essities lik e transp ortation , room, and b oard. In this sc enario , people are p aid les s than the y are charg ed for ro om and b oard. When tra vel is re quire d, the y can arriv e in debt for their tra vel expenses and b e una ble to w ork their w ay free , sinc e their w ages do not allo w them to ev er g et ahead. The glob al w atchdog group Anti-Sla very Interna tional rec ogniz es other f orms o f sla very: human tra fficking (in which p eople are mo ved away from their c ommunities and f orced to w ork a gains t their will), child domes tic work and child la bor, and c ertain f orms o f ser vile marria ge, in which w omen are lit tle more than ensla ved people (Anti-Sla very Interna tional 2012). 10.3 Theor etical P erspectives on Global Str atification LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the modernization and dependency theor y perspectiv es on global s tratification As with an y so cial is sue, glob al or other wise , scholars ha ve dev elop ed a v ariety o f theories to s tudy glob al stratific ation . The tw o mos t widely applie d persp ectiv es are mo derniza tion theor y and dep endency theor y. Moderniz ation Theory According to modernizat ion theor y, low-inc ome c ountries are a ffecte d by their lack o f indus trializa tion and can impro ve their glob al ec onomic s tanding through (Armer and K atsillis 2010): 1. an adjus tment o f cultural v alues and a ttitudes to w ork 2. indus trializa tion and other f orms o f economic gro wth Critics p oint out the inherent ethno centric bias o f this theor y. It supp oses all c ountries ha ve the same resourc es and are c apable o f following the same p ath. In addition , it as sumes tha t the g oal of all c ountries is to be as “ develop ed” as p ossible . There is no ro om within this theor y for the p ossibility tha t indus trializa tion and technolog y are not the b est goals. There is , of course , some b asis f or this as sumption . Da ta sho w tha t core na tions tend to ha ve lower ma ternal and child mor tality ra tes, long er lif e sp ans, and les s absolute p overty. It is also tr ue tha t in the p oores t countries , millions o f people die from the lack o f cle an drinking w ater and sanita tion facilities , which are benefits mos t of us tak e for grante d. At the same time , the is sue is more c omple x than the numb ers might sugg est. Cultural e quality , his tory, community , and lo cal traditions are all a t risk as mo derniza tion pushes into278 10 • Global Inequality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. peripheral c ountries . The challeng e, then , is to allo w the b enefits o f mo derniza tion while maintaining a cultural sensitivity to wha t alre ady e xists. Dependency Theory Dep endency theor ywas cre ated in p art as a resp onse to the W estern-c entric mindset o f mo derniza tion theor y. It s tates tha t glob al ine quality is primarily c aused by core na tions (or high-inc ome na tions) e xploiting semi-p eripheral and p eripheral na tions (or middle -inc ome and lo w-inc ome na tions), which cre ates a cy cle o f dep endenc e (Hendricks 2010). As long as p eripheral na tions are dep endent on c ore na tions f or ec onomic stimulus and ac cess to a larg er piec e of the glob al ec onom y, the y will nev er achiev e stable and c onsis tent economic gro wth . Further , the theor y states tha t sinc e core na tions , as w ell as the W orld Bank , cho ose which countries to mak e loans to , and f or wha t the y will lo an funds , the y are cre ating highly segmente d labor mark ets that are built to b enefit the dominant mark et countries . At firs t glanc e, it seems this theor y ignores the f ormerly lo w-inc ome na tions tha t are no w considere d middle - income na tions and are on their w ay to b ecoming high-inc ome na tions and major pla yers in the glob al econom y, such as China. B ut some dep endency theoris ts w ould s tate tha t it is in the b est interes ts of core nations to ensure the long-term usefulnes s of their p eripheral and semi-p eripheral p artners . Following tha t theor y, sociologis ts ha ve found tha t entities are more lik ely to outsourc e a signific ant p ortion o f a c omp any’s work if the y are the dominant pla yer in the e qua tion; in other w ords , comp anies w ant to see their p artner countries he alth y enough to pro vide w ork, but not so he alth y as to es tablish a thre at (Caniels and R oelev eld 2009). Factory Girls We’ve examined functionalis t and c onflict theoris t perspectiv es on global inequality , as w ell as modernization and dependency theories . Ho w might a s ymbolic int eractionis t appr oach this t opic? The book Factory Girls: F rom Vil lage to City in Changing China , by Leslie T . Chang , provides this oppor tunity . Chang f ollows tw o young w omen (Min and Chunming ) emplo yed at a handbag plant. The y help manufactur e coveted purses and bags f or the global mark et. As par t of the gr owing population o f young people who ar e leaving behind the homes teads and farms o f rur al China , these f emale fact ory workers ar e ready t o ent er the urban fr ay and pursue an ambitious inc ome . Although Chang ’s study is based in a t own man y ha ve ne ver hear d of (Dong guan), this city pr oduc es one -thir d of all shoes on the planet (Nik e and R eebok ar e major manufactur ers her e) and 30 per cent o f the w orld’ s comput er disk driv es, in addition t o an abundanc e of appar el (Chang 2008). But Chang ’s focus is c entered les s on this global phenomenon on a lar ge scale , than on ho w it aff ects these tw o women. As a s ymbolic int eractionis t would do , Chang e xamines the dail y lives and int eractions o f Min and Chunming—their w orkplac e friendships , famil y relationships , gadgets and g oods —in this e volving global spac e wher e young w omen can lea ve tradition behind and fashion their o wn futur es. Their s tory is one that al l people , not jus t scholars , can learn fr om as w e contemplat e sociological is sues lik e global ec onomies , cul tural traditions and inno vations , and oppor tunities f or w omen in the w orkf orce.SOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH10.3 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Global S tratifica tion 279 Key T erms capital flight the mo vement (flight) o f capital from one na tion to another , via jobs and resourc es chattel sla very a form o f sla very in which one p erson o wns another core nat ions dominant c apitalis t countries debt ac cumulat ion the buildup o f external debt , wherein c ountries b orro w mone y from other na tions to fund their e xpansion or gro wth g oals debt b onda ge the act o f people ple dging themselv es as ser vants in e xchang e for mone y for p assage, and are subse quently p aid to o lit tle to reg ain their free dom deindus trializat ion the los s of indus trial pro duction , usually to p eripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions where the c osts are lo wer dep endency theor y a theor y which s tates tha t glob al ine quity is due to the e xploita tion o f peripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions b y core na tions extreme p overty the s tate where one is b arely a ble, or una ble, to a fford b asic nec essities first world a term from the C old W ar era tha t is use d to describ e indus trializ ed capitalis t demo cracies fourth w orld a term tha t describ es stigma tized minority groups who ha ve no v oice or representa tion on the world s tage GINI c oefficient a me asure o f inc ome ine quality b etween c ountries using a 100-p oint sc ale, in which 1 represents c omplete e quality and 100 represents the highes t possible ine quality glob al feminizat ion of p overty a pattern tha t occurs when w omen b ear a disprop ortiona te p ercenta ge of the burden o f poverty glob al ine qualit y the c oncentra tion o f resourc es in c ore na tions and in the hands o f a w ealth y minority glob al strat ification the une qual dis tribution o f resourc es b etween c ountries gros s nat ional inc ome (GNI) the inc ome o f a na tion c alcula ted based on g oods and ser vices pro duced, plus income e arne d by citiz ens and c orporations he adquar tere d in tha t countr y modernizat ion theor y a theor y tha t low-inc ome c ountries c an impro ve their glob al ec onomic s tanding b y indus trializa tion o f infras tructure and a shift in cultural a ttitudes to wards w ork peripheral nat ions nations on the fring es o f the glob al ec onom y, domina ted by core na tions , with v ery little indus trializa tion relat ive poverty the s tate of poverty where one is una ble to liv e the lif estyle o f the a verage person in the countr y second w orld a term from the C old W ar era tha t describ es na tions with mo dera te ec onomies and s tandards of living semi-p eripheral nat ions in-b etween na tions , not p owerful enough to dicta te p olicy but acting as a major sourc e of raw ma terials and an e xpanding middle clas s mark etplac e subject ive poverty a state of poverty comp osed of man y dimensions , subjectiv ely present when one ’s actual income do es not meet one ’s expecta tions third w orld a term from the C old W ar era tha t ref ers to p oor, unindus trializ ed countries under ground ec onom y an unregula ted ec onom y of labor and g oods tha t op erates outside o f governanc e, regula tory systems , or human protections Section Summary 10.1 Global Str atification and Classification Stra tific ation ref ers to the g aps in resourc es b oth b etween na tions and within na tions . While ec onomic equality is o f gre at concern, so is so cial e quality , like the discrimina tion s temming from rac e, ethnicity , gender , religion , and/or se xual orienta tion . While glob al ine quality is nothing new , sev eral factors mak e it more relev ant than ev er, like the glob al mark etplac e and the p ace of inf orma tion sharing . Researchers tr y to unders tand glob al ine quality b y clas sifying it ac cording to factors such as ho w indus trializ ed a na tion is , whether a c ountr y ser ves as a me ans o f pro duction or as an o wner , and wha t inc ome a na tion pro duces.280 10 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty When lo oking a t the w orld ’s poor, we firs t ha ve to define the diff erenc e between rela tive poverty, absolute poverty, and subjectiv e poverty. While those in rela tive poverty might not ha ve enough to liv e at their c ountr y’s standard o f living , those in a bsolute p overty do not ha ve, or b arely ha ve, basic nec essities such as f ood. Subjectiv e poverty has more to do with one ’s perception o f one ’s situa tion . North Americ a and Europ e are home to f ewer o f the w orld ’s poor than Afric a, which has mos t poor c ountries , or Asia, which has the mos t people living in p overty. Poverty has numerous neg ative conse quenc es, from incre ased crime ra tes to a detrimental imp act on ph ysical and mental he alth . 10.3 Theor etical P erspectives on Global Str atification Moderniza tion theor y and dep endency theor y are tw o of the mos t common lenses so ciologis ts use when looking a t the is sues o f glob al ine quality . Mo derniza tion theor y posits tha t countries g o through ev olutionar y stages and tha t indus trializa tion and impro ved technolog y are the k eys to f orward mo vement . Dep endency theor y, on the other hand , sees mo derniza tion theor y as Euro centric and p atronizing . With this theor y, glob al inequality is the result o f core na tions cre ating a cy cle o f dep endenc e by exploiting resourc es and la bor in peripheral and semi-p eripheral c ountries . Section Quiz 10.1 Global Str atification and Classification 1.A so ciologis t who f ocuses on the w ay tha t multina tional c orporations he adquar tere d in c ore na tions e xploit the lo cal w orkers in their p eripheral na tion factories is using a _________ p ersp ectiv e to unders tand the glob al ec onom y. a.functional b.conflict theor y c.feminis t d.symb olic interactionis t 2.A ____________ p ersp ectiv e theoris t might find it p articularly notew orthy tha t wealth y corporations impro ve the quality o f life in p eripheral na tions b y pro viding w orkers with jobs , pumping mone y into the local ec onom y, and impro ving transp ortation infras tructure . a.functional b.conflict c.feminis t d.symb olic interactionis t 3.A so ciologis t working from a s ymb olic interaction p ersp ectiv e would: a.study ho w ine quality is cre ated and repro duced b.study ho w corporations c an impro ve the liv es o f their lo w-inc ome w orkers c.try to unders tand ho w comp anies pro vide an adv anta ge to high-inc ome na tions c omp ared to lo w- income na tions d.want to inter view w omen w orking in factories to unders tand ho w the y mana ge the e xpecta tions o f their supervisors , mak e ends meet , and supp ort their households on a da y-to-day basis 4.Franc e might b e clas sifie d as which kind o f na tion? a.Glob al b.Core c.Semi-p eripheral d.Peripheral10 • Section Quiz 281 5.In the p ast, the Unite d Sta tes manufacture d clothes . Man y clothing c orporations ha ve shut do wn their U .S. factories and relo cated to China. This is an e xample o f: a.conflict theor y b.automa tion c.glob al ine quality d.capital flight 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty 6.Slavery in the pre -Civil W ar U .S. South mos t closely resemble d a.chattel sla very b.debt b onda ge c.rela tive poverty d.peona ge 7.Maya is a tw elve-year-old girl living in Thailand . She is homeles s, and o ften do es not kno w where she will sleep or when she will e at. We might sa y tha t Ma ya liv es in _________ p overty. a.subjectiv e b.absolute c.rela tive d.glob al 8.Mik e, a c olleg e student , rents a s tudio ap artment . He c annot a fford a television and liv es on che ap gro ceries like drie d beans and ramen no odles . Sinc e he do es not ha ve a regular job , he do es not o wn a c ar. Mik e is living in: a.glob al poverty b.extreme p overty c.subjectiv e poverty d.rela tive poverty 9.Faith has a full-time job and tw o children . She has enough mone y for the b asics and c an p ay her rent e ach month , but she f eels tha t, with her e ducation and e xperienc e, her inc ome should b e enough f or her family to liv e much b etter than the y do . Faith is e xperiencing: a.glob al poverty b.subjectiv e poverty c.extreme p overty d.rela tive poverty 10.In a U .S. to wn, a mining c omp any owns all the s tores and mos t of the houses . It sells g oods to the w orkers at infla ted pric es, offers house rentals f or twic e wha t a mor tgage would b e, and mak es sure to alw ays pay the w orkers les s than nee ded to c over food and rent . Onc e the w orkers are in debt , the y ha ve no choic e but to continue w orking f or the c omp any, sinc e their skills will not trans fer to a new p osition . This situa tion mos t closely resembles: a.child sla very b.chattel sla very c.debt sla very d.servile marria ge282 10 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 10.3 Theor etical P erspectives on Global Str atification 11.One fla w in dep endency theor y is the un willingnes s to rec ogniz e _______. a.that previously lo w-inc ome na tions such as China ha ve suc cessfully dev elop ed their ec onomies and can no long er b e clas sifie d as dep endent on c ore na tions b.that previously high-inc ome na tions such as China ha ve been ec onomic ally o verpowered by low- income na tions entering the glob al mark etplac e c.that countries such as China are gro wing more dep endent on c ore na tions d.that countries such as China do not nec essarily w ant to b e more lik e core na tions 12.One fla w in mo derniza tion theor y is the un willingnes s to rec ogniz e _________. a.that semi-p eripheral na tions are inc apable o f indus trializing b.that peripheral na tions prev ent semi-p eripheral na tions from entering the glob al mark et c.its inherent ethno centric bias d.the imp ortanc e of semi-p eripheral na tions indus trializing 13.If a so ciologis t says tha t na tions ev olve toward more adv anced technolog y and more c omple x indus try as their citiz ens le arn cultural v alues tha t celebra te hard w ork and suc cess, she is using _______ theor y to study the glob al ec onom y. a.moderniza tion theor y b.dep endency theor y c.modern dep endency theor y d.evolutionar y dep endency theor y 14.If a so ciologis t points out tha t core na tions domina te the glob al ec onom y, in p art by cre ating glob al interes t rates and interna tional tariffs tha t will inevita bly fa vor high-inc ome na tions o ver lo w-inc ome nations , he is a: a.functionalis t b.dep endency theoris t c.moderniza tion theoris t d.symb olic interactionis t 15.Dep endency theoris ts explain glob al ine quality and glob al stratific ation b y focusing on the w ay tha t: a.core na tions and p eripheral na tions e xploit semi-p eripheral na tions b.semi-p eripheral na tions e xploit c ore na tions c.peripheral na tions e xploit c ore na tions d.core na tions e xploit p eripheral na tions Short Answer 10.1 Global Str atification and Classification 1.Consider the ma tter o f rock-bottom pric es a t Walmar t. Wha t would a functionalis t think o f Walmar t's mo del of squee zing v endors to g et the a bsolute lo west pric es so it c an p ass them along to c ore na tion c onsumers? 2.Why do y ou think some scholars find C old W ar terminolog y (“firs t world ” and so on)
🌍 Global Inequality Examined
🏙️ Global stratification divides nations into core (high-income), semi-peripheral (middle-income), and peripheral (low-income) categories, creating vast disparities in wealth, resources, and opportunities worldwide
👩👧 Feminization of poverty disproportionately affects women globally, with female empowerment through education and microfinance offering potential but incomplete solutions to systemic inequality
🏭 Labor exploitation persists through sweatshops, human trafficking, and modern slavery, with student activism like USAS (United Students Against Sweatshops) working to combat unethical manufacturing practices
🧠 Theoretical frameworks including modernization theory (suggesting all societies follow similar development paths) and dependency theory (arguing wealthy nations maintain power by exploiting poorer ones) offer competing explanations for global inequality
🔄 Intergroup relationships between dominant and subordinate groups shape how race and ethnicity function as social constructs rather than biological realities, with racial categories evolving over time
⚖️ Racial profiling and institutional discrimination remain persistent challenges, as illustrated by cases like Trayvon Martin's death, highlighting how race continues to influence social outcomes and justice
objectiona ble? 3.Give an e xample o f the f eminiza tion o f poverty in c ore na tions . Ho w is it the same or diff erent in p eripheral nations? 4.Pretend y ou are a so ciologis t studying glob al ine quality b y looking a t child la bor manufacturing Barbie dolls in China. Wha t do y ou f ocus on? Ho w will y ou find this inf orma tion? Wha t theoretic al persp ectiv e might y ou use?10 • Shor t Ans wer 283 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty 5.Consider the c oncept o f subjectiv e poverty. Do es it mak e sense tha t poverty is in the e ye of the b eholder? When y ou see a homeles s person , is y our re action diff erent if he or she is seemingly c ontent v ersus begging? Wh y? 6.Think o f people among y our family , your friends , or y our clas sma tes who are rela tively une qual in terms o f wealth . Wha t is their rela tionship lik e? Wha t factors c ome into pla y? 7.Go to y our c ampus b ookstore or visit its w eb site . Find out who manufactures app arel and no velty items with y our scho ol’s insignias . In wha t countries are these pro duced? C onduct some rese arch to determine how w ell y our scho ol adheres to the principles adv ocated by US AS. 10.3 Theor etical P erspectives on Global Str atification 8.There is much criticism tha t mo derniza tion theor y is Euro centric . Do y ou think dep endency theor y is also biase d? Wh y, or wh y not? 9.Comp are and c ontras t mo derniza tion theor y and dep endency theor y. Which do y ou think is more useful f or explaining glob al ine quality? Explain , using e xamples . Further R esear ch 10.1 Global Str atification and Classification To learn more a bout the Unite d Nations Millennium Dev elopment Go als,look here (http://openstax.org/l/ UN_development _goals) . To learn more a bout the e xistenc e and imp act o f glob al poverty, peruse the poverty and e quity da ta p ortal here (http://openstax.org/l/poverty_data). 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty Students o ften think tha t the Unite d Sta tes is immune to the a trocity o f human tra fficking .Check out this website to le arn more a bout tra fficking in the Unite d Sta tes(http://openstax.org/l/ human_ trafficking _in_ US). For more inf orma tion a bout the ong oing practic es o f sla very in the mo dern w orld tak e a lo ok a t the Anti- Slavery Interna tional w ebsite (http://openstax.org/l/anti-sla very). 10.3 Theor etical P erspectives on Global Str atification For more inf orma tion a bout ec onomic mo derniza tion , check out the Hudson Ins titute (http://openstax.org/l/ Hudson_Ins titute) . Learn more a bout ec onomic dep endency a t the Univ ersity o f Texas Ine quality P roject (http://openstax.org/l/ Texas_ine quality _project) . References Intr oduction Butler , Sarah . 2013. “Bangladeshi F actor y De aths S park A ction among High-Street Clothing Chains .”The Guardian . Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.theguardian .com/w orld/2013/jun/23/rana-plaza- factor y-disas ter-bangladesh-primark). Institute f or Glob al La bour and Human Rights . 2014. "Rana Plaza: A Lo ok Back and F orward."Glob al La bour Rights . Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.glob allabourrights .org/camp aigns /factor y-collapse -in- bangladesh).284 10 • F urther R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Interna tional La bour Org aniza tion , Dep artment o f Communic ation . 2014. "P ost Rana Plaza: A V ision f or the Future ."Working C onditions: Interna tional La bour Org aniza tion . Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 (http://www.ilo.org/glob al/a bout-the -ilo/who -we-are/ilo -director -general/s tatements -and-sp eeches / WCMS _240382/lang--en/inde x.htm). Korzeniewicz, R obert, and Timoth y Patrick Moran . 2009. Unveiling Ine quality: A W orld His toric al Persp ectiv e. New Y ork, NY : Russell Sa ge Founda tion . 10.1 Global Str atification and Classification Amnes ty Interna tional . 2012. “ Sexual Orienta tion and Gender Identity .” Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2012 (http://www.amnes ty.org/en/se xual-orienta tion-and-g ender -identity ). Castells , Manuel . 1998. End o f Millennium . Malden , MA: Blackw ell. Central Intellig ence Ag ency . 2012. “ The W orld F actb ook.” Retriev ed Januar y 5, 2012 ( https:/ /www.cia.gov/ librar y/public ations /the -world-factb ook/wfbExt /region_no a.html). Central Intellig ence Ag ency . 2014. “ Countr y Comp arison: Infant Mor tality Ra te.” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 (https:/ /www.cia.gov/librar y/public ations /the -worldfactb ook/rank order / 2091rank .html?c ountr yname=C anada&c ountr ycode=c a®ionC ode=no a&rank=182#c a). Dogr uel, Fatma, and A . Suut Dogr uel. 2007. “F oreign Debt Dynamics in Middle Inc ome C ountries .” Paper presente d Januar y 4, 2007 a t Middle Eas t Economic As sociation Meeting , Allied So cial Scienc e As sociations , Chic ago, IL. Moghadam , Valentine M. 2005. “ The F eminiza tion o f Poverty and W omen ’s Human Rights .” Gender E quality and Dev elopment Section UNESC O, July. Paris , Franc e. Myrdal , Gunnar . 1970. The Challeng e of World P overty: A W orld Anti-P overty Program in Outline . New Y ork: Pantheon . Oxfam . 2014. “ Working f or the F ew: P olitic al Capture and E conomic Ine quality .” Oxfam .org. Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.oxfam .org/sites /www.oxfam .org/files /bp-working-f or-few-p olitic al-c apture - economic -ine quality -200114-summ-en .pdf). Unite d Nations . 2013. "Millennium Dev elopment Go als." Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.un.org/ millenniumg oals/bkgd.shtml). Wallers tein , Immanuel . 1979. The C apitalis t World E conom y. Cambridg e, England: C ambridg e World P ress. World Bank . 2014a. “ Gender O verview .” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.worldb ank .org/en/topic / gender /overview#1). World Bank . 2014b . “High Inc ome: OECD: Da ta.” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://data.worldb ank .org/ income -lev el/OEC). World Bank . 2014c . “Lo w Inc ome: Da ta.” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://data.worldb ank .org/inc ome - level/LIC). World Bank . 2014d . “Upp er Middle Inc ome: Da ta.” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://data.worldb ank .org/ income -lev el/UMC). World Bank . 2020. " Unders tanding P overty: P overty O verview ." Retriev ed April 3 2021. (https:/ /www.worldb ank .org/en/topic /poverty/overview ) World Bank . 2021. " World Bank C ountr y and Lending Groups ." Retriev ed April 3 2021. (https:/ /datahelp desk .worldb ank .org/kno wledgebase/ar ticles /906519-w orld-b ank-countr y-and-lending-10 • R eferences 285 groups) 10.2 Global W ealth and P overty Aizenman , Nurith . 2016. " You Ask ed, We Ans wer: C an Microlo ans Lift W omen Out o f Poverty?" NPR . Novemb er 1 2016. ( https:/ /www.npr .org/sections /goatsandso da/2016/11/01/500093608/y ou-ask ed-w e-ans wer-can- tiny-loans-lift-women-out -of-poverty) Anti-Sla very Interna tional . 2012. “ Wha t Is Mo dern Sla very?” Retriev ed Januar y 1, 2012 (http://www.antisla very.org/english/sla very_today/wha t_is_mo dern_ slavery.asp x). Barta, P atrick . 2009. “ The Rise o f the Underground .”Wall Street J ournal , March 14. R etriev ed Januar y 1, 2012 (http://online .wsj.com/ar ticle/SB123698646833925567.html). Buvinić , M. 1997. “ Women in P overty: A N ew Glob al Underclas s.”Foreign P olicy , Fall (108):1–7. Chan , Emily . "Why Do W e Still K now So Lit tle Ab out Ho w Our Clothes Are Made?" V ogue . Dec emb er 18 2019. (https:/ /www.vogue .co.uk/fashion/ar ticle/ho w-are -our -clothes -actually -made) Chen , Mar tha. 2001. “ Women in the Inf ormal Sector: A Glob al Picture , the Glob al Mo vement .”The S AIS R eview 21:71–82 Chronicle o f Higher E ducation . 2006. “N early Nude P enn Sta te Students P rotes t Sw eatshop La bor.” March 26. Retriev ed Januar y 4, 2012 ( http://chronicle .com/ar ticle/N early -Nude -Penn-Sta ters /36772). Fajnzylb er, Pablo, Daniel Le derman , and N orman Lo ayza. 2002. “Ine quality and V iolent C rime .”Journal o f Law and E conomics 45:1–40. Interna tional La bour Org aniza tion . 2012. “High Unemplo yment and Gro wing Ine quality F uel So cial Unres t around the W orld .” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.ilo.org/glob al/a bout-the -ilo/new sroom/ comment -analy sis/WCMS _179430/lang--en/inde x.htm). Karim , Naimul . 2020. "F ashion brands ac cuse d of exploiting w orkers a t risk o f layoffs." Thomson R euters Founda tion N ews. Octob er 16 2020. ( https:/ /new s.trust.org/item/20201015230800-amzjn Neckerman , Kathryn, and Florencia T orche . 2007. “Ine quality: C auses and C onse quenc es.”Annual R eview o f Sociolog y33:335–357. Niner , Sara. 2018. " Why micro financ e as aid isn 't enugh to emp ower w omen ." The C onversa tion . Ma y 23, 2018. (https:/ /thec onversa tion .com/wh y-micro financ e-as-aid-isnt -enough-to -emp ower-women-96632) OECD . 2012. " Gender e quality in e ducation , emplo yment and entrepreneurship ." Meeting o f the OECD C ouncil at Minis terial Lev el, Paris: 1–252. Scho ch, Mar ta and Lakner , Chris topher and F reije -Rodrigues , Samuel . 2020. " Monitoring p overty at the US$3.20 and US$5.50 lines: diff erenc es and similarities with e xtreme p overty trends ." World Bank Blogs . Novemb er 19 2020. ( https:/ /blogs .worldb ank .org/openda ta/monitoring-p overty-us320-and-us550-lines - differenc es-and-similarities -extreme -poverty) Scott, Lucy. 2012. "F emale Emp owerment and Extreme P overty R eduction ." Unite d Nations Univ ersity . June 6 2012. ( https:/ /unu .edu/public ations /articles /female -emp owerment -and-e xtreme -poverty- reduction .html#inf o) Shah , Anup . 2011. “P overty around the W orld .” Glob al Is sues . Retriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 (http://www.glob alissues .org/print /article/4). U.S. Dep artment o f Sta te. 2011a. “Back ground N ote: Arg entina. ” Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2012 (http://www.state.gov/r/pa/ei/bgn/26516.htm). U.S. Dep artment o f Sta te. 2011b . “Back ground N ote: China. ” Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2012 ( http://www.state.gov/r/286 10 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. pa/ei/bgn/18902.htm#ec on). U.S. Dep artment o f Sta te. 2011c . “Back ground N ote: R wanda. ” Retriev ed Januar y 3, 2012 ( http://www.state.gov/ r/pa/ei/bgn/2861.htm#ec on). USAS. 2021. “ Wha t is US AS.” Augus t. Retriev ed April 3, 2021 ( http://usas .org/about). World Bank . 2013. “Middle Eas t and N orth Afric a." Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://web.worldb ank .org/ WBSITE /EXTERN AL/C OUNTRIES /MEN AEX T/ 0,,menuPK:247619~p agePK:146748~piPK:146812~the SitePK:256299,00.html). World Bank . 2014e . “Poverty O verview .” Retriev ed Novemb er 7, 2014 ( http://www.worldb ank .org/en/topic / poverty/overview ). World P overty. 2012a. “P overty in Afric a, Famine and Dise ase.” Retriev ed Januar y 2, 2012 ( http://world- poverty.org/povertyina frica.asp x). World P overty. 2012b “P overty in Asia, C aste and P rogres s.” Retriev ed Januar y 2, 2012 ( http://world- poverty.org/povertyinasia.asp x). World P overty. 2012c . “Poverty in La tin Americ a, Foreign Aid Debt B urdens .” Retriev ed Januar y 2, 2012 (http://world-p overty.org/povertyinla tinameric a.asp x). World Bank . 2018 " Gender diff erenc e in p overty and household c omp osition through the lif e- cycle: a glob al persp ectiv e." Policy rese arch w orking p aper: 8360 10.3 Theor etical P erspectives on Global Str atification Armer , J. Michael , and J ohn K atsillis . 2010. “Mo derniza tion Theor y.”Ency clop edia o f Sociolog y, edite d by E. F . Borg atta. R etriev ed Januar y 5, 2012 ( http://edu.learnso c.org/Chapters /3%20theories%20o f%20so ciolog y/ 11%20mo derniza tion%20theor y.htm). Caniels , Marjolein , C.J. Roelev eld, and A driaan R oelev eld. 2009. “P ower and Dep endenc e Persp ectiv es on Outsourcing Decisions .”Europ ean Mana gement J ournal 27:402–417. R etriev ed Januar y 4, 2012 ( http://ou- nl.academia. edu/MarjoleinC aniels /Papers/645947/ Power_and_ dep endenc e_persp ectiv es_on_outsourcing _decisions). Chang , Leslie T . 2008. Factor y Girls: F rom V illage to City in Changing China . New Y ork: Random House . Hendricks , John . 2010. “Dep endency Theor y.”Ency clop edia o f Sociolog y, edite d by E.F . Borg atta. R etriev ed Januar y 5, 2012 ( http://edu.learnso c.org/Chapters /3%20theories%20o f%20so ciolog y/ 5%20dep endency%20theor y.htm).10 • R eferences 287 288 10 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 11.1 The juxtaposition o f ang er and hope . Over a windo w br oken during pr otests in Richmond, Vir ginia , the busines s owner plac ed a sign that r eads "Did Y ou K now That Y ou Mat ter. You ar e beautiful . You ha ve purpose . You can do an ything . You mat ter," and is ac companied with bible v erses . (Cr edit: I thr ew a g uitar a him/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 11.1 Racial , Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups 11.2 Theor etical P erspectiv es on R ace and Ethnicity 11.3 Prejudic e, Discrimination, and R acism 11.4 Intergroup R elationships 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the Unit ed Stat es Trayvon Mar tin w as a sev enteen-y ear-old Black teena ger. On the ev ening o f February 26, 2012, he w as visiting with his fa ther and his fa ther ’s fianc ée in the Sanf ord, Florida multi-ethnic g ated community where his fa ther 's fianc ée liv ed. Trayvon w ent on f oot to buy a snack from a ne arby convenienc e store . As he w as returning , Georg e Zimmerman , a White Hisp anic man and the c ommunity ’s neighb orho od watch program c oordina tor, notic ed him . In light o f a rec ent rash o f bre ak-ins , Zimmerman c alled the p olice to report a p erson acting suspiciously , which he had done on man y other o ccasions . During the c all, Zimmerman said in ref erenc e to suspicious p eople , "[expletiv e] punks . Those [e xpletiv e], the y alw ays get away." The 911 operator told Zimmerman not to f ollow the teen , as w as also s tated in the p olice neighb orho od watch guidelines tha t had b een pro vide d to Zimmerman . But Zimmerman did f ollow the teen , and , soon a fter, the y had a ph ysical confronta tion . Sev eral p eople in the c ommunity he ard y elling , cries f or help , and sa w tw o11Race and Ethnicity people on the ground . According to Zimmerman , Mar tin a ttack ed him , and in the ensuing scuffle , Zimmerman shot and kille d Mar tin (CNN Librar y 2021). A public outcr y followed Mar tin’s de ath. There w ere alleg ations o fracial profiling —the use o f rac e alone to determine whether detain or in vestigate someone . As p art of the initial in vestigation , Zimmerman w as extensiv ely inter view ed by police, but w as rele ased under Florida 's "Stand Y our Ground" La w, which indic ated police could not arres t him f or his actions . Ab out six w eeks la ter, Zimmerman w as arres ted and charg ed with second-degree murder b y a sp ecial prosecutor , Ang ela C orey, who had b een app ointe d by Florida 's governor . In the ensuing trial , he w as found not guilty (CNN Librar y 2021). The sho oting , the public resp onse , and the trial tha t followed offer a snapshot o f the so ciolog y of rac e. Do y ou think rac e pla yed a role in Mar tin’s de ath? Do y ou think rac e had an influenc e on the initial decision not to arres t Zimmerman , or on his la ter ac quit tal? Do es so ciety f ear Black men , leading to racial pro filing a t an institutional lev el? 11.1 Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Unders tand the diff erence betw een r ace and ethnicity •Define a majority gr oup (dominant gr oup) •Define a minority gr oup (subor dinat e group) While man y students firs t entering a so ciolog y clas sroom are ac custome d to c onfla ting the terms “rac e,” “ethnicity ,” and “minority group ,” these three terms ha ve dis tinct me anings f or so ciologis ts. The ide a of rac e refers to sup erficial ph ysical diff erenc es tha t a p articular so ciety c onsiders signific ant, while ethnicity describ es share d culture . And the term "minority groups " describ e groups tha t are sub ordina te, or tha t lack power in so ciety reg ardles s of skin c olor or c ountr y of origin . For e xample , in mo dern U .S. his tory, the elderly might b e considere d a minority group due to a diminishe d status tha t results from p opular prejudic e and discrimina tion a gains t them . Ten p ercent o f nursing home s taff admit ted to ph ysically a busing an elderly person in the p ast year, and 40 p ercent admit ted to c ommit ting ps ychologic al abuse ( World He alth Organiza tion 2011). In this chapter w e focus on racial and ethnic minorities . What Is R ace? A human raceis a grouping o f humankind b ased on share d ph ysical or so cial qualities tha t can v ary from one society to another . Historic ally, the c oncept o f rac e has chang ed acros s cultures and eras , and has ev entually b ecome les s connecte d with anc estral and familial ties , and more c oncerne d with sup erficial ph ysical characteris tics. In the past, theoris ts dev elop ed categories o f rac e based on v arious g eographic regions , ethnicities , skin c olors , and more . Their la bels f or racial groups ha ve connote d regions or skin tones , for e xample . German ph ysician , zoologis t, and anthrop ologis t Johann F riedrich Blumenb ach (1752-1840) intro duced one o f the famous groupings b y studying human sk ulls. Blumenb ach divide d humans into fiv e rac es (MacC ord 2014): •Caucasian or White rac e: people o f Europ ean, Middle Eas tern , and N orth Afric an origin •Ethiopian or Black rac e: people o f sub -Saharan Afric ans origin (sometimes sp elled Aethiopian) •Mala yan or Bro wn rac e: people o f Southe ast Asian origin and P acific Islanders •Mong olian or Y ellow rac e: people o f all Eas t Asian and some C entral Asian origin •Americ an or R ed rac e: people o f North Americ an origin or Americ an Indians Over time , descriptions o f rac e lik e Blumenb ach's ha ve fallen into disuse , and the social c ons truction of rac e is a more ac cepte d way of unders tanding racial c ategories . Social scienc e org aniza tions including the Americ an As sociation o f Anthrop ologis ts, the Americ an So ciologic al As sociation , and the Americ an Psychologic al As sociation ha ve all o fficially rejecte d explana tions o f rac e lik e those lis ted above. Research in290 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. this scho ol of thought sugg ests tha t rac e is not biologic ally identifia ble and tha t previous racial c ategories w ere based on pseudoscienc e; the y were o ften use d to jus tify racis t practic es (Omi and W inant 1994; Gra ves 2003). For e xample , some p eople use d to think tha t genetics o f rac e determine d intellig ence. While this ide a was mos tly put to res t in the la ter 20th C entur y, it resurg ed sev eral times in the p ast 50 y ears, including the widely read and cite d 1994 b ook,The Bell Cur ve. Researchers ha ve sinc e pro vide d subs tantial evidenc e tha t refutes a biologic al-racial b asis f or intellig ence, including the widespre ad closing o f IQ g aps as Black p eople g aine d more ac cess to e ducation (Dick ens 2006). This rese arch and other c onfirming s tudies indic ate tha t an y generally lo wer IQ among a racial group w as more a bout nurture than nature , to put it into the terms o f the Socializa tion chapter . While man y of the his toric al considera tions o f rac e ha ve been c orrecte d in fa vor o f more ac cura te and sensitiv e descriptions , some o f the older terms remain . For e xample , it is g enerally unac cepta ble and insulting to ref er to Asian p eople or N ative Americ an p eople with c olor -based terminolog y, but it is ac cepta ble to ref er to White and Black p eople in tha t way. In 2020, a numb er o f public ations announc ed tha t the y would b egin c apitalizing the names o f rac es, though not ev eryone use d the same appro ach (Seip el 2020). This practic e comes ne arly a hundre d years a fter so ciologis t and le ader W .E.B . Du Bois dro ve new srooms to c apitaliz e "N egro ," the widely used term a t the time . And , finally , some memb ers o f racial groups (or ethnic groups , which are describ ed below) "reclaim " terms previously use d to insult them (Rao 2018). These e xamples are more evidenc e of the social c onstruction o f rac e, and our ev olving rela tionships among p eople and groups . What Is Ethnicity? Ethnicity is sometimes use d interchang eably with rac e, but the y are v ery diff erent c oncepts .Ethnicit yis based on share
🌍 Ethnicity, Race, and Identity
🧩 Ethnicity encompasses shared practices, norms, values, and beliefs of a group, while race represents socially constructed categories based on physical characteristics—both concepts are fluid, complex, and evolve over time
🔄 Minority groups are defined by unequal treatment and less power rather than numerical size, with five key characteristics including distinguishing traits, involuntary membership, awareness of subordination, and high in-group marriage rates
🔍 Three theoretical perspectives illuminate race relations: functionalism views racial dynamics as maintaining social order, interactionism focuses on symbolic meanings, and conflict theory examines power struggles between dominant and subordinate groups
🌈 Intersectionality reveals how race, gender, class, and other identity elements create layered experiences of privilege or discrimination that cannot be understood in isolation
👥 Prejudice (beliefs/attitudes), stereotypes (oversimplified generalizations), and discrimination (actions) work together within a culture of prejudice where bias becomes normalized and embedded in everyday life
🧬 Multiple identities are increasingly recognized and celebrated as interracial relationships become more common, challenging traditional racial categorizations and creating new ways for people to define themselves
d culture —the practic es, norms , values , and b eliefs o f a group tha t might include share d langua ge, religion , and traditions , among other c ommonalities . Lik e rac e, the term ethnicity is difficult to describ e and its me aning has chang ed over time . And as with rac e, individuals ma y be identifie d or self -identif y with ethnicities in c omple x, even c ontradictor y, ways. For e xample , ethnic groups such as Irish , Italian Americ an, Russian , Jewish , and Serbian might all b e groups whose memb ers are pre dominantly include d in the “ White ” racial c ategory. Ethnicity , like rac e, continues to b e an identific ation metho d tha t individuals and ins titutions use to day—whether through the c ensus , div ersity initia tives, nondiscrimina tion la ws, or simply in p ersonal day-to-day rela tions . In some c ases , ethnicity is inc orrectly use d as a s ynon ym f or na tional origin , but those c onstructions are technic ally diff erent . National origin (itself sometimes c onfuse d with na tionality ) has to do with the g eographic and p olitic al as sociations with a p erson 's bir thplac e or residenc e. But p eople from a na tion c an b e of a wide rang e of ethnicities , often unkno wn to p eople outside o f the region , which le ads to misc onceptions . For example , someone in the Unite d Sta tes ma y, with no ill-intent , ref er to all V ietnamese p eople as an ethnic group . But V ietnam is home to 54 f ormally rec ogniz ed ethnic groups . Adding to the c omple xity: Sometimes , either to build bridg es b etween ethnic groups , promote civil rights , gain recognition , or other re asons , div erse but closely as sociated ethnic groups ma y dev elop a "p an-ethnic " group . For e xample , the v arious ethnic groups and na tional origins o f people from V ietnam , Camb odia, Laos , and adjoining na tions , who ma y share cultural , linguis tic, or other v alues , ma y group themselv es tog ether in a collectiv e identity . If the y do so , the y ma y not seek to erase their individual ethnicities , but finding the c orrect description and as sociation c an b e challenging and dep end on c onte xt. The larg e numb er o f people who mak e up the Asian Americ an c ommunity ma y embrac e their c ollectiv e identity in the c onte xt of the Unite d Sta tes. However, tha t embrac e ma y dep end on p eople 's ages, and ma y be expres sed diff erently when sp eaking to different p opula tions (P ark 2008). F or e xample , someone who identifies as Asian Americ an while a t home in Hous ton ma y not ref er to themselv es as such when the y visit e xtende d family in J apan. In a similar manner , a grouping o f people from Me xico, Central Americ a and South Americ a—often ref erre d to as La tinx , Latina, or Latino —ma y be embrac ed by some and rejecte d by others in the group (Mar tine z 2019).11.1 • R acial , Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups 291 What Ar e Minority Gr oups? Sociologis t Louis W irth (1945) define d aminorit y group as “any group o f people who , because o f their ph ysical or cultural characteris tics, are single d out from the others in the so ciety in which the y liv e for diff erential and une qual tre atment , and who theref ore reg ard themselv es as objects o f collectiv e discrimina tion .” The term minority c onnotes discrimina tion , and in its so ciologic al use , the term sub ordinate group can b e use d interchang eably with the term minority group , while the term dominant group is often subs titute d for the group tha t represents r ulers or is in the majority who c an ac cess power and privileg e in a giv en so ciety . These definitions c orrela te to the c oncept tha t the dominant group is tha t which holds the mos t power in a giv en society , while sub ordina te groups are those who lack p ower comp ared to the dominant group . Note tha t being a numeric al minority is not a characteris tic o f being a minority group; sometimes larg er groups c an b e considere d minority groups due to their lack o f power. It is the lack o f power tha t is the predominant characteris tic o f a minority , or sub ordina te group . For e xample , consider ap artheid in South Afric a, in which a numeric al majority (the Black inha bitants o f the c ountr y) were e xploite d and oppres sed by the White minority . According to Charles W agley and Mar vin Harris (1958), a minority group is dis tinguishe d by fiv e characteris tics: (1) une qual tre atment and les s power o ver their liv es, (2) dis tinguishing ph ysical or cultural traits lik e skin c olor or langua ge, (3) in voluntar y memb ership in the group , (4) a warenes s of sub ordina tion , and (5) high ra te of in-group marria ge. Additional e xamples o f minority groups might include the L GBTQ community , religious practitioners whose faith is not widely practic ed where the y liv e, and p eople with disa bilities . Scapegoat theor y, dev elop ed initially from Dollard ’s (1939) F rustration-Aggres sion theor y, sugg ests tha t the dominant group will displac e its unf ocuse d aggres sion onto a sub ordina te group . His tory has sho wn us man y examples o f the sc apegoating o f a sub ordina te group . An e xample from the las t centur y is the w ay Adolf Hitler blame d the J ewish p opula tion f or German y’s so cial and ec onomic problems . In the Unite d Sta tes, rec ent immigrants ha ve fre quently b een the sc apegoat for the na tion ’s—or an individual ’s—woes. Man y states ha ve enacte d laws to disenfranchise immigrants; these la ws are p opular b ecause the y let the dominant group scapegoat a sub ordina te group .292 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Multiple Identities FIGURE 11.2 Golf er Tig er W oods has Chinese , Thai, African American, Nativ e American, and Dut ch heritag e. Individuals with mul tiple ethnic back grounds ar e bec oming mor e common. (Cr edit: famil ymwr/flickr) Prior to the tw entieth c entur y, racial intermarria ge (ref erre d to as misc egenation) w as e xtremely rare , and in man y plac es, illeg al. While the se xual sub ordina tion o f ensla ved people did result in children o f mix ed rac e, these children w ere usually c onsidere d Black , and theref ore, prop erty. There w as no c oncept o f multiple racial identities with the p ossible e xception o f the C reole . Creole so ciety dev elop ed in the p ort city o f New Orle ans, where a mix ed-rac e culture grew from F rench and Afric an inha bitants . Unlik e in other p arts of the c ountr y, “Creoles o f color ” had gre ater so cial, economic , and e duc ational opp ortunities than mos t Afric an Americ ans. Incre asingly during the mo dern era, the remo val of misc egenation la ws and a trend to ward e qual rights and legal protection a gains t racism ha ve steadily re duced the so cial s tigma a ttache d to racial e xogamy (exogamy refers to marria ge outside a p erson ’s core so cial unit). It is no w common f or the children o f racially mix ed parents to ackno wledge and c elebra te their v arious ethnic identities . Golf er Tig er W oods, for ins tanc e, has Chinese , Thai , Afric an Americ an, Native Americ an, and Dutch herita ge; he jokingly ref ers to his ethnicity as “Cablinasian ,” a term he c oine d to c ombine sev eral o f his ethnic b ackgrounds . While this is the trend , it is not yet evident in all asp ects o f our so ciety . For e xample , the U .S. C ensus only rec ently adde d additional c ategories for p eople to identif y themselv es, such as non-White Hisp anic . A gro wing numb er o f people chose multiple races to describ e themselv es on the 2020 C ensus , indic ating tha t individuals ha ve multiple identities .11.1 • R acial , Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups 293 11.2 Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe ho w major sociological perspectiv es vie w race and ethnicity •Identif y examples o f cul ture of prejudic e Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity We can e xamine rac e and ethnicity through three major so ciologic al persp ectiv es: functionalism , conflict theor y, and s ymb olic interactionism . As y ou re ad through these theories , ask y ourself which one mak es the mos t sense and wh y. Functionalism Functionalism emphasiz es tha t all the elements o f society ha ve functions tha t promote solidarity and maintain order and s tability in so ciety . Henc e, we can obser ve people from v arious racial and ethnic b ackgrounds interacting harmoniously in a s tate of social b alanc e. Problems arise when one or more racial or ethnic groups experienc e ine qualities and discrimina tions . This cre ates tension and c onflict resulting in temp orar y dysfunction o f the so cial s ystem . For e xample , the killing o f a Black man Georg e Flo yd by a White p olice officer in 2020 s tirre d up protes ts demanding racial jus tice and chang es in p olicing in the Unite d Sta tes. To res tore the so ciety ’s pre -dis turb ed state or to seek a new e quilibrium , the p olice dep artment and v arious p arts of the system re quire chang es and c omp ensa tory adjus tments . Another w ay to apply the functionalis t persp ectiv e to rac e and ethnicity is to discus s the w ay racism c an contribute p ositiv ely to the functioning o f society b y strengthening b onds b etween in-group memb ers through the os tracism o f out -group memb ers. Consider ho w a c ommunity might incre ase solidarity b y refusing to allo w outsiders ac cess. On the other hand , Rose (1951) sugg ested tha t dysfunctions as sociated with racism include the failure to tak e adv anta ge of talent in the subjug ated group , and tha t society mus t div ert from other purp oses the time and eff ort nee ded to maintain ar tificially c onstructe d racial b oundaries . Consider ho w much mone y, time , and eff ort went to ward maintaining sep arate and une qual e duc ational s ystems prior to the civil rights mo vement . In the view o f functionalism , racial and ethnic ine qualities mus t ha ve ser ved an imp ortant function in order to exist as long as the y ha ve. This c oncept, sometimes , can b e problema tic. Ho w can racism and discrimina tion contribute p ositiv ely to so ciety? N ash (1964) f ocuse d his argument on the w ay racism is functional f or the dominant group , for e xample , sugg esting tha t racism morally jus tifies a racially une qual so ciety . Consider the way sla ve owners jus tifie d sla very in the anteb ellum South , by sugg esting Black p eople w ere fundamentally inferior to White and pref erre d sla very to free dom . Inter actionism For symb olic interactionis ts, rac e and ethnicity pro vide s trong s ymb ols as sourc es o f identity . In fact , some interactionis ts prop ose tha t the s ymb ols o f rac e, not rac e itself, are wha t lead to racism . Fame d Interactionis t Herb ert Blumer (1958) sugg ested tha t racial prejudic e is f orme d through interactions b etween memb ers o f the dominant group: W ithout these interactions , individuals in the dominant group w ould not hold racis t view s. These interactions c ontribute to an a bstract picture o f the sub ordina te group tha t allo ws the dominant group to supp ort its view o f the sub ordina te group , and thus maintains the s tatus quo . An e xample o f this might b e an individual whose b eliefs a bout a p articular group are b ased on ima ges c onveyed in p opular me dia, and those are unques tiona bly b eliev ed because the individual has nev er p ersonally met a memb er o f tha t group . Another w ay to apply the interactionis t persp ectiv e is to lo ok a t ho w people define their rac es and the rac e of others . Some p eople who claim a White identity ha ve a gre ater amount o f skin pigmenta tion than some p eople who claim a Black identity; ho w did the y come to define themselv es as Black or White?294 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Conflict Theory Conflict theories are o ften applie d to ine qualities o f gender , social clas s, educ ation , rac e, and ethnicity . A conflict theor y persp ectiv e of U.S. his tory would e xamine the numerous p ast and current s truggles b etween the White r uling clas s and racial and ethnic minorities , noting sp ecific c onflicts tha t ha ve arisen when the dominant group p erceived a thre at from the minority group . In the la te nineteenth c entur y, the rising p ower o f Black Americ ans a fter the Civil W ar resulte d in drac onian Jim C row la ws tha t sev erely limite d Black p olitic al and so cial p ower. For e xample , Vivien Thomas (1910–1985), the Black surgic al technician who help ed dev elop the groundbre aking surgic al technique tha t saves the liv es o f “blue b abies” w as clas sifie d as a janitor f or man y years, and p aid as such , despite the fact tha t he w as c onducting c omplic ated surgic al experiments . The y ears sinc e the Civil W ar ha ve sho wed a p attern o f attempte d disenfranchisement , with g errymandering and v oter suppres sion eff orts aime d at pre dominantly minority neighb orho ods. Intersection Theory Feminis t sociologis t Patricia Hill C ollins (1990) fur ther dev elop edintersect ion theor y, originally ar ticula ted in 1989 b y Kimb erlé C rensha w, which sugg ests w e cannot sep arate the eff ects o f rac e, clas s, gender , sexual orienta tion , and other a ttributes (F igure 11.4). When w e examine rac e and ho w it c an bring us b oth adv anta ges and disadv anta ges, it is imp ortant to ackno wledge tha t the w ay we experienc e rac e is shap ed, for e xample , by our g ender and clas s. Multiple la yers o f disadv anta ge intersect to cre ate the w ay we experienc e rac e. For example , if w e want to unders tand prejudic e, we mus t unders tand tha t the prejudic e focuse d on a White woman b ecause o f her g ender is v ery diff erent from the la yered prejudic e focuse d on an Asian w oman in poverty, who is a ffecte d by stereotyp es rela ted to b eing p oor, being a w oman , and her ethnic s tatus. FIGURE 11.3 Our identities ar e formed b y do zens o f fact ors, sometimes r epresent ed in int ersection wheels .11.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on R ace and Ethnicity 295 Consider the subset o f identity elements r epresent ed her e. Gener ally, the out er ring c ontains elements that ma y chang e relativ ely often, while the elements in the inner cir cle ar e often c onsider ed mor e permanent. ( Ther e are certainl y exceptions .) Ho w does each c ontribut e to who y ou ar e, and ho w would pos sible chang e alter your self- defined identity? Cultur e of Pr ejudice Culture of prejudic erefers to the theor y tha t prejudic e is emb edde d in our culture . We gro w up surrounde d by ima ges o f stereotyp es and c asual e xpres sions o f racism and prejudic e. Consider the c asually racis t ima gery on grocery store shelv es or the s tereotyp es tha t fill p opular mo vies and adv ertisements . It is e asy to see ho w someone living in the N ortheastern Unite d Sta tes, who ma y kno w no Me xican Americ ans p ersonally , might gain a s tereotyp ed impres sion from such sourc es as S peedy Gonzale z or T aco Bell ’s talking Chihuahua. Because w e are all e xposed to these ima ges and thoughts , it is imp ossible to kno w to wha t extent the y ha ve influenc ed our thought pro cesses. 11.3 Prejudice, Discrimination, and R acism LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the diff erence betw een s tereotypes , prejudic e, discrimination, and r acism •Identif y diff erent types o f discrimination •View racial t ension thr ough a sociological lens It is imp ortant to le arn a bout s tereotyp es b efore discus sing the terms prejudic e, discrimina tion , and racism that are o ften use d interchang eably in ev eryday conversa tion .Stereot ypesare o versimplifie d generaliza tions about groups o f people . Stereotyp es c an b e based on rac e, ethnicity , age, gender , sexual orienta tion—almos t any characteris tic. The y ma y be positiv e (usually a bout one ’s own group) but are o ften neg ative (usually to ward other groups , such as when memb ers o f a dominant racial group sugg est tha t a sub ordina te racial group is stupid or lazy ). In either c ase, the s tereotyp e is a g eneraliza tion tha t do esn’t tak e individual diff erenc es into account . Where do s tereotyp es c ome from? In fact , new s tereotyp es are rarely cre ated; ra ther , the y are recy cled from subordina te groups tha t ha ve as simila ted into so ciety and are reuse d to describ e newly sub ordina te groups . For e xample , man y stereotyp es tha t are currently use d to characteriz e new immigrants w ere use d earlier in Americ an his tory to characteriz e Irish and Eas tern Europ ean immigrants . Prejudice Prejudic erefers to the b eliefs , thoughts , feelings , and a ttitudes someone holds a bout a group . A prejudic e is not b ased on p ersonal e xperienc e; ins tead, it is a prejudgment , origina ting outside actual e xperienc e. Recall from the chapter on C rime and Devianc e tha t the criminaliza tion o f marijuana w as b ased on anti-immigrant sentiment; prop onents use d fictional , fear-ins tilling s tories o f "reef er madnes s" and ramp ant immoral and illeg al activities among S panish-sp eaking p eople to jus tify new la ws and harsh tre atment o f marijuana users . Man y people who supp orted criminalizing marijuana had nev er met an y of the new immigrants who w ere rumore d to use it; the ide as w ere b ased in prejudic e. While prejudic e is b ased in b eliefs outside o f experienc e, experienc e can le ad p eople to f eel tha t their prejudic e is c onfirme d or jus tifie d. This is a typ e of confirma tion bias . For e xample , if someone is ta ught to believ e tha t a c ertain ethnic group has neg ative attributes , every neg ative act c ommit ted someone in tha t group c an b e seen as c onfirming the prejudic e. Even a minor so cial o ffense c ommit ted by a memb er o f the ethnic group , like cros sing the s treet outside the cros swalk or talking to o loudly on a bus , could c onfirm the prejudic e. While prejudic e often origina tes outside e xperienc e, it isn 't ins tinctiv e. Prejudic e—as w ell as the s tereotyp es that lead to it and the discrimina tion tha t stems from it —is mos t often ta ught and le arne d. The te aching arriv es296 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. in man y forms , from direct ins truction or indo ctrina tion , to obser vation and so cializa tion . Mo vies , books, charisma tic sp eakers, and ev en a desire to impres s others c an all supp ort the dev
🔍 Prejudice, Discrimination, and Racism Dynamics
🧠 Stereotypes and prejudices persist across almost all people categories, reinforced by confirmation bias where supporting evidence strengthens beliefs despite contradicting statistics
🚫 Discrimination manifests in multiple forms—individual, institutional, historical, cultural—creating systems of oppression while simultaneously granting unrecognized privilege to dominant groups
🔄 Racism operates through various mechanisms including systemic structures, racial profiling, colorism, and "color-avoidance," perpetuating cycles where implicit bias and structural racialization reinforce each other
🤝 Anti-racism requires active, ongoing work—understanding internalized racist ideas, identifying and replacing racist policies, and making conscious daily choices rather than simply enacting laws
🌐 Intergroup relations exist on a spectrum from tolerance (pluralism) to intolerance (genocide), with assimilation representing a middle ground where minority groups adopt dominant cultural characteristics
🇺🇸 Racial tensions in America, exemplified by incidents like Michael Brown's death, reveal deep-rooted inequalities in policing, wealth distribution, housing, and employment that persist despite awareness
elopment o f prejudic es. FIGURE 11.4 Stereotypes and pr ejudic es ar e persis tent and appl y to almos t every cat egory of people . The y are also subject t o confirmation bias , in which an y bit o f suppor ting e videnc e giv es a person mor e confidenc e in their belief . For example , if y ou think older people ar e bad driv ers, every time y ou see an ac cident in volving an older driv er, it's likely to incr ease y our c onfidenc e in y our s tereotype . Even if y ou hear the s tatis tics that y oung er driv ers cause mor e accidents than older driv ers, the fulfil lment o f your s tereotype is difficul t to overcome . (Cr edit: Chris F reser /flickr) Discrimination While prejudic e ref ers to biase d thinking ,discriminat ion consis ts of actions a gains t a group o f people . Discrimina tion c an b e based on rac e, ethnicity , age, religion , health , and other c ategories . For e xample , discrimina tion b ased on rac e or ethnicity c an tak e man y forms , from unfair housing practic es such as redlining to biase d hiring s ystems . Overt discrimina tion has long b een p art of U.S. his tory. In the la te nineteenth c entur y, it w as not unc ommon f or busines s owners to hang signs tha t read, "Help W ante d: N o Irish Need Apply ." And southern Jim C row la ws, with their " Whites Only " signs , exemplifie d overt discrimina tion that is not tolera ted to day. Discrimina tion also manif ests in diff erent w ays. The sc enarios a bove are e xamples o f individual discrimina tion , but other typ es e xist. Ins titutional discrimina tion o ccurs when a so cietal s ystem has dev elop ed with emb edde d disenfranchisement o f a group , such as the U .S. militar y's his toric al nonac ceptanc e of minority se xualities (the " don 't ask , don 't tell" p olicy reflecte d this norm). While the f orm and sev erity o f discrimina tion v ary signific antly , the y are c onsidere d forms o f oppres sion . Institutional discrimina tion c an also include the promotion o f a group 's status, such in the c ase o f privileg e, which is the b enefits p eople rec eive simply b y being p art of the dominant group . Mos t people ha ve some lev el of privileg e, whether it has to do with he alth , ability , rac e, or g ender . When discus sing rac e, the f ocus is o ften on White privileg e, which are the b enefits p eople rec eive by being a White person or b eing p erceived to b e a White p erson . Mos t White p eople are willing to admit tha t non-White p eople live with a set o f disadv anta ges due to the c olor o f their skin . But until the y gain a g ood degree o f self - awarenes s, few p eople are willing to ackno wledge the b enefits the y themselv es rec eive by being a p art of the dominant group . Wh y not? Some ma y feel it les sens their ac complishments , others ma y feel a degree o f guilt , and s till others ma y feel tha t admit ting to privileg e mak es them seem lik e a b ad or me an p erson . But White (or other dominant) privileg e is an ins titutional c ondition , not a p ersonal one . It e xists whether the p erson asks f or it or not . In fact , a pioneering think er on the topic , Peggy McIntosh , note d tha t she didn 't rec ogniz e privileg e11.3 • P rejudic e, Discrimina tion, and R acism 297 because, in fact , it w as not b ased in me annes s. Ins tead, it w as an "in visible w eightles s knapsack full o f special provisions " tha t she didn 't ask f or, yet from which she s till b enefit ted (McIntosh 1989). As the ref erenc e indic ates, McIntosh 's firs t major public ation a bout White privileg e was rele ased in 1989; man y people ha ve only b ecome familiar with the term in rec ent y ears. Prejudic e and discrimina tion c an o verlap and intersect in man y ways. To illus trate, here are f our e xamples o f how prejudic e and discrimina tion c an o ccur. Unprejudic ed nondiscrimina tors are op en-minde d, tolerant , and accepting individuals . Unprejudic ed discrimina tors might b e those who unthinkingly practic e se xism in their workplac e by not c onsidering w omen or g ender nonc onforming p eople f or c ertain p ositions tha t ha ve traditionally b een held b y men . Prejudic ed nondiscrimina tors are those who hold racis t beliefs but don 't act on them , such as a racis t store o wner who ser ves minority cus tomers . Prejudic ed discrimina tors include those who activ ely mak e disp araging remarks a bout others or who p erpetua te ha te crimes . Racism Racism is a s trong er typ e of prejudic e and discrimina tion use d to jus tify ine qualities a gains t individuals b y maintaining tha t one racial c ategory is someho w sup erior or inf erior to others; it is a set o f practic es use d by a racial dominant group to maximiz e adv anta ges for itself b y disadv anta ging racial minority groups . Such practic es ha ve affecte d wealth g ap, emplo yment , housing discrimina tion , government sur veillanc e, incarceration , drug arres ts, immigra tion arres ts, infant mor tality and much more (Rac e Forward 2021). Broadly , individuals b elonging to minority groups e xperienc e both individual racism and s ystemic racism during their lif etime . While re ading the f ollowing some o f the c ommon f orms o f racism , ask y ourself, “ Am I a part of this racism? ” “Ho w can I c ontribute to s top racism? ” •Individual or Interp ersonal Racism refers to prejudic e and discrimina tion e xecute d by individuals consciously and unc onsciously tha t occurs b etween individuals . Examples include telling a racis t jok e and believing in the sup eriority o f White p eople . •Systemic Racism , also c alledstructural racism or ins titutional racism , is s ystems and s tructures tha t have pro cedures or pro cesses tha t disadv anta ges racial minority groups . Systemic racism o ccurs in organiza tions as discrimina tory tre atments and unfair p olicies b ased on rac e tha t result in ine quita ble outc omes f or White p eople o ver p eople o f color . For e xample , a scho ol system where s tudents o f color are distribute d into under funde d scho ols and out o f the higher -resourc ed scho ols. •Racial P rofiling is a typ e of systemic racism tha t involves the singling out o f racial minorities f or differential tre atment , usually harsher tre atment . The disp arate tre atment o f racial minorities b y law enforcement o fficials is a c ommon e xample o f racial pro filing in the Unite d Sta tes. For e xample , a s tudy on the Driv er's Lic ense P rivileg e to A ll Minnesota R esidents from 2008 to 2010 f ound tha t the p ercenta ge of Latinos arres ted was disprop ortionally high (F eist 2013). Similarly , the disprop ortiona te numb er o f Black men arres ted, charg ed, and c onvicte d of crimes reflect racial pro filing . •Historic al Racism is ec onomic ine quality or so cial disp arity c aused by past racism . For e xample , Afric an- Americ ans ha ve had their opp ortunities in w ealth , educ ation and emplo yment adv ersely a ffecte d due to the mis treatment o f their anc estors during the sla very and p ost-slavery perio d (Wilson 2012). •Cultural Racism occurs when the as sumption o f inf eriority o f one or more rac es is built into the culture o f a so ciety . For e xample , the Europ ean culture is c onsidere d supp osedly more ma ture , evolved and ra tional than other cultures (Bla ut 1992). A s tudy sho wed tha t White and Asian Americ an s tudents with high GP As experienc e gre ater so cial ac ceptanc e while Black and N ative Americ an s tudents with high GP As are rejecte d by their p eers (F uller -Rowell and Do an 2010). •Colorism is a f orm o f racism , in which someone b eliev es one typ e of skin tone is sup erior or inf erior to another within a racial group . For e xample , if an emplo yer b eliev es a Black emplo yee with a dark er skin tone is les s capable than a Black emplo yee with lighter skin tone , tha t is c olorism . Studies sugg est tha t dark er skinne d Afric an Americ ans e xperienc e more discrimina tion than lighter skinne d Afric an Americ ans (Herring , Keith , and Hor ton 2004; Klono ff and Landrine 2000).298 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. •Color -Avoidanc e Racism (sometimes ref erre d to as " colorblind racism ") is an a voidanc e of racial langua ge by Europ ean-Americ ans tha t the racism is no long er an is sue. The U .S. cultural narra tive tha t typic ally focuses on individual racism fails to rec ogniz e systemic racism . It has arisen sinc e the p ost-Civil Rights era and supp orts racism while a voiding an y ref erenc e to rac e (Bonilla-Silv a (2015). How to Be an Antir acist Almos t all mains tream v oices in the Unite d Sta tes opp ose racism . Despite this , racism is prev alent in sev eral forms . For e xample , when a new spaper uses p eople 's rac e to identif y individuals ac cuse d of a crime , it ma y enhanc e stereotyp es o f a c ertain minority . Another e xample o f racis t practic es is racial s teering , in which re al estate agents direct prosp ectiv e homeo wners to ward or a way from c ertain neighb orho ods b ased on their rac e. Racis t attitudes and b eliefs are o ften more insidious and harder to pin do wn than sp ecific racis t practic es. The y become more c omple x due to implicit bias (also ref erre d to as unc onscious bias) which is the pro cess of associating s tereotyp es or a ttitudes to wards c ategories o f people without c onscious a warenes s – which c an result in unfair actions and decisions tha t are a t odds with one ’s conscious b eliefs a bout fairnes s and e quality (Osta and V asque z 2021). F or e xample , in scho ols w e often see “honors” and “ gifte d” clas ses quickly fille d with White s tudents while the majority o f Black and La tino s tudents are plac ed in the lo wer track clas ses. As a result , our mind c onsciously and unc onsciously s tarts to as sociate Black and La tino s tudents with b eing les s intellig ent, les s capable. Osta and V asque z (2021) argue tha t placing the s tudent o f color into a lo wer and les s rigorous track , we repro duce the ine quity and the vicious cy cle o f structural racism and implicit bias continues . FIGURE 11.5 Implicit Bias and Structur al Racialization (Os ta and V asque z 2021) If ev eryone b ecomes antiracis t, bre aking the vicious cy cle o f structural racism and implicit bias ma y not b e far away. To be antiracis t is a radic al choic e in the fac e of his tory, requiring a radic al reorienta tion o f our consciousnes s (Kendi 2019). P roponents o f anti-racism indic ate tha t we mus t work c ollaboratively within11.3 • P rejudic e, Discrimina tion, and R acism 299 ourselv es, our ins titutions , and our netw orks to challeng e racism a t local, national and glob al lev els. The practic e of anti-racism is ev eryone’s ong oing w ork tha t everyone should pursue a t least the f ollowing (C arter and Sn yder 2020): •Unders tand and o wn the racis t ide as in which w e ha ve been so cializ ed and the racis t biases tha t these ideas ha ve cre ated within e ach o f us. •Identif y racis t policies , practic es, and pro cedures and replac e them with antiracis t policies , practic es, and procedures . Anti-racism nee d not b e confronta tional in the sense o f eng aging in direct arguments with p eople , feeling terrible a bout y our privileg e, or den ying y our o wn nee ds or suc cess. In fact , man y people who are a p art of a minority ackno wledge the nee d for allies from the dominant group (Melak u 2020). Unders tanding and o wning the racis t ide as, and rec ognizing y our o wn privileg e, is a g ood and bra ve thing . We cannot erase racism simply b y enacting la ws to a bolish it , because it is emb edde d in our c omple x re ality that rela tes to e ducational , economic , criminal , politic al, and other so cial s ystems . Imp ortantly , everyone c an become antiracis t by making c onscious choic es daily . Being racis t or antiracis t is not a bout who y ou are; it is about wha t you do (C arter and Sn yder 2020). Wha t do es it me an to y ou to b e an “ anti-racis t”? Ho w do see the rec ent ev ents or protes ts in y our c ommunity , countr y or somewhere else? Are the y making an y desire d chang es? Racial T ensions in the United States The death o f Michael Br own in F erguson, Mis souri on Aug ust 9, 2014 il lustrates racial t ensions in the Unit ed Stat es as w ell as the o verlap betw een pr ejudic e, discrimination, and ins titutional r acism. On that da y, Brown, a young unarmed Black man, w as kil led b y a Whit e polic e officer named Darr en Wilson. During the incident, Wilson directed Br own and his friend t o walk on the side walk ins tead o f in the s treet. While e yewitnes s accounts v ary, they agr ee that an al tercation oc curr ed betw een Wilson and Br own. Wilson ’s version has him shooting Br own in self-def ense aft er Br own as saul ted him, while Dorian Johnson, a friend o f Brown also pr esent at the time , claimed that Br own firs t ran a way, then turned with his hands in the air t o surr ender , after which Wilson shot him repeat edly (Nobles and Bosman 2014). Thr ee aut opsies independentl y confirmed that Br own w as shot six times (Lowery and F ears 2014). The shooting f ocused at tention on a number o f race-related tensions in the Unit ed Stat es. Firs t, members o f the predominantl y Black c ommunity vie wed Br own’s death as the r esul t of a Whit e polic e officer racial ly profiling a Black man (Nobles and Bosman 2014). In the da ys aft er, it w as revealed that onl y thr ee members o f the t own’s fifty-three-member polic e force were Black (Nobles and Bosman 2014). The national dialog ue shift ed during the next few weeks, with some c ommentat ors pointing t o a nation wide sedimenta tion o f racial inequality and identif ying r edlining in F erguson as a cause o f the unbalanc ed racial c omposition in the c ommunity , in local political es tablishments , and in the polic e force (Bouie 2014). Redlining is the pr actic e of routinel y refusing mor tgages for households and busines ses locat ed in pr edominat ely minority c ommunities , while sedimentation of racial inequality describes the int ergener ational impact o f both pr actical and leg alized racism that limits the abilities o f Black people t o ac cumulat e wealth. Ferguson ’s racial imbalanc e ma y explain in par t wh y, even though in 2010 onl y about 63 per cent o f its population was Black, in 2013 Black people w ere detained in 86 per cent o f stops, 92 per cent o f sear ches , and 93 per cent o f arrests (Mis souri A ttorne y Gener al’s Offic e 2014). In addition, de fact o segr egation in Ferguson ’s schools , a race-based w ealth gap, urban spr awl, and a Black unemplo yment r ate thr ee times that o f the Whit e unemplo yment r ate worsened e xisting r acial t ensions in F erguson while also r eflecting nation wide r acial inequalities (Bouie 2014).BIG PICTURE300 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. This situation has not much chang ed in the Unit ed Stat es. Aft er Michael Br own, do zens o f unarmed Black people have been shot and kil led b y polic e. Studies find no chang e to the r acial disparity in the use o f deadl y force by polic e (Bel li 2020). Do y ou think that r acial t ension can be r educ ed b y stopping polic e action ag ains t racial minorities? What types o f policies and pr actic es ar e impor tant t o reduc e racial t ension? Who ar e responsible? Why? 11.4 Intergr oup R elationships LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain diff erent int ergroup r elations in t erms o f their r elativ e levels o f tolerance •Give his torical and/or c ontempor ary examples o f each type o f intergroup r elation Intergroup rela tions (rela tionships b etween diff erent groups o f people) rang e along a sp ectr um b etween toleranc e and intoleranc e. The mos t tolerant f orm o f intergroup rela tions is pluralism , in which no dis tinction is made b etween minority and majority groups , but ins tead there ’s equal s tanding . At the other end o f the continuum are amalg ama tion , expulsion , and ev en g eno cide —stark e xamples o f intolerant intergroup rela tions . Plur alism Pluralism is represente d by the ide al of the Unite d Sta tes as a “ salad b owl”: a gre at mixture o f diff erent cultures where e ach culture retains its o wn identity and y et adds to the fla vor o f the whole . True pluralism is characteriz ed by mutual resp ect on the p art of all cultures , both dominant and sub ordina te, cre ating a multicultural en vironment o f acceptanc e. In re ality , true pluralism is a difficult g oal to re ach. In the Unite d States, the mutual resp ect re quire d by pluralism is o ften mis sing , and the na tion ’s past mo del o f a melting p ot posits a so ciety where cultural diff erenc es aren ’t embrac ed as much as erase d. Assimilation Assimilat ion describ es the pro cess by which a minority individual or group giv es up its o wn identity b y taking on the characteris tics o f the dominant culture . In the Unite d Sta tes, which has a his tory of welcoming and absorbing immigrants from diff erent lands , assimila tion has b een a function o f immigra tion .11.4 • Int ergroup R elationships 301 FIGURE 11.6 For man y immigr ants t o the Unit ed Stat es, the Statue o f Liber ty is a s ymbol o f freedom and a ne w lif e. Unfortunat ely, the y often enc ount er pr ejudic e and discrimination. (Cr edit: Mark Hear d/flickr) Mos t people in the Unite d Sta tes ha ve immigrant anc estors . In rela tively rec ent his tory, between 1890 and 1920, the Unite d Sta tes b ecame home to around 24 million immigrants . In the dec ades sinc e then , fur ther waves o f immigrants ha ve come to these shores and ha ve ev entually b een a bsorb ed into U .S. culture , sometimes a fter facing e xtende d perio ds o f prejudic e and discrimina tion . Assimila tion ma y lead to the los s of the minority group ’s cultural identity as the y become a bsorb ed into the dominant culture , but as simila tion has minimal to no imp act on the majority group ’s cultural identity . Some groups ma y keep only s ymb olic g estures o f their original ethnicity . For ins tanc e, man y Irish Americ ans may celebra te Saint P atrick ’s Da y, man y Hindu Americ ans enjo y a Diw ali festival, and man y Me xican Americ ans ma y celebra teCinc o de Ma yo(a Ma y 5 ackno wledgment o f the Me xican victor y over the F rench Empire a t the Ba ttle o f Puebla). Ho wever, for the
🌍 Cultural Integration Dynamics
🔄 Assimilation requires subordinate cultures to abandon their traditions to conform to the dominant environment, contrasting with the 🥗 pluralism "salad bowl" model where cultures maintain their distinct identities
🤝 Amalgamation creates a true "melting pot" where cultures combine to form something entirely new, historically restricted by antimiscegenation laws until the landmark 1967 Loving v. Virginia case
💔 Intergroup conflicts manifest in extreme forms like 🔥 genocide (Holocaust, Native American decimation) and 👉 expulsion (Japanese internment), revealing how dominant groups systematically eliminate or remove subordinate populations
🧱 Segregation persists in both legal (de jure) and practical (de facto) forms, with racial separation continuing in American neighborhoods despite legal victories like Brown v. Board of Education
🏛️ The multicultural United States comprises diverse racial and ethnic groups with complex histories, including Native Americans who experienced devastating population losses and continue to face stereotyping and cultural appropriation
📊 Census classifications of race reflect social definitions rather than biological realities, with data used to inform policy decisions, promote equal opportunities, and assess racial disparities
res t of the y ear, other asp ects o f their origina ting culture ma y be forgotten. Assimila tion is antithetic al to the “ salad b owl” cre ated by pluralism; ra ther than maintaining their o wn cultural fla vor, sub ordina te cultures giv e up their o wn traditions in order to c onform to their new en vironment . Sociologis ts me asure the degree to which immigrants ha ve as simila ted to a new culture with f our b enchmarks: socioeconomic s tatus, spatial c oncentra tion , langua ge as simila tion , and intermarria ge. When fac ed with racial and ethnic discrimina tion , it c an b e difficult f or new immigrants to fully as simila te. Langua ge as simila tion , in particular , can b e a f ormida ble b arrier , limiting emplo yment and e duc ational options and theref ore constraining gro wth in so cioeconomic s tatus.302 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Amalgamation Amalg amat ion is the pro cess by which a minority group and a majority group c ombine to f orm a new group . Amalg ama tion cre ates the clas sic “melting p ot” analog y; unlik e the “ salad b owl,” in which e ach culture retains its individuality , the “melting p ot” ide al sees the c ombina tion o f cultures tha t results in a new culture entirely . Amalg ama tionin the f orm o f misc egenation is achiev ed through intermarria ge between rac es. In the Unite d States, antimisc egenation la ws, which criminaliz ed interracial marria ge, flourishe d in the South during the Jim C row era. It w asn’t until 1967’ sLoving v . Virginia that the las t antimisc egenation la w w as s truck from the books, making these la ws unc onstitutional . Genocide Geno cide , the delib erate annihila tion o f a targ eted (usually sub ordina te) group , is the mos t toxic intergroup rela tionship . His toric ally, we can see tha t geno cide has include d both the intent to e xtermina te a group and the function o f extermina ting o f a group , intentional or not . Possibly the mos t well-kno wn c ase o f geno cide is Hitler ’s attempt to e xtermina te the J ewish p eople in the firs t part of the tw entieth c entur y. Also kno wn as the Holo caust, the e xplicit g oal of Hitler ’s “F inal Solution ” was the eradic ation o f Europ ean J ewr y, as w ell as the des truction o f other minority groups such as C atholics , people with disa bilities , and L GBTQ people . With f orced emigra tion , concentra tion c amps , and mas s executions in g as chamb ers, Hitler ’s Nazi regime w as resp onsible f or the de aths o f 12 million p eople , 6 million o f whom w ere Jewish . Hitler ’s intent w as cle ar, and the high J ewish de ath toll c ertainly indic ates tha t Hitler and his regime commit ted geno cide . But ho w do w e unders tand g eno cide tha t is not so o vert and delib erate? The tre atment o f the N ative Americ ans b y the Europ ean c oloniz ers is an e xample o f geno cide c ommit ted agains t indig enous p eople . Some his torians es tima te tha t Native Americ an p opula tions dwindle d from appro xima tely 12 million p eople in the y ear 1500 to b arely 237,000 b y the y ear 1900 (Lew y 2004). Europ ean settlers c oerced Americ an Indians o ff their o wn lands , often c ausing thousands o f deaths in f orced remo vals, such as o ccurre d in the Cherok ee or P otawatomi T rail o f Tears. Set tlers also ensla ved Native Americ ans and forced them to giv e up their religious and cultural practic es. But the major c ause o f Native Americ an de ath w as neither sla very nor w ar nor f orced remo val: it w as the intro duction o f Europ ean dise ases and Indians’ lack o f immunity to them . Smallp ox, diphtheria, and me asles flourishe d among indig enous Americ an trib es who had no e xposure to the dise ases and no a bility to fight them . Quite simply , these dise ases decima ted the trib es. How planne d this g eno cide w as remains a topic o f contention . Some argue tha t the spre ad o f dise ase w as an unintende d eff ect o f conques t, while others b eliev e it w as intentional , citing r umors o f smallp ox-infecte d blank ets b eing dis tribute d as “ gifts” to trib es. Geno cide is not a jus t a his toric al concept; it is practic ed ev en in the tw enty - firs t centur y. For e xample , ethnic and g eographic c onflicts in the Dar fur region o f Sudan ha ve led to hundre ds o f thousands o f deaths. As p art of an ong oing land c onflict , the Sudanese g overnment and their s tate-sponsore d Janja weed militia ha ve led a camp aign o f killing , forced displac ement , and s ystema tic rap e of Dar furi p eople . Although a tre aty w as signe d in 2011, the p eace is fra gile. Expulsion Expulsion refers to a sub ordina te group b eing f orced, by a dominant group , to le ave a c ertain are a or c ountr y. As seen in the e xamples o f the T rail o f Tears and the Holo caust, expulsion c an b e a factor in g eno cide . However, it c an also s tand on its o wn as a des tructiv e group interaction . Expulsion has o ften o ccurre d historic ally with an ethnic or racial b asis . In the Unite d Sta tes, President F ranklin D . Roosev elt is sued Executiv e Order 9066 in 1942, a fter the J apanese g overnment ’s attack on P earl Harb or. The Order a uthoriz ed the es tablishment o f internment c amps f or an yone with as lit tle as one -eighth J apanese anc estry (i.e., one great-grandp arent who w as Japanese). O ver 120,000 leg al Japanese residents and J apanese U .S. citiz ens, man y of them children , were held in these c amps f or up to f our y ears, despite the fact tha t there w as nev er an y11.4 • Int ergroup R elationships 303 evidenc e of collusion or espiona ge. (In fact , man y Japanese Americ ans c ontinue d to demons trate their lo yalty to the Unite d Sta tes b y ser ving in the U .S. militar y during the W ar.) In the 1990s , the U .S. e xecutiv e branch issued a f ormal ap olog y for this e xpulsion; rep aration eff orts continue to day. Segr egation Segreg ation refers to the ph ysical sep aration o f two groups , particularly in residenc e, but also in w orkplac e and so cial functions . It is imp ortant to dis tinguish b etween de jure segreg ation (segreg ation tha t is enf orced by law) and de facto segreg ation (segreg ation tha t occurs without la ws but b ecause o f other factors). A s tark example o fde jure segreg ation is the ap artheid mo vement o f South Afric a, which e xisted from 1948 to 1994. Under ap artheid , Black South Afric ans w ere s tripp ed of their civil rights and f orcibly relo cated to are as tha t segreg ated them ph ysically from their White c omp atriots . Only a fter dec ades o f degrada tion , violent uprisings , and interna tional adv ocacy w as ap artheid finally a bolishe d. De jure segreg ation o ccurre d in the Unite d Sta tes f or man y years a fter the Civil W ar. During this time , man y former C onfedera te states p assed Jim C row la ws tha t require d segreg ated facilities f or Black and White p eople . These la ws were c odifie d in 1896’ s landmark Supreme C ourt case Ples sy v. Ferguson , which s tated tha t “separate but e qual ” facilities w ere c onstitutional . For the ne xt fiv e dec ades , Black p eople w ere subjecte d to legalized discrimina tion , forced to liv e, work, and g o to scho ol in sep arate—but une qual —facilities . It w asn’t until 1954 and the Brown v . Bo ard o f Education case tha t the Supreme C ourt declare d tha t “separate educational facilities are inherently une qual ,” thus ending de jure segreg ation in the Unite d Sta tes. FIGURE 11.7 In the “ Jim Cr ow” South, it w as leg al to ha ve “separ ate but equal ” facilities f or Black people and Whit e people . (Cr edit: Libr ary of Congr ess/Wikimedia Commons) De facto segreg ation , however, cannot b e abolishe d by an y court manda te. Few ins titutions desegreg ated as a result o fBrown; in fact , government and ev en militar y inter vention w as nec essary to enf orce the r uling , and it took the Civil Rights A ct and other la ws to f ormaliz e the e quality . Segreg ation is s till aliv e and w ell in the Unite d States, with diff erent racial or ethnic groups o ften segreg ated by neighb orho od, borough , or p arish . Sociologis ts use segreg ation indic es to me asure racial segreg ation o f diff erent rac es in diff erent are as. The indic es emplo y a sc ale from z ero to 100, where z ero is the mos t integra ted and 100 is the le ast. In the N ew Y ork metrop olitan are a, for ins tanc e, the Black -White segreg ation inde x was sev enty -nine f or the y ears 2005–2009. This me ans tha t 79 p ercent o f either Black or White p eople w ould ha ve to mo ve in order f or e ach neighb orho od to ha ve the same racial b alanc e as the whole metro region (P opula tion Studies C enter 2010).304 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the United States LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Compar e and c ontr ast the diff erent e xperienc es o f various ethnic gr oups in the Unit ed Stat es •Appl y theories o f intergroup r elations , race, and ethnicity t o diff erent subor dinat e groups When c olonis ts came to the N ew W orld , the y found a land tha t did not nee d “disc overing ” sinc e it w as alre ady inha bite d. While the firs t wave of immigrants c ame from W estern Europ e, eventually the bulk o f people entering N orth Americ a were from N orthern Europ e, then Eas tern Europ e, then La tin Americ a and Asia. And let us not f orget the f orced immigra tion o f ensla ved Afric ans. Mos t of these groups under went a p erio d of disenfranchisement in which the y were releg ated to the b ottom o f the so cial hierarch y before the y mana ged (for those who c ould) to achiev e so cial mobility . Bec ause o f this achiev ement , the U .S. is s till a “ dream destina tion ” for millions o f people living in other c ountries . Man y thousands o f people , including children , arriv e here ev ery year b oth do cumente d and undo cumente d. Mos t Americ ans w elcome and supp ort new immigrants wholehe artedly. For e xample , the Dev elopment , Relief, and E duc ation f or A lien Minors (DREAM) Act intro duced in 2001 pro vides a me ans f or undo cumente d immigrants who arriv ed in the U .S. as children to gain a p athway to p ermanent leg al status. Similarly , the Def erre d Action f or Childho od Arriv als (D ACA) intro duced in 2012 giv es y oung undo cumente d immigrants a w ork p ermit and protection from dep ortation (Georg etown La w 2021). T oday, the U .S. so ciety is multicultural , multiracial and multiethnic tha t is c omp osed of people from sev eral na tional origins . The U .S. C ensus B ureau collects racial da ta in ac cordanc e with guidelines pro vide d by the U .S. Offic e of Mana gement and B udg et (OMB 2016). These da ta are b ased on self -identific ation; g enerally reflect a so cial definition o f rac e rec ogniz ed in this c ountr y tha t include racial and na tional origin or so ciocultural groups . People ma y cho ose to rep ort more than one rac e to indic ate their racial mixture , such as “ Americ an Indian ” and “ White .” People who identif y their origin as Hisp anic , Latino , or S panish ma y be of an y rac e. OMB re quires five minimum c ategories: White , Black or Afric an Americ an, Americ an Indian or A laska N ative, Asian , and Native Ha waiian or Other P acific Islander . The U .S. C ensus B ureau’s QuickF acts as o f July 1, 2019 sho wed tha t over 328 million p eople representing v arious racial groups w ere living in the U .S. (Table 11.1 ). Population es timat es, Jul y 1, 2019, ( V2019) 328,239,523 Race and Hispanic Origin Percentag e (%) Whit e alone 76.3 Black or African American alone 13.4 American Indian and Alask a Nativ e alone 1.3 Asian alone 5.9 Nativ e Ha waiian and Other P acific Islander alone 0.2 Two or Mor e Races 2.8 Hispanic or L atino 18.5 TABLE 11.1 Percentag e of Race and Hispanic Origin P opulation 2019 (Table c ourtesy of U.S. Census Bur eau)11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 305 Whit e alone , not Hispanic or L atino 60.1 TABLE 11.1 Percentag e of Race and Hispanic Origin P opulation 2019 (Table c ourtesy of U.S. Census Bur eau) To clarif y the terminolog y in the ta ble, note tha t the U .S. C ensus B ureau defines racial groups as f ollows: •White – A p erson ha ving origins in an y of the original p eoples o f Europ e, the Middle Eas t, or N orth Afric a. •Black or Afric an Americ an – A p erson ha ving origins in an y of the Black racial groups o f Afric a. •Americ an Indian or A laska N ative – A p erson ha ving origins in an y of the original p eoples o f North and South Americ a (including C entral Americ a) and who maintains trib al affilia tion or c ommunity a ttachment . •Asian – A p erson ha ving origins in an y of the original p eoples o f the F ar Eas t, Southe ast Asia, or the Indian subcontinent including , for e xample , Camb odia, China, India, J apan, Korea, Mala ysia, P akis tan, the Philippine Islands , Thailand , and V ietnam . •Native Ha waiian or Other P acific Islander – A p erson ha ving origins in an y of the original p eoples o f Hawaii, Guam , Samo a, or other P acific Islands . Informa tion on rac e is re quire d for man y Federal programs and is critic al in making p olicy decisions , particularly f or civil rights including racial jus tice. Sta tes use these da ta to meet legisla tive re districting principles . Rac e da ta also are use d to promote e qual emplo yment opp ortunities and to as sess racial disp arities in he alth and en vironmental risks tha t demons trates the e xtent to which this multiculturality is embrac ed. The man y manif estations o f multiculturalism c arry signific ant p olitic al rep ercus sions . The sections b elow will describ e ho w sev eral groups b ecame p art of U.S. so ciety , discus s the his tory of intergroup rela tions f or e ach faction , and as sess each group ’s status to day. Native Americans Native Americ ans are Indig enous p eoples , the only nonimmigrant p eople in the Unite d Sta tes. According to the National C ongres s of Americ an Indians , Native Americ ans are “ All Native people o f the Unite d Sta tes and its trust territories (i .e., Americ an Indians , Alaska N atives, Native Ha waiians , Chamorros , and Americ an Samo ans), as w ell as p ersons from C anadian F irst Nations and Indig enous c ommunities in Me xico and C entral and South Americ a who are U .S. residents (NC AI 2020, p . 11). ” Native Americ ans onc e numb ered in the millions but b y 2010 made up only 0.9 p ercent o f U.S. p opulac e; see a bove (U .S. C ensus 2010). Currently , about 2.9 million p eople identif y themselv es as N ative Americ an alone , while an additional 2.3 million identif y themselv es as N ative Americ an mix ed with another ethnic group (N orris , Vines , and Ho effel 2012).306 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Sports T eams with Nativ e American Names FIGURE 11.8 Man y Nativ e Americans (and others) belie ve spor ts teams with names lik e the Indians , Braves, and Warriors perpetuat e un welcome s tereotypes . The Not Y our Masc ot pr otest was one o f man y dir ected at the then Washingt on R edskins , which e ventual ly chang ed its name . (Cr edit: Fibonac ci Blue/fickr) The spor ts w orld abounds with t eam names lik e the Indians , the W arriors , the Br aves, and e ven the Sa vages and Redskins . These names arise fr om his torical ly prejudic ed vie ws of Nativ e Americans as fier ce, brave, and s trong: attribut es that w ould be beneficial t o a spor ts team, but ar e not nec essaril y beneficial t o people in the Unit ed Stat es who should be seen as mor e than that. Sinc e the civil rights mo vement o f the 1960s , the National Congr ess of American Indians (NCAI) has been campaigning ag ains t the use o f such masc ots, asserting that the “ warrior sa vage myth . . . r einforces the r acist vie w that Indians ar e unciviliz ed and uneducat ed and it has been used t o jus tify policies o f forced as similation and destruction o f Indian cul ture” (NCAI R esolution #TUL -05-087 2005). The campaign has met with limit ed suc cess. While some t eams ha ve chang ed their names , hundr eds o f professional , college, and K –12 school t eams s till have names deriv ed fr om this s tereotype . Another gr oup, American Indian Cul tural Suppor t (AICS), is especial ly concerned with the use o f such names at K –12 schools , influencing childr en when the y should be g aining a ful ler and mor e realis tic unders tanding o f Nativ e Americans than such s tereotypes suppl y. After years o f pressure and with a wider sense o f social jus tice and cul tural sensitivity , the W ashingt on F ootbal l Team r emo ved their o ffensiv e name bef ore the 2020 season, and the Cle veland Major L eague Basebal l team announc ed it w ould chang e its name aft er the 2021 season. What do y ou think about such names? Should the y be al lowed or banned? What ar gument w ould a s ymbolic interactionis t mak e on this t opic? History of Intergr oup R elations Native Americ an culture prior to Europ ean set tlement is ref erre d to as P re-Columbian: tha t is, prior to the coming o f Chris topher C olumbus in 1492. Mis takenly b elieving tha t he had lande d in the Eas t Indies , Columbus name d the indig enous p eople “Indians ,” a name tha t has p ersis ted for c enturies despite b eing aSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 307 geographic al misnomer and one use d to blank et hundre ds o f sovereign trib al na tions (NC AI 2020). The his tory of intergroup rela tions b etween Europ ean c olonis ts and N ative Americ ans is a br utal one . As discus sed in the section on g eno cide , the eff ect o f Europ ean set tlement o f the Americ ans w as to ne arly des troy the indig enous p opula tion . And although N ative Americ ans’ lack o f immunity to Europ ean dise ases c aused the mos t deaths, overt mis treatment and mas sacres o f Native Americ ans b y Europ eans w ere dev astating as w ell. From the firs t Spanish c olonis ts to the F rench , English , and Dutch who f ollowed, Europ ean set tlers to ok wha t land the y wante d and e xpande d acros s the c ontinent
🔍 Native American Oppression and Racial Inequality
🏛️ Systematic discrimination against Native Americans began with European conquest and continued through government policies like the Indian Removal Act, Appropriation Acts, and Dawes Act, forcibly relocating tribes and eroding their sovereignty
🏫 Boarding schools devastated Native communities by separating children from families, forbidding cultural practices, and inflicting widespread abuse—creating intergenerational trauma that persists today
⛓️ African American subjugation began with slavery and evolved through segregation and institutional racism, creating economic disparities that continue despite civil rights advances and the election of Barack Obama
🌊 Asian American immigration occurred in distinct waves (Chinese, Japanese, Korean, Vietnamese) with each group facing unique challenges including exclusion acts, internment camps, and the problematic "model minority" stereotype
🔄 Racial justice movements like Black Lives Matter emerged to protest police brutality and systemic racism, achieving some victories while highlighting ongoing inequality across healthcare, education, and economic opportunity
📊 Despite formal equality under law, significant racial disparities persist across all minority groups, with economic, educational, and health indicators showing continued inequality
a t will . If indig enous p eople trie d to retain their stewardship o f the land , Europ eans f ought them o ff with sup erior w eapons. Europ eans’ domina tion o f the Americ as w as indee d a c onques t; one scholar p oints out tha t Native Americ ans are the only minority group in the Unite d Sta tes whose sub ordina tion o ccurre d purely through c onques t by the dominant group (Marg er 1993). After the es tablishment o f the Unite d Sta tes g overnment , discrimina tion a gains t Native Americ ans w as codifie d and f ormaliz ed in a series o f laws intende d to subjug ate them and k eep them from g aining an y power. Some o f the mos t imp actful la ws are as f ollows: •The Indian R emo val A ct of 1830 f orced the relo cation o f an y Native trib es e ast of the Mis sissippi Riv er to lands w est of the riv er. •The Indian A ppropria tion A cts funde d fur ther remo vals and declare d tha t no Indian trib e could b e recogniz ed as an indep endent na tion , trib e, or p ower with which the U .S. g overnment w ould ha ve to mak e treaties. This made it ev en e asier f or the U .S. g overnment to tak e land it w ante d. •The Da wes A ct of 1887 rev erse d the p olicy o f isola ting N ative Americ ans on reser vations , ins tead forcing them onto individual prop erties tha t were intermingle d with White set tlers , thereb y re ducing their capacity f or p ower as a group . Native Americ an culture w as fur ther ero ded by the es tablishment o f boarding scho ols in the la te nineteenth centur y. These scho ols, run b y both Chris tian mis sionaries and the Unite d Sta tes g overnment , had the e xpres s purp ose o f “civilizing ” Native Americ an children and as simila ting them into White so ciety . The b oarding scho ols w ere lo cated off-reser vation to ensure tha t children w ere sep arated from their families and culture . Scho ols f orced children to cut their hair , speak English , and practic e Chris tianity . Physical and se xual a buses were ramp ant f or dec ades; only in 1987 did the B ureau of Indian Affairs is sue a p olicy on se xual a buse in boarding scho ols. Some scholars argue tha t man y of the problems tha t Native Americ ans fac e today result from almos t a c entur y of mis treatment a t these b oarding scho ols. Curr ent Status The eradic ation o f Native Americ an culture c ontinue d until the 1960s , when N ative Americ ans w ere a ble to particip ate in and b enefit from the civil rights mo vement . The Indian Civil Rights A ct of 1968 guarantee d Indian trib es mos t of the rights o f the Unite d Sta tes Bill o f Rights . New la ws lik e the Indian Self -Determina tion Act of 1975 and the E ducation As sistanc e Act of the same y ear rec ogniz ed trib al governments and g ave them more p ower. Indian b oarding scho ols ha ve dwindle d to only a f ew, and N ative Americ an cultural groups are striving to preser ve and maintain old traditions to k eep them from b eing los t forev er. Today, Native Americ ans are citiz ens o f three so vereigns: their trib al na tions , the Unite d Sta tes, and the s tate in which the y reside (NC AI 2020). However, Native Americ ans (some o f whom wish to b e called Americ an Indians so as to a void the “ savage” connota tions o f the term “na tive”) still suff er the eff ects o f centuries o f degrada tion . Long-term p overty, inade qua te education , cultural dislo cation , and high ra tes o f unemplo yment c ontribute to N ative Americ an popula tions falling to the b ottom o f the ec onomic sp ectr um. Native Americ ans also suff er disprop ortiona tely with lo wer lif e expectancies than mos t groups in the Unite d Sta tes.308 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. African Americans As discus sed in the section on rac e, the term Afric an Americ an c an b e a misnomer f or man y individuals . Man y people with dark skin ma y ha ve their more rec ent ro ots in Europ e or the C aribb ean, seeing themselv es as Dominic an Americ an or Dutch Americ an, for e xample . Further , actual immigrants from Afric a ma y feel tha t they ha ve more o f a claim to the term Afric an Americ an than those who are man y genera tions remo ved from ancestors who originally c ame to this c ountr y. The U .S. C ensus B ureau (2019) es tima tes tha t at least 13.4 p ercent o f the Unite d Sta tes' popula tion is Black . How and Why They Came Afric an Americ ans are the e xemplar minority group in the Unite d Sta tes whose anc estors did not c ome here b y choic e. A Dutch se a captain brought the firs t Afric ans to the V irginia c olon y of James town in 1619 and sold them as indenture d ser vants . (Indenture d ser vants are p eople who are c ommit ted to w ork f or a c ertain p erio d of time , typic ally without f ormal p ay). This w as not an unc ommon practic e for either Black or White p eople , and indenture d ser vants w ere in high demand . For the ne xt centur y, Black and White indenture d ser vants worked side b y side . But the gro wing a gricultural ec onom y demande d gre ater and che aper la bor, and b y 1705, Virginia p assed the sla ve codes declaring tha t an y foreign-b orn non-Chris tian c ould b e ensla ved, and tha t ensla ved people w ere c onsidere d prop erty. The ne xt 150 y ears sa w the rise o f U.S. sla very, with Black Afric ans b eing kidnapp ed from their o wn lands and shipp ed to the N ew W orld on the trans -Atlantic journe y kno wn as the Middle P assage. Onc e in the Americ as, the Black p opula tion grew until U .S.-b orn Black p eople outnumb ered those b orn in Afric a. But colonial (and later, U.S.) sla ve codes declare d tha t the child o f an ensla ved person w as also an ensla ved person , so the sla ve clas s was cre ated. By 1808, the sla ve trade w as internal in the Unite d Sta tes, with ensla ved people b eing bought and sold acros s state lines lik e liv estock. History of Intergr oup R elations There is no s tark er illus tration o f the dominant -sub ordina te group rela tionship than tha t of sla very. In order to justify their sev erely discrimina tory behavior , sla veholders and their supp orters view ed Black p eople as inna tely inf erior . Ensla ved people w ere denie d ev en the mos t basic rights o f citiz enship , a cr ucial factor f or slaveholders and their supp orters . Sla very poses an e xcellent e xample o f conflict theor y’s persp ectiv e on rac e rela tions; the dominant group nee ded complete c ontrol o ver the sub ordina te group in order to maintain its power. Whippings , executions , rap es, and denial o f scho oling and he alth c are w ere widely practic ed. Slavery ev entually b ecame an is sue o ver which the na tion divide d into g eographic ally and ideologic ally distinct factions , leading to the Civil W ar. And while the a bolition o f sla very on moral grounds w as c ertainly a catalyst to w ar, it w as not the only driving f orce. Students o f U.S. his tory will kno w tha t the ins titution o f sla very was cr ucial to the Southern ec onom y, whose pro duction o f crops lik e ric e, cotton, and tob acco relie d on the virtually limitles s and che ap la bor tha t sla very pro vide d. In c ontras t, the N orth didn ’t benefit ec onomic ally from sla very, resulting in an ec onomic disp arity tie d to racial/p olitic al is sues . A centur y later, the civil rights mo vement w as characteriz ed by boycotts, marches , sit-ins , and free dom rides: demons trations b y a sub ordina te group and their supp orters tha t would no long er willingly submit to domina tion . The major blo w to Americ a’s formally ins titutionaliz ed racism w as the Civil Rights A ct of 1964. This A ct, which is s till imp ortant to day, banne d discrimina tion b ased on rac e, color , religion , sex, or na tional origin . Curr ent Status Although g overnment -sponsore d, formaliz ed discrimina tion a gains t Afric an Americ ans has b een outla wed, true e quality do es not y et exist. The N ational Urb an Le ague’s2020 E quality Inde xreports tha t Black p eople ’s overall e quality lev el with White p eople has b een g enerally impro ving . Me asuring s tandards o f civic engagement , economics , education , and others , Black p eople had an e quality lev el of 71 p ercent in 2010 and11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 309 had an e quality lev el of 74 p ercent in 2020. The Inde x, which has b een publishe d sinc e 2005, notes a gro wing trend o f incre ased ine quality with White p eople , esp ecially in the are as o f unemplo yment , insuranc e coverage, and inc arceration . Black p eople also trail White p eople c onsidera bly in the are as o f economics , health , and education (N ational Urb an Le ague 2020). To wha t degree do racism and prejudic e contribute to this c ontinue d ine quality? The ans wer is c omple x. 2008 saw the election o f this c ountr y’s firs t Afric an Americ an president: Barack Ob ama. Despite b eing p opularly identifie d as Black , we should note tha t President Ob ama is o f a mix ed background tha t is e qually White , and although all presidents ha ve been publicly mo cked at times (Gerald F ord w as depicte d as a klutz, Bill Clinton as someone who c ould not c ontrol his libido), a s tartling p ercenta ge of the critiques o f Ob ama w ere b ased on his rac e. In a numb er o f other chapters , we discus s racial disp arities in he althc are, educ ation , inc arceration , and other are as. Although Black p eople ha ve come a long w ay from sla very, the echo es o f centuries o f disemp owerment are s till evident . Black P eople Ar e Still Seeking R acial Justice FIGURE 11.9 This g athering at the sit e of Geor ge Flo yd's death t ook plac e fiv e da ys aft er he w as kil led. The location, at Chicag o Avenue and 38th Str eet in Minneapolis , became a memorial . (Cr edit: Fibbonac ci Blue/flickr) In 2020, r acial jus tice mo vements e xpanded their pr otests ag ains t incidents o f polic e brutality and al l racial ly motiv ated violenc e ag ains t Black people . Black Liv es Mat ter (BLM), an or ganization f ounded in 2013 in r esponse t o the ac quittal o f Geor ge Zimmerman, w as a c ore par t of the mo vement t o protest the kil lings o f Geor ge Flo yd, Breonna T aylor and other Black victims o f polic e violenc e. Mil lions o f people fr om al l racial back grounds par ticipat ed in the mo vement dir ectly or indir ectly, demanding jus tice for the victims and their families , redis tributing polic e depar tment funding t o driv e mor e holis tic and c ommunity -driv en la w enf orcement, addr essing s ystemic r acism, and introducing ne w la ws to punish polic e officers who kil l innoc ent people . The r acial jus tice mo vement has been able t o achie ve some these demands . For example , Minneapolis City Council unanimousl y appr oved $27 mil lion set tlement t o the famil y of Geor ge Flo yd in Mar ch 2021, the lar gest pre-trial settlement in a wr ongful death case e ver for the lif e of a Black person (Shapir o and Llo yd, 2021). $500,000 fr om theSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD310 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. settlement amount is int ended t o enhanc e the busines s dis trict in the ar ea wher e Flo yd died. Flo yd, a 46- year-old Black man, w as arr ested and mur dered in Minneapolis on Ma y 25, 2020. Do y ou think such set tlement is adequat e to provide jus tice for the victims , their families and c ommunities aff ected b y the horrific r acism? What else should be done mor e? Ho w can y ou c ontribut e to bring desir ed chang es? Asian Americans Asian Americ ans represent a gre at div ersity o f cultures and b ackgrounds . The e xperienc e of a J apanese Americ an whose family has b een in the Unite d Sta tes f or three g enera tions will b e dras tically diff erent from a Laotian Americ an who has only b een in the Unite d Sta tes f or a f ew y ears. This section primarily discus ses Chinese , Japanese , Korean, and V ietnamese immigrants and sho ws the diff erenc es b etween their e xperienc es. The mos t rec ent es tima te from the U .S. C ensus B ureau (2019) sugg est about 5.9 p ercent o f the p opula tion identif y themselv es as Asian . How and Why They Came The na tional and ethnic div ersity o f Asian Americ an immigra tion his tory is reflecte d in the v ariety o f their experienc es in joining U .S. so ciety . Asian immigrants ha ve come to the Unite d Sta tes in w aves, at diff erent times , and f or diff erent re asons . The firs t Asian immigrants to c ome to the Unite d Sta tes in the mid-nineteenth c entur y were Chinese . These immigrants w ere primarily men whose intention w as to w ork f or sev eral y ears in order to e arn inc omes to supp ort their families in China. Their main des tina tion w as the Americ an W est, where the Gold R ush w as drawing p eople with its lure o f abundant mone y. The c onstruction o f the T ransc ontinental Railro ad w as under way at this time , and the C entral P acific section hire d thousands o f migrant Chinese men to c omplete the laying o f rails acros s the r ugged Sierra N evada mountain rang e. Chinese men also eng aged in other manual labor lik e mining and a gricultural w ork. The w ork w as gr ueling and underp aid, but lik e man y immigrants , they persev ered. Japanese immigra tion b egan in the 1880s , on the heels o f the Chinese Ex clusion A ct of 1882. Man y Japanese immigrants c ame to Ha waii to p articip ate in the sug ar indus try; others c ame to the mainland , esp ecially to California. Unlik e the Chinese , however, the J apanese had a s trong g overnment tha t neg otia ted with the U .S. government to ensure the w ell-b eing o f their immigrants . Japanese men w ere a ble to bring their wiv es and families to the Unite d Sta tes, and w ere thus a ble to pro duce sec ond- and third-g enera tion J apanese Americ ans more quickly than their Chinese c ounterp arts. The mos t rec ent larg e-scale Asian immigra tion c ame from K orea and V ietnam and larg ely to ok plac e during the sec ond half o f the tw entieth c entur y. While K orean immigra tion has b een fairly gradual , Vietnamese immigra tion o ccurre d primarily p ost-1975, a fter the fall o f Saig on and the es tablishment o f res trictiv e communis t policies in V ietnam . Where as man y Asian immigrants c ame to the Unite d Sta tes to seek b etter economic opp ortunities , Vietnamese immigrants c ame as p olitic al refug ees, seeking as ylum from harsh conditions in their homeland . The R efug ee A ct of 1980 help ed them to find a plac e to set tle in the Unite d States.11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 311 FIGURE 11.10 Thirty-five Vietnamese r efug ees w ait to be tak en aboar d the amphibious US SBlue Ridg e (LCC-19) . They are being r escued fr om a thir ty-five-foot fishing boat 350 miles nor theas t of Cam R anh Ba y, Vietnam, aft er spending eight da ys at sea . (Cr edit: U .S. Na vy/Wikimedia Commons) History of Intergr oup R elations Chinese immigra tion c ame to an a brupt end with the Chinese Ex clusion A ct of 1882. This act w as a result o f anti-Chinese sentiment burg eone d by a depres sed ec onom y and los s of jobs . White w orkers blame d Chinese migrants f or taking jobs , and the p assage of the A ct me ant the numb er o f Chinese w orkers decre ased. Chinese men did not ha ve the funds to return to China or to bring their families to the Unite d Sta tes, so the y remaine d physically and culturally segreg ated in the China towns o f larg e cities . Later legisla tion , the Immigra tion A ct of 1924, fur ther cur taile d Chinese immigra tion . The A ct include d the rac e-based National Origins A ct, which w as aime d at keeping U .S. ethnic s tock as undilute d as p ossible b y re ducing “undesira ble” immigrants . It w as not until a fter the Immigra tion and N ationality A ct of 1965 tha t Chinese immigra tion a gain incre ased, and man y Chinese families w ere reunite d. Although J apanese Americ ans ha ve deep , long-re aching ro ots in the Unite d Sta tes, their his tory here has not always been smo oth. The C alifornia A lien Land La w of 1913 w as aime d at them and other Asian immigrants , and it prohibite d immigrants from o wning land . An ev en uglier action w as the J apanese internment c amps o f World W ar II, discus sed earlier as an illus tration o f expulsion . Curr ent Status Asian Americ ans c ertainly ha ve been subject to their share o f racial prejudic e, despite the seemingly p ositiv e stereotyp e as the mo del minority . The model minorit ystereotyp e is applie d to a minority group tha t is seen as312 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. reaching signific ant e ducational , pro fessional , and so cioeconomic lev els without challenging the e xisting establishment . This s tereotyp e is typic ally applie d to Asian groups in the Unite d Sta tes, and it c an result in unre alistic expecta tions b y put ting a s tigma on memb ers o f this group tha t do not meet the e xpecta tions . Stereotyping all Asians as smar t and c apable c an also le ad to a lack o f much-nee ded government as sistanc e and to e duc ational and pro fessional discrimina tion . Hate Crimes Against Asian Americans FIGURE 11.11 In response t o widespr ead at tack s ag ains t Asian people , par tly link ed to inc orrect as sociations regarding Asian people and the C OVID-19 pandemic, gr oups ar ound the c ountr y and w orld held St op Asian Hat e rallies lik e this one in Canada . (Cr edit: Go ToVan/flickr) Asian Americans acr oss the Unit ed Stat es e xperienc ed a significant incr ease in hat e crimes , har assment and discrimination tied t o the spr ead o f the C OVID-19 pandemic. Community tr ackers r ecorded mor e than 3,000 anti- Asian at tack s nation wide during 2020 in c omparison t o about 100 such incidents r ecorded annual ly in the prior years (Abdol lah 2021). Asian American leaders ha ve been ur ging c ommunity members t o repor t any criminal incidents , demanding local la w enf orcement ag encies f or gr eater enf orcement o f existing hat e-crime la ws. Man y Asian Americans f eel their c ommunities ha ve long been ignor ed b y mains tream politics , media and entertainment al though the y are consider ed as a “ model minority .” Recently, Asian
🌎 Ethnic Diversity in America
🧩 White ethnic Europeans arrived in distinct waves (German, Irish, Italian, Eastern European), each facing varying degrees of discrimination before gradually assimilating into dominant American culture
🏙️ Hispanic Americans (18.5% of population) represent diverse backgrounds with Mexican Americans forming the largest subgroup, often facing immigration challenges, while Cuban Americans achieved relatively higher socioeconomic integration
🕌 Arab Americans continue experiencing Islamophobia and racial profiling despite their diverse religious backgrounds, with ongoing debates about proper census categorization beyond simply "white"
⚖️ Immigration policies like Arizona's SB 1070 reveal systemic discrimination, allowing police to demand documentation based on "reasonable suspicion" of illegal status, effectively enabling racial profiling
💪 Minority experiences vary significantly based on arrival circumstances, economic status, and political reception, challenging simplistic categorizations and highlighting the complex nature of American ethnic identity
American journalis ts ar e sharing their o wn s tories o f discrimination on social media and a gr owing chorus o f feder al la wmak ers ar e demanding actions . Do y ou think y ou can do something t o stop violenc e ag ains t Asian Americans? Can an y of your actions not only help Asian Americans but also wider people in the Unit ed Stat es? White Americans White Americ ans are the dominant racial group in the Unite d Sta tes. According to the U .S. C ensus B ureau (2019), 76.3 p ercent o f U.S. adults currently identif y themselv es as White alone . In this section , we will f ocusSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 313 on German , Irish , Italian , and Eas tern Europ ean immigrants . Why They Came White ethnic Europ eans f orme d the sec ond and third gre at waves o f immigra tion , from the e arly nineteenth centur y to the mid-tw entieth c entur y. The y joine d a newly minte d Unite d Sta tes tha t was primarily made up o f White P rotes tants from England . While mos t immigrants c ame se arching f or a b etter lif e, their e xperienc es were not all the same . The firs t major influx o f Europ ean immigrants c ame from German y and Ireland , starting in the 1820s . Germans c ame b oth f or ec onomic opp ortunity and to esc ape politic al unres t and militar y conscription , especially a fter the R evolutions o f 1848. Man y German immigrants o f this p erio d were p olitic al refug ees: liberals who w ante d to esc ape from an oppres sive government . The y were w ell-o ff enough to mak e their w ay inland , and the y forme d he avily German encla ves in the Midw est tha t exist to this da y. The Irish immigrants o f the same time p erio d were not alw ays as w ell o ff financially , esp ecially a fter the Irish Potato Famine o f 1845. Irish immigrants set tled mainly in the cities o f the Eas t Coast, where the y were emplo yed as la borers and where the y fac ed signific ant discrimina tion . German and Irish immigra tion c ontinue d into the la te 19th c entur y and e arlier 20th c entur y, at which p oint the numb ers f or Southern and Eas tern Europ ean immigrants s tarted gro wing as w ell. Italians , mainly from the Southern p art of the c ountr y, began arriving in larg e numb ers in the 1890s . Eas tern Europ ean immigrants —people from R ussia, P oland , Bulgaria, and A ustria-Hung ary—started arriving around the same time . Man y of these Eas tern Europ eans w ere p easants f orced into a hardscra bble e xistenc e in their na tive lands; p olitic al unres t, land shor tages, and crop failures dro ve them to seek b etter opp ortunities in the Unite d States. The Eas tern Europ ean immigra tion w ave also include d Jewish p eople esc aping p ogroms (anti-J ewish mas sacres) o f Eas tern Europ e and the P ale o f Set tlement in wha t was then P oland and R ussia. History of Intergr oup R elations In a bro ad sense , German immigrants w ere not victimiz ed to the same degree as man y of the other subordina te groups this section discus ses. While the y ma y not ha ve been w elcome d with op en arms , the y were able to set tle in encla ves and es tablish ro ots. A nota ble e xception to this w as during the le ad up to W orld W ar I and through W orld W ar II, when anti-German sentiment w as vir ulent . Irish immigrants , man y of whom w ere v ery poor, were more o f an underclas s than the Germans . In Ireland , the English had oppres sed the Irish f or c enturies , eradic ating their langua ge and culture and discrimina ting agains t their religion (C atholicism). A lthough the Irish had a larg er p opula tion than the English , the y were a subordina te group . This dynamic re ache d into the N ew W orld , where Anglo -Americ ans sa w Irish immigrants as a rac e ap art: dir ty, lacking ambition , and suita ble f or only the mos t menial jobs . In fact , Irish immigrants were subject to criticism identic al to tha t with which the dominant group characteriz ed Afric an Americ ans. By necessity, Irish immigrants f orme d tight c ommunities segreg ated from their Anglo neighb ors. The la ter w ave of immigrants from Southern and Eas tern Europ e was also subject to intense discrimina tion and prejudic e. In p articular , the dominant group —which no w include d sec ond- and third-g enera tion Germans and Irish—sa w Italian immigrants as the dregs o f Europ e and w orrie d about the purity o f the Americ an rac e (Myers 2007). Italian immigrants liv ed in segreg ated slums in N ortheastern cities , and in some c ases w ere even victims o f violenc e and lynching similar to wha t Afric an Americ ans endure d. The y under took ph ysical labor a t lower p ay than other w orkers, often doing the dang erous w ork tha t other la borers w ere reluctant to take on , such as e arth mo ving and c onstruction . Curr ent Status German Americ ans are the larg est group among White ethnic Americ ans in the c ountr y. For man y years, German Americ ans ende avored to maintain a s trong cultural identity , but the y are no w culturally as simila ted into the dominant culture .314 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. There are no w more Irish Americ ans in the Unite d Sta tes than there are Irish in Ireland . One o f the c ountr y’s larg est cultural groups , Irish Americ ans ha ve slo wly achiev ed ac ceptanc e and as simila tion into the dominant group . Myers (2007) s tates tha t Italian Americ ans’ cultural as simila tion is “ almos t complete , but with remnants o f ethnicity .” The presenc e of “Lit tle Italy ” neighb orho ods—originally segreg ated slums where Italians congreg ated in the nineteenth c entur y—exist today. While touris ts flo ck to the saints’ f estivals in Lit tle Italies , mos t Italian Americ ans ha ve mo ved to the suburbs a t the same ra te as other White groups . Italian Americ ans also b ecame more ac cepte d after W orld W ar II, p artly b ecause o f other , new er migra ting groups and p artly because o f their signific ant c ontribution to the w ar eff ort, which sa w over 500,000 Italian Americ ans join the militar y and fight a gains t the Axis p owers, which include d Italy itself. As y ou will see in the R eligion chapter , Jewish p eople w ere also a c ore immigrant group to the Unite d Sta tes. The y often reside d in tight -knit neighb orho ods in a similar w ay to Italian p eople . Jewish identity is interes ting and v arie d, in tha t man y Jewish p eople c onsider themselv es as memb ers o f a c ollectiv e ethnic group as w ell as a religion , and man y Jewish p eople f eel c onnecte d by their anc estry as w ell as their religion . In fact , much o f the da ta around the numb er o f Jewish Americ ans is presente d with c aveats about diff erent definitions and identific ations o f wha t it me ans to b e Jewish (Lipka 2013). As w e ha ve seen , there is no minority group tha t fits e asily in a c ategory or tha t can b e describ ed simply . While sociologis ts believ e tha t individual e xperienc es c an o ften b e unders tood in light o f their so cial characteris tics (such as rac e, clas s, or g ender), w e mus t balanc e this p ersp ectiv e with a warenes s tha t no tw o individuals’ experienc es are alik e. Making g eneraliza tions c an le ad to s tereotyp es and prejudic e. The same is tr ue for White ethnic Americ ans, who c ome from div erse b ackgrounds and ha ve had a gre at variety o f experienc es. Thinking about White Ethnic Americans: Ar ab Americans FIGURE 11.12 The Islamic Cent er of America in Dearborn, Michig an is the lar gest mosque , or Islamic r eligious plac e of worship , in the Unit ed Stat es. Muslim w omen and girls o ften w ear head c overings , which sometimes mak es them a tar get of har assment. (Cr edit A: R yan R eady /flickr; B: U .S. Depar tment o f Agricul ture/flickr) The firs t Arab immigr ants came t o this c ountr y in the lat e ninet eenth and earl y tw entieth c enturies . The y were predominantl y Syrian, L ebanese , and Jor danian Chris tians , and the y came t o escape persecution and t o mak e a better lif e. These earl y immigr ants and their desc endants , who w ere mor e lik ely to think o f themsel ves as Syrian or Lebanese than Ar ab, represent almos t half o f the Ar ab American population t oday (My ers 2007). R estrictiv eSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 315 immigr ation policies fr om the 1920s until 1965 cur tailed immigr ation, but Ar ab immigr ation sinc e 1965 has been steady . Immigr ants fr om this time period ha ve been mor e lik ely to be Muslim and mor e highl y educat ed, escaping political unr est and looking f or bet ter oppor tunities . The Unit ed Stat es w as deepl y aff ected b y the t errorist attack s of Sep tember 11, 2001 and r acial pr ofiling has proceeded ag ains t Arab Americans sinc e then. P articularl y when eng aged in air tr avel, being y oung and Ar ab-looking is enough t o warrant a special sear ch or detainment. This Islamophobia (irr ational f ear o f or hatr ed ag ains t Muslims) does not sho w signs o f abating . Arab Americans r epresent al l religious pr actic es, despit e the s tereotype that al l Arabic people pr actic e Islam. Geogr aphical ly, the Ar ab region c omprises the Middle Eas t and par ts of Nor th Africa (MENA). P eople whose anc estry lies in that ar ea or who speak primaril y Arabic ma y consider themsel ves Ar abs. The U .S. Census has s trug gled with the is sue o f Arab identity . The 2020 Census , as in pr evious y ears , did not o ffer a (MENA) cat egory under the ques tion o f race. The US g overnment r eject ed a push b y Arab American adv ocat es and organizations t o add the ne w cat egory, meaning that people s temming fr om the Ar ab region wil l be c ount ed as "whit e" (Harb 2018). Do y ou think an addition o f MENA cat egory is appr opriat e to reduc e prejudic e and discrimination ag ains t Arab Americans? What other cat egories should be added t o promot e racial jus tice in the Unit ed Stat es? Hispanic Americans The U .S. C ensus B ureau uses tw o ethnicities in c ollecting and rep orting da ta: “Hisp anic or La tino ” and “N ot Hisp anic or La tino ." Hisp anic or La tino is a p erson o f Cub an, Me xican, Puer to Ric an, South or C entral Americ an, or other S panish culture or origin reg ardles s of rac e. Hisp anic Americ ans ha ve a wide rang e of backgrounds and na tionalities . The segment o f the U .S. p opula tion tha t self -identifies as Hisp anic in 2019 w as rec ently es tima ted at 18.5 percent o f the total (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2019). A ccording to the 2010 U .S. C ensus , about 75 p ercent o f the resp ondents who identif y as Hisp anic rep ort being o f Me xican, Puer to Ric an, or Cub an origin . Rememb er tha t the U .S. C ensus allo ws people to rep ort as b eing more than one ethnicity . Not only are there wide diff erenc es among the diff erent origins tha t mak e up the Hisp anic Americ an popula tion , but there are also diff erent names f or the group itself. Henc e, there ha ve been some disa greements over whether Hisp anic or La tino is the c orrect term f or a group this div erse , and whether it w ould b e better f or people to ref er to themselv es as b eing o f their origin sp ecific ally, for e xample , Me xican Americ an or Dominic an Americ an. This section will c omp are the e xperienc es o f Me xican Americ ans and Cub an Americ ans. How and Why They Came Mexican Americ ans f orm the larg est Hisp anic subgroup and also the oldes t. Me xican migra tion to the Unite d States s tarted in the e arly 1900s in resp onse to the nee d for ine xepensiv e agricultural la bor. Me xican migra tion w as o ften circular; w orkers w ould s tay for a f ew y ears and then g o back to Me xico with more mone y than the y could ha ve made in their c ountr y of origin . The length o f Me xico’s share d border with the Unite d States has made immigra tion e asier than f or man y other immigrant groups . Cub an Americ ans are the sec ond-larg est Hisp anic subgroup , and their his tory is quite diff erent from tha t of Mexican Americ ans. The main w ave of Cub an immigra tion to the Unite d Sta tes s tarted after F idel C astro c ame to p ower in 1959 and re ache d its cres t with the Mariel b oatlift in 1980. C astro’s Cub an R evolution ushere d in an era o f communism tha t continues to this da y. To avoid ha ving their as sets seiz ed by the g overnment , man y wealth y and e ducated Cub ans migra ted nor th, generally to the Miami are a. History of Intergr oup R elations For sev eral dec ades , Me xican w orkers cros sed the long b order into the Unite d Sta tes, both " documente d" and "undo cumente d" to w ork in the fields tha t pro vide d pro duce for the dev eloping Unite d Sta tes. Western gro wers316 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. needed a s teady supply o f labor, and the 1940s and 1950s sa w the o fficial f ederal Brac ero P rogram ( brac ero is Spanish f orstrong-arm ) tha t offered protection to Me xican gues t workers. Interes tingly , 1954 also sa w the enactment o f “Operation W etback,” which dep orted thousands o f illeg al Me xican w orkers. From these examples , we can see the U .S. tre atment o f immigra tion from Me xico has b een ambiv alent a t best. Sociologis t Douglas Mas sey (2006) sugg ests tha t although the a verage standard o f living than in Me xico ma y be lower in the Unite d Sta tes, it is not so lo w as to mak e permanent migra tion the g oal of mos t Me xicans. Ho wever, the s trengthening o f the b order tha t began with 1986’ s Immigra tion R eform and C ontrol A ct has made one -way migra tion the r ule f or mos t Me xicans. Mas sey argues tha t the rise o f illeg al one -way immigra tion o f Me xicans is a direct outc ome o f the la w tha t was intende d to re duce it. Cub an Americ ans, perhaps b ecause o f their rela tive wealth and e duc ation lev el at the time o f immigra tion , have fare d better than man y immigrants . Further , because the y were fleeing a C ommunis t countr y, the y were given refug ee s tatus and o ffered protection and so cial ser vices. The Cub an Migra tion Agreement o f 1995 has curtaile d leg al immigra tion from Cub a, le ading man y Cub ans to tr y to immigra te illeg ally b y boat. According to a 2009 rep ort from the C ongres sional R esearch Ser vice, the U .S. g overnment applies a “ wet foot/dry foot” policy to ward Cub an immigrants; Cub ans who are interc epte d while s till a t sea will b e returne d to Cub a, while those who re ach the shore will b e permit ted to s tay in the Unite d Sta tes. Curr ent Status Mexican Americ ans, esp ecially those who are here undo cumente d, are a t the c enter o f a na tional deb ate about immigra tion . My ers (2007) obser ves tha t no other minority group (e xcept the Chinese) has immigra ted to the Unite d Sta tes in such an en vironment o f leg al dispute . He notes tha t in some y ears, three times as man y Mexican immigrants ma y ha ve entere d the Unite d Sta tes undo cumente d as those who arriv ed do cumente d. It should b e note d tha t this is due to enormous disp arity o f economic opp ortunity on tw o sides o f an op en b order , not b ecause o f an y inherent inclina tion to bre ak la ws. In his rep ort, “Me asuring Immigrant As simila tion in the Unite d Sta tes,” Jacob V igdor (2008) s tates tha t Me xican immigrants e xperienc e rela tively lo w ra tes o f economic and civic as simila tion . He fur ther sugg ests tha t “the slo w ra tes o f economic and civic as simila tion set Me xicans apart from other immigrants , and ma y reflect the fact tha t the larg e numb ers o f Me xican immigrants residing in the Unite d Sta tes undo cumente d ha ve few opp ortunities to adv ance themselv es along these dimensions .” By contras t, Cub an Americ ans are o ften seen as a mo del minority group within the larg er Hisp anic group . Man y Cub ans had higher so cioeconomic s tatus when the y arriv ed in this c ountr y, and their anti-C ommunis t agenda has made them w elcome refug ees to this c ountr y. In south Florida, esp ecially , Cub an Americ ans are activ e in lo cal politics and pro fessional lif e. As with Asian Americ ans, however, being a mo del minority c an mask the is sue o f powerles snes s tha t these minority groups fac e in U .S. so ciety .11.5 • R ace and Ethnicity in the Unit ed S tates 317 Ariz ona’ s Senate Bill 1070 FIGURE 11.13 Protesters in Ariz ona disput e the harsh ne w anti-immigr ation la w. (Cr edit: rpr athap/flickr) As both leg al and il legal immigr ants , and with high population numbers , Me xican Americans ar e often the tar get of stereotyping , racism, and discrimination. A harsh e xample o f this is in Ariz ona, wher e a s tring ent immigr ation law—kno wn as SB 1070 (f or Senat e Bil l 1070)— caused a nation wide c ontr oversy. Formal ly titled "Suppor t Our L aw Enforcement and Saf e Neighborhoods Act, the la w requir es that during a la wful s top, det ention, or arr est, Ariz ona polic e officers mus t establish the immigr ation s tatus o f anyone the y suspect ma y be her e illegally. The la w mak es it a crime f or individuals t o fail t o ha ve documents c onfirming their leg al status , and it giv es polic e officers the right t o detain people the y suspect ma y be in the c ountr y illegally. To man y, the mos t troublesome aspect o f this la w is the latitude it aff ords polic e officers in t erms o f whose citiz enship the y ma y ques tion. Ha ving “ reasonable suspicion that the person is an alien who is unla wful ly present in the Unit ed Stat es” is r eason enough t o demand immigr ation papers (Senat e Bil l 1070 2010). Critics sa y this la w wil l encourage racial pr ofiling (the il legal pr actic e of law enf orcement using r ace as a basis f or suspecting someone o f a crime), making it hazar dous t o be caught “Driving While Br own,” a tak eoff on the leg al term Driving While Intoxicat ed (DWI) or the slang r eference of “Driving While Black. ” Driving While Br own r efers t o the lik elihood o f getting pul led o ver jus
🔍 Race and Ethnicity Dynamics
🧩 Race is a social construct while 🌍 ethnicity encompasses shared culture, language, and heritage, with minority groups defined primarily by their lack of power rather than numerical size
🔄 Theoretical perspectives view race relations through different lenses: functionalists examine stability, conflict theorists analyze power disparities, and interactionists focus on identity and symbolism
🚫 Prejudice and discrimination manifest through stereotypes, biased thoughts, and actions, with racism embedding these biases into systems that privilege dominant groups and disadvantage others
🌐 Intergroup relationships exist on a spectrum from pluralism (retaining distinct identities) to assimilation (conforming to dominant culture) to amalgamation (forming new combined identities)
📜 Historical patterns of immigration, segregation, and integration have shaped the experiences of various ethnic and racial groups in the United States, with each facing unique challenges
🔗 Institutional racism perpetuates inequality through practices like redlining, racial steering, and racial profiling, creating intergenerational impacts on wealth and opportunity
t for being non Whit e. SB 1070 has been the subject o f man y lawsuits , from par ties as div erse as Ariz ona polic e officers, the American Civil Liber ties Union, and e ven the f eder al government, which is suing on the basis o f Ariz ona c ontr adicting f eder al immigr ation la ws (ACLU 2011). The futur e of SB 1070 is unc ertain, but man y other s tates ha ve tried or ar e trying t o pass similar measur es. Do y ou think such measur es ar e appr opriat e?SOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE318 11 • R ace and Ethnicity Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms amalg amat ion the pro cess by which a minority group and a majority group c ombine to f orm a new group antiracis ta person who opp oses racism and acts f or racial jus tice assimilat ion the pro cess by which a minority individual or group tak es on the characteris tics o f the dominant culture colorism the b elief tha t one typ e of skin tone is sup erior or inf erior to another within a racial group culture of prejudic e the theor y tha t prejudic e is emb edde d in our culture discriminat ion prejudic ed action a gains t a group o f people dominant group a group o f people who ha ve more p ower in a so ciety than an y of the sub ordina te groups ethnicit y share d culture , which ma y include herita ge, langua ge, religion , and more expulsion the act o f a dominant group f orcing a sub ordina te group to le ave a c ertain are a or ev en the countr y geno cide the delib erate annihila tion o f a targ eted (usually sub ordina te) group institutional racism racism emb edde d in so cial ins titutions intersect ion theor y theor y tha t sugg ests w e cannot sep arate the eff ects o f rac e, clas s, gender , sexual orienta tion , and other a ttributes minorit y group any group o f people who are single d out from the others f or diff erential and une qual treatment model minorit y the s tereotyp e applie d to a minority group tha t is seen as re aching higher e duc ational , professional , and so cioeconomic lev els without protes t agains t the majority es tablishment pluralism the ide al of the Unite d Sta tes as a “ salad b owl:” a mixture o f diff erent cultures where e ach culture retains its o wn identity and y et adds to the “fla vor” of the whole prejudic e biase d thought b ased on fla wed as sumptions a bout a group o f people racial profiling the use b y law enf orcement o f rac e alone to determine whether to s top and detain someone racial s teering the act o f real es tate agents directing prosp ectiv e homeo wners to ward or a way from c ertain neighb orho ods b ased on their rac e racism a set o f attitudes , beliefs , and practic es tha t are use d to jus tify the b elief tha t one racial c ategory is someho w sup erior or inf erior to others redlining the practic e of routinely refusing mor tgages for households and busines s located in predomina tely minority c ommunities scapegoat theor y a theor y tha t sugg ests tha t the dominant group will displac e its unf ocuse d aggres sion onto a sub ordina te group sedimentat ion of racial ine qualit y the interg enera tional imp act o f de facto and de jure racism tha t limits the a bilities o f Black p eople to ac cumula te w ealth segreg ation the ph ysical sep aration o f two groups , particularly in residenc e, but also in w orkplac e and social functions social c ons truction of rac e the scho ol of thought tha t rac e is not biologic ally identifia ble stereot ypes oversimplifie d ide as a bout groups o f people sub ordinate group a group o f people who ha ve les s power than the dominant group White privileg e the b enefits p eople rec eive simply b y being p art of the dominant group Section Summary 11.1 Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups Race is fundamentally a so cial c onstruct. Ethnicity is a term tha t describ es share d culture and na tional origin . Minority groups are define d by their lack o f power. 11.2 Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity Functionalis t view s of rac e study the role dominant and sub ordina te groups pla y to cre ate a s table so cial11 • K ey Terms 319 structure . Conflict theoris ts examine p ower disp arities and s truggles b etween v arious racial and ethnic groups . Interactionis ts see rac e and ethnicity as imp ortant sourc es o f individual identity and so cial symb olism . The c oncept o f culture o f prejudic e rec ogniz es tha t all p eople are subject to s tereotyp es tha t are ingraine d in their culture . 11.3 Prejudice, Discrimination, and R acism Stereotyp es are o versimplifie d ide as a bout groups o f people . Prejudic e ref ers to thoughts and f eelings , while discrimina tion ref ers to actions . Racism is b oth prejudic e and discrimina tion due to the b elief tha t one rac e is inherently sup erior or inf erior to other rac es. Antiracis ts fight a gains t the s ystems o f racism b y emplo ying antiracis t policies and practic es in ins titutions and c ommunities . 11.4 Intergr oup R elationships Intergroup rela tions rang e from a tolerant appro ach o f pluralism to intoleranc e as sev ere as g eno cide . In pluralism , groups retain their o wn identity . In as simila tion , groups c onform to the identity o f the dominant group . In amalg ama tion , groups c ombine to f orm a new group identity . 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the United States The his tory of the U .S. p eople c ontains an infinite v ariety o f experienc es tha t sociologis t unders tand f ollow patterns . From the indig enous p eople who firs t inha bite d these lands to the w aves o f immigrants o ver the p ast 500 y ears, migra tion is an e xperienc e with man y share d characteris tics. Mos t groups ha ve experienc ed various degrees o f prejudic e and discrimina tion as the y ha ve gone through the pro cess of assimila tion . Section Quiz 11.1 Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups 1.The racial term “ Afric an Americ an” can ref er to: a.a Black p erson living in the Unite d Sta tes b.people whose anc estors c ame to the Unite d Sta tes through the sla ve trade c.a White p erson who origina ted in Afric a and no w liv es in the Unite d Sta tes d.any of the a bove 2.Wha t is the one defining f eature o f a minority group? a.Self -definition b.Numeric al minority c.Lack o f power d.Strong cultural identity 3.Ethnicity describ es share d: a.beliefs b.langua ge c.religion d.any of the a bove 4.Which o f the f ollowing is an e xample o f a numeric al majority b eing tre ated as a sub ordina te group? a.Jewish p eople in German y b.Creoles in N ew Orle ans c.White p eople in Brazil d.Black p eople under ap artheid in South Afric a320 11 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 5.Scapegoat theor y sho ws tha t: a.subordina te groups blame dominant groups f or their problems b.dominant groups blame sub ordina te groups f or their problems c.some p eople are pre disp osed to prejudic e d.all o f the a bove 11.2 Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity 6.As a White p erson in the Unite d Sta tes, being re asona bly sure tha t you will b e de aling with a uthority figures of the same rac e as y ou is a result o f: a.intersection theor y b.conflict theor y c.White privileg e d.scapegoating theor y 7.Speedy Gonzale z is an e xample o f: a.intersection theor y b.stereotyping c.interactionis t view d.culture o f prejudic e 11.3 Prejudice, Discrimination, and R acism 8.Stereotyp es c an b e based on: a.race b.ethnicity c.gender d.all o f the a bove 9.Wha t is discrimina tion? a.Biase d thoughts a gains t an individual or group b.Biase d actions a gains t an individual or group c.Belief tha t a rac e diff erent from y ours is inf erior d.Another w ord f or stereotyping 10.Which o f the f ollowing is the b est explana tion o f racism as a so cial fact? a.It nee ds to b e eradic ated by laws. b.It is lik e a ma gic pill . c.It do es not nee d the actions o f individuals to c ontinue . d.None o f the a bove 11.4 Intergr oup R elationships 11.Which intergroup rela tion displa ys the le ast toleranc e? a.Segreg ation b.Assimila tion c.Geno cide d.Expulsion11 • Section Quiz 321 12.Wha t do ctrine jus tifie d leg al segreg ation in the South? a.Jim C row b.Ples sy v. Ferguson c.De jure d.Sep arate but e qual 13.Wha t intergroup rela tionship is represente d by the “ salad b owl” metaphor? a.Assimila tion b.Pluralism c.Amalg ama tion d.Segreg ation 14.Amalg ama tion is represente d by the _____________ metaphor . a.melting p ot b.Statue o f Lib erty c.salad b owl d.separate but e qual 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the United States 15.Wha t mak es N ative Americ ans unique as a sub ordina te group in the Unite d Sta tes? a.The y are the only group tha t experienc ed expulsion . b.The y are the only group tha t was segreg ated. c.The y are the only group tha t was ensla ved. d.The y are the only group tha t is indig enous to the Unite d Sta tes. 16.Which sub ordina te group is o ften ref erre d to as the “mo del minority? ” a.Afric an Americ ans b.Asian Americ ans c.White ethnic Americ ans d.Native Americ ans 17.Which f ederal act or program w as designe d to allo w more Hisp anic Americ an immigra tion , not blo ck it? a.The Brac ero P rogram b.Immigra tion R eform and C ontrol A ct c.Operation W etback d.SB 1070 18.Man y Ara b Americ ans fac e _______________, esp ecially a fter 9/11. a.racism b.segreg ation c.Islamophobia d.prejudic e 19.Why did mos t White ethnic Americ ans c ome to the Unite d Sta tes? a.For a b etter lif e b.To esc ape oppres sion c.Because the y were f orced out o f their o wn c ountries d.a and b only322 11 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Short Answer 11.1 Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups 1.Why do y ou think the term “minority ” has p ersis ted when the w ord “ subordina te” is more descriptiv e? 2.How do y ou describ e your ethnicity? Do y ou include y our family ’s countr y of origin? Do y ou c onsider yourself multiethnic? Ho w do es y our ethnicity c omp are to tha t of the p eople y ou sp end mos t of your time with? 11.2 Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity 3.How do re dlining and racial s teering c ontribute to ins titutionaliz ed racism? 4.Give an e xample o f stereotyping tha t you see in ev eryday life. Explain wha t would nee d to happ en f or this to be elimina ted. 11.3 Prejudice, Discrimination, and R acism 5.Give three e xamples o f White privileg e. Do y ou kno w people who ha ve experienc ed this? F rom wha t persp ectiv e? 6.Wha t is the w orst example o f culture o f prejudic e you c an think o f? Wha t are y our re asons f or thinking it is the w orst? 11.4 Intergr oup R elationships 7.Do y ou b eliev e immigra tion la ws should f oster an appro ach o f pluralism , assimila tion , or amalg ama tion? Which p ersp ectiv e do y ou think is mos t supp orted by current U .S. immigra tion p olicies? 8.Which intergroup rela tion do y ou think is the mos t beneficial to the sub ordina te group? T o so ciety as a whole? Wh y? 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the United States 9.In y our opinion , which group had the e asies t time c oming to this c ountr y? Which group had the hardes t time? Wh y? 10.Which group has made the mos t socioeconomic g ains? Wh y do y ou think tha t group has had more suc cess than others ha ve? Further R esear ch 11.1 Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups Explore asp ects o f rac e and ethnicity a tPBS’ s site , “Wha t Is Rac e?”(http://openstax.org/l/PBS _wha t_is_rac e). 11.2 Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity Are y ou a ware o f your o wn or others ' privileg e? Explore the c oncept with the White privileg e checklis t (http://openstax.org/l/white _privileg e_checklis t)to see ho w much o f it holds tr ue for y ou or others . 11.3 Prejudice, Discrimination, and R acism How far should F irst Amendment rights e xtend? R ead more a bout the subject a t the First Amendment C enter . (http://openstax.org/l/firs t_amendment _center) Learn more a bout ins titutional racism a t the Southern P overty La w Center 's website (https:/ /openstax.org/l/ SPL_ Center) . Learn more a bout ho w prejudic e dev elops b y watching the shor t do cumentar y "Ey e of the Storm " (https:/ /openstax.org/l/Ey e_Storm)11 • Shor t Ans wer 323 11.4 Intergr oup R elationships So y ou think y ou kno w your o wn as sumptions? Check and find out with the Implicit As sociation T est (http://openstax.org/l/implicit _association_ test) Wha t do y ou kno w about the tre atment o f Australia ’s aboriginal p opula tion? F ind out more b y viewing the feature -length do cumentar yOur Genera tion (https:/ /openstax.org/l/Our _Gen) . 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the United States Are p eople interes ted in reclaiming their ethnic identities? R eadthe ar ticle The White Ethnic R eviv aland decide (http://openstax.org/l/ethnic _reviv al). Wha t is the current racial c omp osition o f the Unite d Sta tes? R eview up -to-the minute s tatistics a t the Unite d States C ensus B ureau(https:/ /openstax.org/l/US _Census) . References Intr oduction CNN Librar y. (February 17, 2021). " Trayvon Mar tin Sho oting F ast Facts ."CNN US . Retriev ed March 18, 2021 (http://www.cnn .com/2013/06/05/us /trayvon-mar tin-sho oting-fas t-facts /) Davis, Guy . (June 1, 2020). “ Georg e Flo yd protes ts go interna tional as demons trations bre ak out acros s the world .” ABC N ews. Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /abcnew s.go.com/Interna tional/g eorg e-floyd-protes ts- interna tional-demons trations -bre ak-world/s tory?id=70991689) 11.1 Racial, Ethnic, and Minority Gr oups Caver, Helen B ush , and Mar y T. Williams . 2011. “ Creoles .”Multicultural Americ a, Countries and Their Cultures , Dec emb er 7. R etriev ed February 13, 2012 ( http://www.everyculture .com/multi/B u-Dr /Creoles .html). Dick ens, William T . and Flynn , James R . 2006. "Black Americ ans R educe the Racial IQ G ap." Psychologic al Scienc e. Volume 17 Numb er 10. ( http://www.iaps ych.com/iqmr /fe/Link edDo cuments /dick ens2006a. pdf) Dollard , J., et al . 1939. Frustration and Aggres sion . New Ha ven, CT : Yale Univ ersity P ress. Graves, Joseph . 2003. The Emp eror 's New Clothes: Biologic al Theories o f Rac e at the Millennium . New Bruns wick , NJ: Rutgers Univ ersity P ress. MacC ord, Kate. 2014. " Johann F riedrich Blumenb ach (1752-1840). " Embr yo Project Ency clop edia. R etriev ed March 18, 2021 ( http://embr yo.asu .edu/handle/10776/7512). Mar tine z, Daniel E. and Gonzale z, Kelse y E. 2019. "P anethnicity as a re activ e identity: primar y panethnic identific ation among La tino -Hisp anics in the Unite d Sta tes." Ethnic and Racial Studies . Volume 44 2021. (https:/ /doi.org/10.1080/01419870.2020.1752392) Omi , Michael , and Ho ward W inant . 1994. Racial F orma tion in the Unite d Sta tes: from the 1960s to the 1990s (2nd e d.). New Y ork, NY : Routle dge. Park, Jerry Z. 2008. "Sec ond-Genera tion Asian Americ an P an-Ethnic Identity: Pluraliz ed Me anings o f a Racial Label." So ciologic al Persp ectiv es. Volume 51, Is sue 3. D OI: 10.1525/sop .2008.51.3.541 Rao , Sameer . 2018. " Can Eas t Asian Americ ans R eclaim ' Yellow' for Themselv es." Color Lines . Septemb er 28 2018. ( https:/ /www.colorlines .com/ar ticles /read-c an-e ast-asian-americ ans-reclaim-y ellow-themselv es) Seip el, Bro oke. 2020 " Why the AP and Others Are N ow Capitalizing the 'B ' in Black" The Hill . June 19 2020. (https:/ /thehill .com/homenew s/me dia/503642-wh y-the -ap-and-others -are -now-capitalizing-the -b-in- black)324 11 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Wagley, Charles , and Mar vin Harris . 1958. Minorities in the N ew W orld: Six C ase Studies . New Y ork: C olumbia Univ ersity P ress. Wirth, Louis . 1945. “ The P roblem o f Minority Groups .”The Scienc e of Man in the W orld C risis , edite d by R. Linton: 347. In Hack er, Helen Ma yer. 1951. Women as a Minority Group . Retriev ed Dec emb er 1, 2011 (http://media.pfeiffer.edu/lridener /courses /womminor .html). World He alth Org aniza tion . 2011. “Elder Maltre atment .” Fact Sheet N-357. R etriev ed Dec emb er 19, 2011 (http://www.who .int/me diac entre/factsheets /fs357/en/inde x.html). 11.2 Theor etical P erspectives on R ace and Ethnicity Collins , Patricia Hill . 2008. Distinguishing F eatures o f Black F eminis t Thought . London: R outle dge. Durkheim , Émile . 1982 [1895]. The R ules o f the So ciologic al Metho d. Transla ted by W.D. Halls . New Y ork: F ree Press. Nash, Manning . 1964. “Rac e and the Ideolog y of Rac e.”Current Anthrop olog y3(3): 285–288. Rose, Arnold . 1958 [1951]. The R oots o f Prejudic e, fifth e dition . Paris , Franc e: Unesc o. Retriev ed Novemb er 19 (http://unesdo c.unesc o.org/ima ges/0007/000733/073342eo .pdf). 11.3 Prejudice, Discrimination, and R acism Blaut, James M. 1992. " The theor y of cultural racism ."Antip ode. 24(4): 289-299. Bonilla-Silv a, Eduardo . 2015. The s tructure o f racism in c olor -blind , “post-racial ”Americ a. Americ an Beha vioral Scientis t. 59:1358-76. Bouie , Jamelle . (Augus t 19, 2014). " Why the F ires in F erguson W on't End So on." Sla te.com. Retriev ed Octob er 9, 2014 ( http://www.slate.com/ar ticles /new s_and_ politics /politics /2014/08/ ferguson_ protes ts_over_michael_ brown_ won_ t_end_ soon_ the_black _community .2.html). Carter, Jordan , and Ian Sn yder. (July 21, 2020). “ Wha t Do es It Me an to Be an Anti-racis t?” National Le ague o f Cities (NL C). R etriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /www.nlc.org/article/2020/07/21/wha t-does-it-me an-to -be- an-anti-racis t/). Feist, Benjamin , Teresa N elson , and Ian Bra tlie. 2013. "Racial P rofiling in Gre ater Minnesota and the C ase f or Exp anding the Driv er's Lic ense P rivileg e to A ll Minnesota R esidents ."Law Raza . 5(1): 3. Fuller -Rowell, Thomas E., and Stac ey N. Do an. 2010. “ The so cial c osts of academic suc cess acros s ethnic groups .”Child dev elopment . 81(6): 1696-1713. Herring , C., V. M. K eith , and H.D . Hor ton. 2004. Skin Deep: Ho w Rac e and C omple xion Ma tter in the “ Color - Blind ” Era (Ed.), Chic ago, IL: Univ ersity o f Illinois P ress. Hudson , David L. 2009. “ Students Lose C onfedera te-Fla g Purse C ase in 5th Circuit .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 7, 2011 ( http://www.firs tamendmentc enter .org/students -lose -confedera te-flag-purse -case-in-5th-circuit). Kendi , Ibram X . 2019. How to b e an antiracis t. One w orld . Klono ff, E., and H. Landrine . 2000. “Is Skin C olor a Mark er for Racial Discrimina tion? Explaining the Skin Color -Hyp ertension R elationship .”Journal o f Beha vioral Me dicine . 23: 329–338. Landor , Antoinet te M., Leslie Gordon Simons , Ronald L. Simons , Gene H. Bro dy, Chalandra M. Br yant, Frederick X . Gibb ons, Ellen M. Granb erg, and J anet N . Melb y. 2013. "Exploring the imp act o f skin tone on family dynamics and rac e-rela ted outc omes ."Journal o f Family P sycholog y. 27 (5): 817-826. Lowery, Wesle y and Darr yl Fears. (Augus t 31, 2014). "Michael Bro wn and Dorian J ohnson , the friend who witnes sed his sho oting ".The W ashington P ost. Retriev ed Octob er 9 , 2014.11 • R eferences 325 (http://www.washingtonp ost.com/p olitics /michael-bro wn-and-dorian-johnson-the -friend-who -witnes sed- his-sho oting /2014/08/31/bb9b47b a-2ee2-11e4-9b98-848790384093_ story.html). McIntosh , Peggy. 1988. “ White P rivileg e: Unp acking the In visible K napsack .”White P rivileg e and Male Privileg e: A P ersonal A ccount o f Coming to See C orresp ondenc es Through W ork in W omen ’s Studies . Wellesle y, MA: W ellesle y Colleg e Center f or R esearch on W omen . Melak u, Tsedele and Beeman , Angie and Smith , David G . and J ohnson , Brad W . 2020. "Be A Bet ter A lly." Missouri A ttorne y General ’s Offic e. (n.d.) "Racial P rofiling R eport." Retriev ed Octob er 9, 2014 (http://ago.mo .gov/Vehicle Stops /2013/rep orts/161. pdf). Osta, K athleen , and Hugh V asque z. 2021. “Implicit Bias and Str uctural Racializa tion ”. National E quity P roject . Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /www.nationale quityproject .org/framew orks /implicit -bias -structural- racializa tion). Race Forward. 2021. “ Wha t Is Sy stemic Racism? ” Retriev ed March 18, 2021
📚 Race and Gender References
📊 Academic citations form a comprehensive bibliography covering racial justice, ethnic relations, and gender studies, spanning from historical analyses to contemporary legal developments
🔍 Racial profiling and systemic racism documentation includes landmark cases like Michael Brown's autopsy findings and George Floyd's $27 million settlement
👩🚒 Gender roles are evolving as professions traditionally dominated by one gender become more integrated, challenging societal expectations and workplace dynamics
⚖️ Legal distinctions between sex and gender have evolved significantly, culminating in the Supreme Court's landmark decision extending Civil Rights Act protections to LGBTQ individuals
🌈 Sexual orientation encompasses a spectrum beyond binary classifications, including heterosexuality, homosexuality, bisexuality, asexuality, pansexuality, and queer identities
🌍 Cultural variations in gender expression demonstrate that binary gender concepts are not universal, with examples like fa'afafine in Samoan culture challenging Western perspectives
( https:/ /www.rac eforward.org/ videos /systemic -racism). Nobles , Franc es, and J ulie Bosman . (Augus t 17, 2014). " Autops y Sho ws Michael Bro wn W as Str uck a t Least Six Times ."The N ew Y ork Times . Retriev ed Octob er 9, 2014 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2014/08/18/us /michael- brown-a utops y-sho ws-he-was-shot -at-least-6-times .html). Wilson , William J ulius . 2012. The T ruly Disadv anta ged: The inner city , the underclas s, and public p olicy . Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. Wilson , William J ulius . 2012. The T ruly Disadv anta ged: The inner city , the underclas s, and public p olicy . Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. Yerev anci . 2013. "Public Opinion o f Interracial Marria ge in the Unite d Sta tes."Wikime dia C ommons . Retriev ed Dec emb er 23, 2014 ( http://commons .wikime dia.org/wiki/ File:Public _opinion_ of_interracial_marria ge_in_ the_Unite d_States.png ). 11.4 Intergr oup R elationships Asi, Mar yam, and Daniel Be aulieu . 2013. “ Arab Households in the Unite d Sta tes: 2006–2010. ”U.S. C ensus Bureau. Retriev ed Novemb er 19, 2014 ( http://www.census .gov/pro d/2013pubs /acsbr10-20. pdf). Lew y, Guenter . 2004. “ Were Americ an Indians the V ictims o f Geno cide? ” Retriev ed Dec emb er 6, 2011 (http://hnn .us/articles /7302.html). Norris , Tina, P aula L. V ines , and Eliza beth M. Ho effel. 2012. “ The Americ an Indian and A laska N ative Popula tion: 2010. ”U.S. C ensus B ureau. Retriev ed Novemb er 19, 2014 ( http://www.census .gov/pro d/ cen2010/briefs /c2010br -10. pdf). Popula tion Studies C enter . 2010. “N ew Racial Segreg ation Me asures f or Sta tes and Larg e Metrop olitan Are as: Analy sis o f the 2005–2009 Americ an C ommunity Sur vey.” Popula tion Studies C enter: Ins titute f or So cial Research . Retriev ed Novemb er 29, 2011 ( http://www.psc.isr.umich .edu/dis /census /segreg ation .html). Tatz, C olin . 2006. " Confronting A ustralian Geno cide ."The Indig enous Exp erienc e: Glob al Persp ectiv es. Edite d by Roger Maaka and Chris Andersen . Toronto , Canada: C anadian Scholars P ress. U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2014. “ State and C ounty Quickfacts .” Retriev ed Novemb er 19, 2014 (http://quickfacts .census .gov/qfd/s tates/00000.html). 11.5 Race and Ethnicity in the United States Abdollah , Tami and T revor Hughes . (February 27, 2021). “Ha te crimes a gains t Asian Americ ans are on the rise . Here 's wha t activis ts, lawmak ers and p olice are doing to s top the violenc e.” US A TODAY. Retriev ed March 18,326 11 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 2021 ( https:/ /www.usatoday.com/s tory/new s/nation/2021/02/27/asian-ha te-crimes -attacks -fuele d- covid-19-racism-thre aten-asians /4566376001/). ACLU. 2011. “ Appellate C ourt Upholds Decision Blo cking Ariz ona’s Extreme Racial P rofiling La w.” Americ an Civil Lib erties Union . Retriev ed Dec emb er 8, 2011 ( http://www.aclu .org/immigrants -rights /app ellate-court- upholds -decision-blo cking-ariz ona-s -extreme -racial-pro filing-la w-0). Americ an Indian Cultural Supp ort. 2005. “Masc ots: Racism in Scho ols b y Sta te.” Retriev ed Dec emb er 8, 2011 (http://www.aics .org/masc ot/masc ot.html ( http://www.aics .org/masc ot/masc ot.html). Frimp ong , Kwadw o. (Novemb er 12, 2020). “Black p eople are s till seeking racial jus tice – wh y and wha t to do about it .” The Bro okings Ins titution . Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /www.brookings .edu/blog /how-w e- rise/2020/11/12/black -people -are -still-seeking-racial-jus tice-wh y-and-wha t-to-do-about-it/). Georg etown La w Librar y. 2021. “D ACA and the DREAM A ct.” Retriev ed March 18, 2021 (https:/ /guides .ll.georg etown.edu/c .php?g=592919&p=4170929). Greely , Andrew M. 1972. Tha t Mos t Dis tres sful N ation: The T aming o f the Americ an Irish . Chic ago: Quadrangle Books. Harb , Ali. (Januar y 27, 2018). " US C ensus fails to add MEN A category: Ara bs to remain “ White ” in c ount ." Middle Eas t Ey e. Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /www.middlee asteye.net /new s/us-census -fails -add- mena-c ategory-ara bs-remain-white -count). Lew y, Guenter . 2004. " Were Americ an Indians the V ictims o f Geno cide?" R etriev ed Dec emb er 6, 2011 (http://hnn .us/articles /7302.html). Lipka, Michael . 2016. " A Closer Lo ok A t Jewish Identity in Israel and the U .S." Pew R esearch C enter . March 16 2016. ( https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2016/03/16/a-closer -look-at-jewish-identity -in-israel-and- the-u-s /) Marg er, Mar tin. 2003. Race and Ethnic R elations: Americ an and Glob al Persp ectiv es. Belmont , CA: W adsworth. Mas sey, Douglas S. 2006. “ Seeing Me xican Immigra tion Cle arly .”Cato Unb ound . Retriev ed Dec emb er 4, 2011 (http://www.cato-unb ound .org/2006/08/20/douglas -s-mas sey/seeing-me xican-immigra tion-cle arly /). Myers, John P . 2007. Dominant -Minority R elations in Americ a. Bos ton: P earson . National C ongres s of Americ an Indians . 2005. “ The N ational C ongres s of Americ an Indians R esolution #TUL -05-087: Supp ort for NC AA Ban on ‘Indian ’ Masc ots.” Retriev ed Dec emb er 8, 2011 (http://www.ncai.org/attachments / Resolution_ dZoHILXNEz XOuYleb zAihF wqFzfNnTHD GJV wjaujdNvnsF txUVd_TUL -05-087. pdf). National C ongres s of Americ an Indians (NC AI). 2020. “ Tribal N ations and the Unite d Sta tes: An Intro duction .” Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /www.ncai.org/trib alna tions /intro duction/ Indian_ Countr y_101_ Updated_F ebruary_2019. pdf). Offic e of Mana gement and B udg et. 2016. "Standards f or maintaining , collecting , and presenting f ederal da ta on rac e and ethnicity ."Federal R egis ter. 81(190): 67398-58790. R etriev ed March 18, 2021 (https:/ /www.govinf o.gov/content /pkg/FR-2016-09-30/p df/2016-23672. pdf). Sena te Bill 1070. 2010. Sta te of Ariz ona. R etriev ed Dec emb er 8, 2011 ( http://www.azleg .gov/legte xt/49leg /2r/ bills /sb1070s .pdf). Shapiro , Emily and Whitne y Llo yd. (March 12, 2021). “$27 million set tlement f or Georg e Flo yd's family appro ved by Minne apolis City C ouncil .” ABC N ews. Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /abcnew s.go.com/US / 27-million-set tlement -georg e-floyds-family -appro ved-minne apolis/story?id=76419755). Tatz, C olin . 2006. " Confronting A ustralian Geno cide ." Pp . 125-140 in The Indig enous Exp erienc e: Glob al11 • R eferences 327 Persp ectiv es. Edite d by Roger Maaka and Chris Andersen . Toronto , Canada: C anadian Scholars . U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2010. “ State and C ounty Quickfacts .” Retriev ed February 22, 2012 (http://quickfacts .census .gov/qfd/s tates/00000.html). U.S. C ensus B ureau. (July 1, 2019). “ Quick F acts .” Retriev ed March 18, 2021 ( https:/ /www.census .gov/ quickfacts /fact /dashb oard/US ). U.S. Dep artment o f Homeland Security . 2010. “P ersons Obtaining Leg al Permanent R esident Sta tus b y Region and Selecte d Countr y of Las t Residenc e: Fiscal Years 1820 to 2010. ”Yearbook o f Immigra tion Sta tistics. Retriev ed Dec emb er 6, 2011 ( http://www.dhs.gov/files /statistics/public ations /LPR10.shtm). Vigdor, Jacob L. 2008. “Me asuring Immigrant As simila tion in the Unite d Sta tes.” Manha ttan Ins titute f or P olicy Research Civic R eport 53. R etriev ed Dec emb er 4, 2011 ( http://www.manha ttan-ins titute .org/html/ cr_53.htm).328 11 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 12.1 New oppor tunities , laws, and at titudes ha ve opened the door f or people t o tak e on r oles that ar e not traditional ly associat ed with their g ender . But despit e this pr ogress, man y people ar e misunders tood or mis treated based on g ender . INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality 12.3 Sexuality Ima gine tha t there 's a fire in a building ne arby. As y ou w atch the flames and smok e pour out of windo ws, you also w atch firefighters r un inside . Minutes g o by and more p eople arriv e--cro wds, new s trucks , ambulanc es. Firefighters w orking the hoses s tart pointing to a top -floor windo w, where a lone memb er o f their crew emerg es half -pulling , half -carrying a victim o f the fire . Behind them , through the windo w, you c an see the fire in the b ackground , flames tha t the firefighter mus t ha ve pushe d through to g et to the victim . Eventually , others re ach them with larg e ladders , and the y bring the ne arly unc onscious victim do wn to the s treet . Close up , you c an see the heroic firefighter is c overed in dir t and so ot. A larg e gash is visible in their suit , and they're imme diately giv en me dical attention . As the EMT s pull o ff the firefighters ' helmet , you're surprise d to see f eatures y ou identif y as a w oman 's. You had jus t assume d the p erson w as a man , but y ou w ere inc orrect . You w ouldn 't be alone . For c enturies , nearly all firefighters had b een men . As a child , saying fireman and firemen ma y ha ve been p erfectly appropria te, because all the p eople y ou met in the pro fession w ere, in fact ,12Gender , Se x, and Se xuality men . But as with man y pro fessions tha t were f ormerly almos t exclusiv ely g ender -specific , firefighting has become more integra ted. Wha t do es tha t me an f or the p eople in those pro fessions? The y mus t endure ph ysical challeng es, overcome stereotyp es a bout an y ph ysical limita tions , and lik ely de al with a culture built o ver a long time to app eal to and serve the nee ds o f men . As the y train , firefighters ma y be yelled at and underg o lev els o f punishment f or not achieving the nec essary standards . Do es the dynamic o f those interactions chang e when a man in a sup erior position is f or the firs t time giving orders and is suing reprimands to p eople o f another g ender? Should the y be able to tre at women the same w ay the y tre ated men? Wha t would b e equal in tha t situa tion? Consider another pro fession . Wha t would y ou think a bout if y ou witnes sed a y oung w oman b y a man? Is she fulfilling the role so ciety ma y as sume f or her? Do es it ma tter tha t the p erson spra ying her is a man , and tha t he has a degree o f control o ver her? Militar y police and security p ersonnel are re quire d to b e pepp er spra yed at least onc e during their training . The logic g oes: The y ma y ha ve to utiliz e this deterrent a gains t other p eople , and so the y should ha ve experienc ed it. While there are no guarantees tha t the future enf orcement o fficer will use the subs tanc es judiciously , having e xperienc ed the p ainful eff ects o f pepp er spra y is deeme d more lik ely to pro duce a lev el of emp athy and res traint . But is this wha t she signe d up f or? As suming tha t these militar y personnel ha ve underg one some lev el of training prior to this ev ent—the y've invested their liv es and others ha ve invested in them— could she turn back? Ho w w ould her p eers re act? Ho w w ould her family and others re act? Saving someone from a burning building tak es a degree o f coura ge and a bility tha t is v ery rare , reg ardles s of gender . Voluntar y pepp er spra ying is an e xtreme situa tion , again reg ardles s of gender . But g ender pla ys a role in ho w w e see the p eople in volved in b oth situa tions . Gender and se xuality are among the mos t powerful and imp actful elements o f people 's identities , and driv e the w ay the y see the w orld and the w ay the w orld sees them . People o f diff erent g enders g o through difficult circums tanc es and ev ents b ased partly on their role in society —a role tha t the y do not o ften define f or themselv es. And when p eople e xpres s, identif y, or outw ardly displa y signs tha t the y do not fit in a so cieties , establishe d categories , the y ma y fac e exclusion and discrimina tion . 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define and diff erentiat e betw een se x and g ender •Define and discus s what is meant b y gender identity •Distinguish the meanings o f diff erent se xual orientations , gender identities , and g ender e xpressions330 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 12.2 While the biological diff erences betw een males and f emales ar e fairl y straight forward, the social and cultural aspects o f being a man or w oman can be c omplicat ed. (Cr edit: Mapbo x Unchar ted ER G /flickr) When filling out a do cument such as a job applic ation or scho ol regis tration f orm , you are o ften ask ed to provide y our name , addres s, phone numb er, bir th da te, and se x or g ender . But ha ve you ev er b een ask ed to provide y our se xand your g ender? Lik e mos t people , you ma y not ha ve re alized tha t sex and g ender are not the same . Ho wever, sociologis ts and mos t other so cial scientis ts view them as c onceptually dis tinct .Sexrefers to physical or ph ysiologic al diff erenc es b etween males and f emales , including b oth primar y se x characteris tics (the repro ductiv e system) and sec ondar y characteris tics such as height and muscularity .Gender refers to behaviors , personal traits , and so cial p ositions tha t society a ttributes to b eing f emale or male . A person ’s sex, as determine d by their biolog y, does not alw ays corresp ond with their g ender . Theref ore, the terms sexand gender are not interchang eable. A b aby who is b orn with male g enitalia will mos t lik ely b e identifie d as male . As a child or adult , however, the y ma y identif y with the f eminine asp ects o f culture . Sinc e the term sexrefers to biologic al or ph ysical dis tinctions , characteris tics o f sex will not v ary signific antly between diff erent human so cieties . Generally , persons o f the f emale se x, reg ardles s of culture , will ev entually mens truate and dev elop bre asts tha t can lacta te. Characteris tics o f gender , on the other hand , ma y vary gre atly between diff erent so cieties . For e xample , in U .S. culture , it is c onsidere d feminine (or a trait o f the f emale gender) to w ear a dres s or skir t. Ho wever, in man y Middle Eas tern , Asian , and Afric an cultures , sarongs , rob es, or g owns are c onsidere d masculine . The kilt w orn b y a Sc ottish man do es not mak e him app ear feminine in that culture . The dichotomous or binar y view o f gender (the notion tha t someone is either male or f emale) is sp ecific to certain cultures and is not univ ersal . In some cultures g ender is view ed as fluid . In the p ast, some anthrop ologis ts use d the term berdache to ref er to individuals who o ccasionally or p ermanently dres sed and lived as a diff erent g ender . The practic e has b een note d among c ertain N ative Americ an trib es (J acobs, Thomas , and Lang 1997). Samo an culture ac cepts wha t Samo ans ref er to as a “ third g ender .”Fa’afafine , which transla tes as “ the w ay of the w oman ,” is a term use d to describ e individuals who are b orn biologic ally male but emb ody b oth masculine and f eminine traits . Fa’afafines are c onsidere d an imp ortant p art of Samo an culture . Individuals from other cultures ma y misla bel their se xuality b ecause fa ’afafines ha ve a v arie d se xual lif e tha t may include men and w omen (P oasa 1992).12.1 • Se x, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 331 The Legalese of Se x and Gender The t erms sexand gender have not al ways been diff erentiat ed in the English lang uage. It w as not until the 1950s that U .S. and British ps ychologis ts and other pr ofessionals f ormal ly beg an dis tinguishing betw een se x and g ender . Sinc e then, pr ofessionals ha ve incr easingl y used the t erm g ender (Moi 2005). B y the end o f the tw enty -firs t centur y, expanding the pr oper usag e of the t erm gender to everyday lang uage became mor e chal lenging—par ticularl y wher e legal lang uage is c oncerned. In an eff ort to clarif y usag e of the t erms sexand gender , U.S. Supr eme Cour t Jus tice Antonin Scalia wr ote in a 1994 briefing , “The w ord gender has ac quired the ne w and useful c onnotation o f cul tural or at titudinal char acteristics (as opposed t o ph ysical char acteristics) dis tinctiv e to the se xes. That is t o sa y, gender is to se x as f eminine is t o female and masculine is t o male ” (J.E.B. v. Alabama , 144 S. Ct. 1436 [1994]). Supr eme Cour t Justice Ruth Bader Ginsbur g had a diff erent tak e, however. She fr eely swapped them in her briefings so as t o avoid having the w ord “sex” pop up t oo o ften. Ginsbur g decided on this appr oach earlier in her car eer while she w as arguing bef ore the Supr eme c ourt; her Columbia L aw School secr etar y sug gested it t o Ginsbur g, saying that when “those nine men ” (the Supr eme Cour t jus tices), “hear that w ord and their firs t association is not the w ay you w ant them t o be thinking ” (Block 2020). More recently, the w ord “sex” was a k ey element o f the landmark Supr eme Cour t case affirming that the Civil Rights Act's w orkplac e protections applied t o LGBTQ people . Thr oughout the case documents and discus sions , the t erm and its meanings ar e discus sed e xtensiv ely. In his decision s tatement, Jus tice Neil Gorsuch wr ote, “It is impos sible to discriminat e ag ains t a person f or being homose xual or tr ansgender without discriminating ... based on se x” (Supr eme Cour t 2020). Dis senting jus tices and c ommentat ors f elt that Gorsuch and the other jus tices in the majority w ere recalibr ating the original usag e of the t erm. The ar guments about the lang uage itself , which oc cupy much o f the Cour t's writings on the mat ter, are fur ther e videnc e of the e volving natur e of the w ords, as w ell as their significanc e. Sexuality and Se xual Orientation A person 'ssexualit yis their c apacity to e xperienc e se xual f eelings and a ttraction . Studying se xual a ttitudes and practic es is a p articularly interes ting field o f sociolog y because se xual b ehavior and a ttitudes a bout se xual behavior ha ve cultural and so cietal influenc es and imp acts . As y ou will see in the R elationships , Marria ge, and Family chapter , each so ciety interprets se xuality and se xual activity in diff erent w ays, with diff erent a ttitudes about premarital se x, the a ge of sexual c onsent , homose xuality , mas turb ation , and other se xual b ehaviors (Widmer 1998). A person ’ssexual orientat ion is their ph ysical, mental , emotional , and se xual a ttraction to a p articular se x (male and/or f emale). Se xual orienta tion is typic ally divide d into sev eral c ategories: heterose xuality , the attraction to individuals o f the other se x;homose xuality , the a ttraction to individuals o f the same se x; bise xuality , the a ttraction to individuals o f either se x;asexuality , a lack o f sexual a ttraction or desire f or se xual contact; panse xuality , an a ttraction to p eople reg ardles s of sex, gender , gender identity , or g ender e xpres sion; omnise xuality , an a ttraction to p eople o f all se xes, genders , gender identities , and g ender e xpres sions tha t considers the p erson 's gender , and queer , an umbrella term use d to describ e se xual orienta tion , gender identity or g ender e xpres sion . Other c ategories ma y not ref er to a se xual a ttraction , but ra ther a romantic one . For e xample , an aromantic person do es not e xperienc e romantic a ttraction; this is diff erent from ase xuality , which ref ers to a lack o f sexual a ttraction . And some se xual orienta tions do not ref er to g
🌈 LGBTQ+ Identity Spectrum
🧭 Sexual orientation exists on a continuum rather than binary categories, with terms like demisexual, pansexual, and asexual describing attractions based on emotional bonds rather than specific genders
👥 Gender identity (one's internal perception of gender) may differ from sex assigned at birth, with transgender individuals potentially undertaking social, legal, or medical transitions to align their presentation with their identity
🔄 Gender roles shape behavior from birth through socialization, creating expectations that influence everything from childhood play to career choices, resulting in "occupational sorting" and phenomena like the "motherhood penalty" versus "fatherhood premium"
🏳️⚧️ Intersex individuals have sex traits, anatomy, hormones or chromosomes that differ from typical binary development, while cisgender people identify with their birth-assigned sex—both distinct from sexual orientation
🌐 Heteronormativity and cisnormativity in society create harmful assumptions that heterosexual and cisgender identities are the default or "normal," leading to "othering" and distress for LGBTQ+ individuals
🔍 Sexual orientation typically emerges between middle childhood and early adolescence, though some recognize their orientation much later in life, with no scientific consensus on exact causes
ender in their description , though those who identif y as ha ving tha t orienta tion ma y feel a ttraction to a c ertain g ender . For example ,demise xual refers to someone who f eels a se xual a ttraction to someone only a fter the y form an emotional b ond; the term itself do esn't dis tinguish among g ender identities , but the p erson ma y feel a ttraction based on g ender (PFL AG 2021). It is imp ortant to ackno wledge and unders tand tha t man y of these orienta tions exist on on a sp ectr um, and there ma y be no sp ecific term to describ e ho w an individual f eels . Some termsSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE332 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. have been dev elop ed to addres s this —such as graysexual orgrayromantic —but their usa ge is a p ersonal choic e (Ase xual V isibility and E ducation N etwork 2021). People who are a ttracte d to others o f a diff erent g ender are typic ally ref erre d to as "s traight ," and p eople attracte d to others o f the same g ender are typic ally ref erre d to as "g ay" for men and "lesbian " for w omen . As discus sed, above, however, there are man y more se xual and romantic orienta tions , so the term "g ay," for example , should not b e use d to describ e all o f them . Proper terminolog y includes the acron yms L GBT and LGBTQ, which s tands f or “Lesbian , Gay, Bise xual , Trans gender ” (and “ Queer ” or “ Ques tioning ” when the Q is adde d). In other c ases , people and org aniza tions ma y add "I" to represent Interse x people (describ ed below), and " A" for Ase xual or Aromantic p eople (or sometimes f or "Allies "), as w ell as one "P " to describ e Panse xual people and sometimes another "P " to describ e Polysexual p eople . Finally , some p eople and org aniza tions add a plus sign (+) to represent other p ossible identities or orienta tions . Sexuality and g ender terminolog y are constantly changing , and ma y me an diff erent things to diff erent p eople; the y are not univ ersal , and e ach individual define them f or themselv es (UC Da vis L GBTQIA R esourc e Center 2020). F inally , a p erson who do es not fully unders tand all o f these terms c an s till b e supp ortive of people who ha ve those orienta tions or others; in fact , adv ocacy and supp ort org aniza tions indic ate it is much b etter to admit y ou don 't kno w something than to mak e as sumptions or apply an inc orrect la bel to someone (GL AAD 2021). While the descriptions a bove are evidenc e of a v ast degree o f div ersity , the Unite d Sta tes and man y other countries are heteronorma tive so cieties , me aning man y people as sume heterose xual orienta tion is biologic ally determine d and is the defa ult or normal typ e of orienta tion . While a warenes s and ac ceptanc e of different se xual orienta tions and identities seems to b e incre asing , the influenc e of a heteronorma tive so ciety can le ad L GBTQ people to b e tre ated lik e "others ," even b y people who do not delib erately seek to c ause them harm . This c an le ad to signific ant dis tres s (Bo yer 2020). C auses o f these heteronorma tive behaviors and expecta tions are tie d to implicit biases; the y can b e esp ecially harmful f or children and y oung adults (Tompkins 2017). There is not a w ealth o f rese arch describing e xactly when p eople b ecome a ware o f their se xual orienta tion . According to current scientific unders tanding , individuals are usually a ware o f their se xual orienta tion between middle childho od and e arly adolesc ence (Americ an P sychologic al As sociation 2008). The y do not have to p articip ate in se xual activity to b e aware o f these emotional , romantic , and ph ysical attractions; p eople can b e celib ate and s till rec ogniz e their se xual orienta tion , and ma y ha ve very diff erent e xperienc es o f disc overing and ac cepting their se xual orienta tion . Some s tudies ha ve sho wn tha t a p ercenta ge of people ma y start to ha ve feelings rela ted to a ttraction or orienta tion a t ages nine or ten , even if these f eelings are not se xual (Calzo 2018). A t the p oint o f pub erty, some ma y be able to announc e their se xual orienta tion , while others ma y be unre ady or un willing to mak e their se xual orienta tion or identity kno wn sinc e it g oes a gains t society ’s historic al norms (AP A 2008). And finally , some p eople rec ogniz e their tr ue se xual orienta tion la ter in lif e—in their 30s , 40s , and b eyond . There is no scientific c onsensus reg arding the e xact re asons wh y an individual holds a sp ecific se xual orienta tion . Research has b een c onducte d to s tudy the p ossible g enetic , hormonal , dev elopmental , social, and cultural influenc es on se xual orienta tion , but there has b een no evidenc e tha t links se xual orienta tion to one factor (AP A 2008). A lfred Kinse y was among the firs t to c onceptualiz e se xuality as a c ontinuum ra ther than a strict dichotom y of gay or s traight . He cre ated a six -point ra ting sc ale tha t rang es from e xclusiv ely heterose xual to e xclusiv ely homose xual . See the figure b elow. In his 1948 w ork Sexual Beha vior in the Human Male , Kinse y writes , “Males do not represent tw o discrete p opula tions , heterose xual and homose xual . The world is not to b e divide d into sheep and g oats … The living w orld is a c ontinuum in e ach and ev ery one o f its aspects” (Kinse y 1948). Man y of Kinse y's sp ecific rese arch findings ha ve been criticiz ed or discre dite d, but his influenc e on future rese arch is widely ac cepte d.12.1 • Se x, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 333 FIGURE 12.3 The Kinse y scale indicat es that se xuality can be measur ed b y mor e than jus t het erosexuality and homose xuality . Later scholarship b y Eve Kosofsky Se dgwick e xpande d on Kinse y’s notions . She c oine d the term “homoso cial” to opp ose “homose xual ,” describing nonse xual same -sex rela tions . Sedgwick rec ogniz ed tha t in U .S. culture , males are subject to a cle ar divide b etween the tw o sides o f this c ontinuum , where as females enjo y more fluidity . This c an b e illus trated by the w ay women in the Unite d Sta tes c an e xpres s homoso cial f eelings (nonse xual reg ard f or p eople o f the same se x) through hugging , handholding , and ph ysical closenes s. In contras t, U.S. males refrain from these e xpres sions sinc e the y viola te the heteronorma tive expecta tion tha t male se xual a ttraction should b e exclusiv ely f or females . Research sugg ests tha t it is e asier f or w omen viola te these norms than men , because men are subject to more so cial disappro val for b eing ph ysically close to other men (Se dgwick 1985). Because o f the deeply p ersonal na ture o f sexual orienta tion , as w ell as the so cietal biases a gains t certain orienta tions , man y people ma y ques tion their se xual orienta tion b efore fully ac cepting it themselv es. In a similar w ay, parents ma y ques tion their children 's se xual orienta tion b ased on c ertain b ehaviors . Simply viewing the man y web p ages and discus sion f orums de dicated to p eople e xpres sing their ques tions mak es it very cle ar tha t sexual orienta tion is not alw ays cle ar. Feelings o f guilt , resp onsibility , rejection , and simple unc ertainty c an mak e the pro cess and gro wth v ery challenging . For e xample , a w oman marrie d to a man who recogniz es tha t she is ase xual , or a man marrie d to a w oman who rec ogniz es tha t he is a ttracte d to men , ma y both ha ve extreme difficulty c oming to terms with their se xuality , as w ell as disclosing it to others . At young er ages, similarly challenging b arriers and difficulties e xist. For e xample , adolesc ence can b e a difficult and unc ertain time o verall , and f eelings o f diff erent or changing orienta tion or nonc onformity c an only add to the challeng es (Mills -Koonce 2018). Gender R oles As w e gro w, we learn ho w to b ehave from those around us . In this so cializa tion pro cess, children are intro duced to c ertain roles tha t are typic ally link ed to their biologic al se x. The term gender role refers to society ’s concept o f ho w men and w omen are e xpecte d to lo ok and ho w the y should b ehave. These roles are based on norms , or s tandards , cre ated by so ciety . In U .S. culture , masculine roles are usually as sociated with334 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. strength , aggres sion , and dominanc e, while f eminine roles are usually as sociated with p assivity , nur turing , and sub ordina tion . Role le arning s tarts with so cializa tion a t bir th. Even to day, our so ciety is quick to outfit male infants in blue and girls in pink , even applying these c olor -coded gender la bels while a b aby is in the womb . One w ay children le arn g ender roles is through pla y. Parents typic ally supply b oys with tr ucks , toy guns , and superhero p araphernalia, which are activ e toys tha t promote motor skills , aggres sion , and solitar y pla y. Daughters are o ften giv en dolls and dres s-up app arel tha t foster nur turing , social pro ximity , and role pla y. Studies ha ve sho wn tha t children will mos t lik ely cho ose to pla y with “ gender appropria te” toys (or same - gender to ys) ev en when cros s-gender to ys are a vailable b ecause p arents giv e children p ositiv e feedback (in the form o f praise , involvement , and ph ysical closenes s) for g ender norma tive behavior (C aldera, Hus ton, and O’Brien 1998). As discus sed in the So cializa tion chapter , some p arents and e xperts become c oncerne d about young p eople b ecoming to o attache d to these s tereotypic al gender roles . FIGURE 12.4 Childhood activities and ins truction, lik e this father -daught er duck -hunting trip , can influenc e people 's lifelong vie ws on g ender r oles . (Cr edit: Tim Mil ler, USFWS Midw est Region/flickr) The driv e to adhere to masculine and f eminine g ender roles c ontinues la ter in lif e, in a tendency sometimes referre d to as " occup ational sor ting " (Gerdeman 2019). Men tend to outnumb er w omen in pro fessions such as law enf orcement , the militar y, and p olitics . Women tend to outnumb er men in c are-rela ted occup ations such as childc are, healthc are (ev en though the term “ doctor ” still c onjures the ima ge of a man), and so cial w ork. These o ccup ational roles are e xamples o f typic al U .S. male and f emale b ehavior , deriv ed from our culture ’s traditions . Adherenc e to these roles demons trates fulfillment o f social e xpecta tions but not nec essarily personal pref erenc e (Diamond 2002); sometimes , people w ork in a pro fession b ecause o f societal pres sure and/or the opp ortunities a fforde d to them b ased on their g ender . Historic ally, women ha ve had difficulty she dding the e xpecta tion tha t the y cannot b e a "g ood mother " and a "good worker" at the same time , which results in f ewer opp ortunities and lo wer lev els o f pay (Og den 2019). Generally , men do not share this difficulty: Sinc e the as sume d role o f a men as a fa thers do es not seem to conflict with their p erceived work role , men who are fa thers (or who are e xpecte d to b ecome fa thers) do not12.1 • Se x, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 335 face the same b arriers to emplo yment or promotion (Gonzále z 2019). This is sometimes ref erre d to as the "motherho od penalty " versus the "fa therho od premium ," and is prev alent in man y higher inc ome c ountries (Bygren 2017). These c oncepts and their financial and so cietal implic ations will b e revisite d later in the chapter . Gender Identity U.S. so ciety allo ws for some lev el of flexibility when it c omes to acting out g ender roles . To a c ertain e xtent , men c an as sume some f eminine roles and w omen c an as sume some masculine roles without inter fering with their g ender identity .Gender ident ityis a p erson ’s deeply held internal p erception o f one 's gender . Trans gender people 's se x as signe d at bir th and their g ender identity are not nec essarily the same . A trans gender w oman is a p erson who w as as signe d male a t bir th but who identifies and/or liv es as a w oman; a trans gender man w as as signe d female a t bir th but liv es as a man . While determining the siz e of the trans gender p opula tion is difficult , it is es tima ted tha t 1.4 million adults (Herman 2016) and 2 p ercent o f high scho ol students in the U .S. identif y as trans gender (J ohns 2019). The term "trans gender " do es not indic ate sexual orienta tion or a p articular g ender e xpres sion , and w e should a void making as sumptions a bout p eople 's sexual orienta tion b ased on kno wledge about their g ender identity (GL AAD 2021). FIGURE 12.5 Actr ess Laverne Co x is the firs t openl y transgender person t o pla y a tr ansgender char acter on a major show. She w on a pr oducing Emm y and w as nominat ed four times f or the Bes t Actr ess Emm y. She is also an advocat e for LGBTQ issues outside o f her car eer, such as in this " Ain't I a W oman?" speaking t our. (Cr edit: modification o f work b y "KOMUne ws_Flickr "/Flickr) Some trans gender individuals ma y under take a pro cess of transition , in which the y mo ve from living in a w ay that is more aligne d with the se x as signe d at bir th to living in a w ay tha t is aligne d with their g ender identity . Transitioning ma y tak e the f orm o f social, leg al or me dical asp ects o f someone 's lif e, but not ev eryone under takes an y or all typ es o f transition . Social transition ma y involve the p erson 's presenta tion , name , pronouns , and rela tionships . Leg al transition c an include changing their g ender on g overnment or other official do cuments , changing their leg al name , and so on . Some p eople ma y underg o a ph ysical or me dical336 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. transition , in which the y chang e their outw ard, physical, or se xual characteris tics in order f or their ph ysical being to b etter align with their g ender identity (UCSF T rans gender C are 2019). The y ma y also b e kno wn as male -to-female (MTF) or f emale -to-male (FTM). N ot all trans gender individuals cho ose to alter their b odies: man y will maintain their original ana tom y but ma y present themselv es to so ciety as another g ender . This is typic ally done b y adopting the dres s, hairs tyle, mannerisms , or other characteris tic typic ally as signe d to another g ender . It is imp ortant to note tha t people who cros s-dres s, or w ear clothing tha t is traditionally assigne d to a g ender diff erent from their biologic al se x, are not nec essarily trans gender . Cross-dres sing is typic ally a f orm o f self -expres sion or p ersonal s tyle, and it do es not indic ate a p erson 's gender identity or tha t they are trans gender ( TSER 2021). FIGURE 12.6 The mos t widel y kno wn tr ansgender pride flag w as designed b y transgender w oman and U .S. Na vy veteran Monica Helms . Other designers ha ve diff erent int erpr etation o f the tr ansgender flag , and other gr oups within the L GBTQ community ha ve their o wn flags and s ymbols . Int erestingl y, Gilber t Bak er, the designer o f the firs t widel y adop ted pride flag , made a point t o avoid tr ademark or other limits on the flag , so that it c ould be reinterpr eted and r eused b y others . (Cr edit: crudmuc osa/flickr) There is no single , conclusiv e explana tion f or wh y people are trans gender . Trans gender e xpres sions and experienc es are so div erse tha t it is difficult to identif y their origin . Some h ypotheses sugg est biologic al factors such as g enetics or prena tal hormone lev els as w ell as so cial and cultural factors such as childho od and adultho od experienc es. Mos t experts believ e tha t all o f these factors c ontribute to a p erson ’s gender identity (APA 2008). Interse xis a g eneral term use d to describ e people whose se x traits , repro ductiv e ana tom y, hormones , or chromosomes are diff erent from the usual tw o ways human b odies dev elop . Some interse x traits are recogniz ed at bir th, while others are not rec ogniza ble until pub erty or la ter in lif e (inter ACT 2021). While some interse x people ha ve ph ysically rec ogniza ble f eatures tha t are describ ed by sp ecific me dical terms , interse x people and newb orns are he alth y. Mos t in the me dical and interse x community reject unnec essary surg eries intende d to mak e a b aby conform to a sp ecific g ender as signment; me dical ethicis ts indic ate tha t an y surg ery to alter interse x characteris tics or traits —if desire d—should b e dela yed until an individual c an decide f or themselv es (Behrens 2021). If a ph ysical trait or me dical condition prohibits a b aby from urina ting or12.1 • Se x, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 337 performing another b odily function ( which is v ery rare), then a me dical pro cedure such as surg ery will b e needed; in other c ases , hormonal is sues rela ted to interse x characteris tics ma y re quire me dical inter vention . Interse x and trans gender are not interchang eable terms; man y trans gender p eople ha ve no interse x traits , and man y interse x people do not c onsider themselv es trans gender . Some interse x people b eliev e tha t interse x people should b e include d within the L GBTQ community , while others do not (K oyama n .d.). Those who identif y with the se x the y were as signe d at bir th are o ften ref erre d to as cisgender , utilizing the Latin prefix " cis," which me ans " on the same side ." (The prefix "trans " me ans "acros s.") Bec ause the y are in the majority and do not ha ve a p otential c omp onent to transition , man y cis gender p eople do not self -identif y as such . As with trans gender p eople , the term or usa ge of cis gender do es not indic ate a p erson 's se xual orienta tion , gender , or g ender e xpres sion ( TSER 2021). And as man y so cieties are heteronorma tive, the y are also cisnorma tive, which is the as sumption or e xpecta tion tha t everyone is cis gender , and tha t an ything other than cis gender is not normal . The langua ge of sexuality
🌈 Gender Identity and Discrimination
🧠 Gender dysphoria describes the distress experienced when one's gender identity doesn't align with their biological sex, though not all transgender people experience it and its classification as a mental disorder remains contested
👮 Discrimination against LGBTQ people persists globally through hate crimes, legal penalties (including death in some countries), and barriers to healthcare, housing, and education
🔄 Heterosexism, homophobia, and transphobia systematically disadvantage LGBTQ individuals through both institutional practices and individual prejudices
🤝 Effective allyship requires respecting pronouns, protecting privacy, avoiding assumptions, and recognizing that LGBTQ people have diverse experiences shaped by intersectionality
👶 Gender socialization begins early, with children aware of gender roles by age 2-3 and firmly entrenched in culturally appropriate roles by 4-5, perpetuated through family, education, peers, and media
, sexual orienta tion , gender identity , and g ender e xpres sion is c ontinually changing and ev olving . In order to g et an o verview o f some o f the mos t commonly use d terms , explore the T rans Student Educational R esourc es Online Glos sary: ht tp://openstax.org/r/tsero When individuals do not f eel c omf ortable identif ying with the g ender as sociated with their biologic al se x, then they ma y experienc e gender dy sphoria. Gender dy sphoria is a dia gnos tic c ategory in the fifth e dition o f the Diagnos tic and Sta tistical Manual o f Mental Disorders (DSM-5) tha t describ es individuals who do not identif y as the g ender tha t mos t people w ould as sume the y are . This dy sphoria mus t persis t for a t least six months and result in signific ant dis tres s or dy sfunction to meet DSM-5 dia gnos tic criteria. In order f or children to b e assigne d this dia gnos tic c ategory, the y mus t verbalize their desire to b ecome the other g ender . It is imp ortant to note tha t not all trans gender p eople e xperienc e gender dy sphoria, and tha t its dia gnos tic c ategoriza tion is not univ ersally ac cepte d. For e xample , in 2019, the W orld He alth Org aniza tion reclas sifie d “gender identity disorder ” as “ gender inc ongr uenc e,” and c ategoriz ed it under se xual he alth ra ther than a mental disorder . However, health and mental he alth pro fessionals indic ate tha t the presenc e of the dia gnos tic c ategory do es assist in supp orting those who nee d tre atment or help . People b ecome a ware tha t the y ma y be trans gender a t diff erent a ges. Even if someone do es not ha ve a full (or even p artial) unders tanding o f gender terminolog y and its implic ations , the y can s till dev elop an a warenes s that their g ender as signe d at bir th do es not align with their g ender identity . Society , particularly in the Unite d States, has b een reluctant to ac cept trans gender identities a t an y age, but w e ha ve particular difficulty accepting those identities in children . Man y people f eel tha t children are to o young to unders tand their feelings , and tha t the y ma y "gro w out o f it." And it is tr ue tha t some children who v erbalize their identific ation or desire to liv e as another g ender ma y ultima tely decide to liv e in alignment with their as signe d gender . But if a child c onsis tently describ es themselv es as a g ender (or as b oth g enders) and/or e xpres ses themselv es as tha t gender o ver a long p erio d of time , their f eelings c annot b e attribute d to g oing through a "phase " (Ma yo Clinic 2021). Some children , like man y trans gender p eople , ma y feel pres sure to c onform to so cial norms , which ma y lead them to suppres s or hide their identity . Exp erts find evidenc e of gender dy sphoria—the long-term dis tres s associated with g ender identific ation—in children as y oung as sev en (Zalizn yak 2020). Ag ain, mos t children have a limite d unders tanding o f the so cial and so cietal imp acts o f being trans gender , but the y can f eel s trongly that the y are not aligne d with their as signe d se x. And c onsidering tha t man y trans gender p eople do not c ome out or b egin to transition until much la ter in lif e—well into their tw enties —the y ma y liv e for a long time under that dis tres s. Discrimination Against L GBT Q people Recall from the chapter on C rime and Devianc e tha t the FBI's ha te crime da ta indic ates tha t crimes a gains t LGBTQ people ha ve been incre asing , and tha t those crimes ac count f or ne arly one in fiv e ha te crimes338 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. commit ted in the Unite d Sta tes (FBI 2020). While the disb anding o f anti-L GBTQ la ws in the Unite d Sta tes has reduced government or la w enf orcement oppres sion or a buse , it has not elimina ted it. In other c ountries , however, LGBTQ people c an fac e ev en more dang er. Reports from the Unite d Nations , Human Rights W atch, and the Interna tional Lesbian , Gay, Trans , and Interse x As sociation (IL GA) indic ate tha t man y countries imp ose p enalties f or same -sex rela tionships , gender nonc omf ormity , and other acts deeme d opp osed to the cultural or religious obser vances o f the na tion . As o f 2020, six Unite d Nations memb ers imp osed the de ath penalty f or c onsensual same -sex acts , and another 61 c ountries p enaliz ed same se x acts , through jail time , corporal punishment (such as lashing ), or other me asures . These c ountries include prominent Unite d Sta tes allies such as the Unite d Ara b Emira tes and Sa udi Ara bia ( both o f which c an leg ally imp ose the de ath p enalty for same -sex acts). Some ne arby na tions criminaliz e same -sex rela tions: Barb ados c an imp ose lif etime imprisonment f or same -sex acts , and J amaic a, St . Kit ts and N evis , and Saint L ucia ha ve les ser p enalties , though Saint L ucia 's government indic ates it do es not enf orce those la ws (IL GA 2020). E ven when the government criminal c ode do es not f ormaliz e anti-L GBTQ penalties , local ordinanc es or g overnment a gents may ha ve wide discretion . For e xample , man y people fleeing C entral Americ an c ountries do so as a result o f anti-L GBTQ violenc e, sometimes a t the hands o f police (Human Rights W atch 2020). Such sev ere tre atment a t the hands o f the g overnment is no long er the c ase in the Unite d Sta tes. But until the 1960s and 1970s , every state in the c ountr y criminaliz ed same -sex acts , which allo wed the militar y to dishonora bly discharg e gay veterans (s tripping them o f all b enefits) and la w enf orcement a gencies to investigate and detain p eople susp ecte d of same -sex acts . Police regularly raide d bars and clubs simply f or allowing g ay and lesbian p eople to danc e tog ether . Public dec ency la ws allo wed police to arres t people if the y did not w ear clothing aligning with the typic al dres s for their biologic al se x. Criminaliza tion o f same -sex acts began to unra vel at the s tate lev el in the 1960's and 1970s , and w as fully in valida ted in a 2003 Supreme C ourt decision . Hate crimes and anti-L GBTQ legisla tion are o vert typ es o f discrimina tion , but L GBTQ people are also tre ated differently from s traight and cis gender p eople in scho ols, housing , and in he althc are. This c an ha ve eff ects on mental he alth , emplo yment and financial opp ortunities , and rela tionships . For e xample , more than half o f LGBTQ adults and 70 p ercent o f those who are trans gender or g ender nonc onforming rep ort experiencing discrimina tion from a he alth c are pro fessional; this le ads to dela ys or reluctanc e in seeking c are or prev enta tive visits , which has neg ative he alth outc omes (Americ an He art As sociation 2020). Similarly , elderly LGBTQ people are far les s lik ely to c ome out to he althc are pro fessionals than are s traight or cis gender p eople , which ma y also le ad to he althc are is sues a t an a ge tha t is typic ally highly reliant on me dical care (F oglia 2014). Much o f this discrimina tion is b ased on s tereotyp es and misinf orma tion . Some is b ased on heterose xism , which Herek (1990) sugg ests is b oth an ideolog y and a set o f ins titutional practic es tha t privileg e heterose xuals and heterose xuality o ver other se xual orienta tions . Much lik e racism and se xism , heterose xism is a s ystema tic disadv anta ge emb edde d in our so cial ins titutions , offering p ower to those who c onform to heterose xual orienta tion while simultaneously disadv anta ging those who do not .Homophobia , an e xtreme or irra tional aversion to L GB p eople or p eople thought to b e LGB p eople , accounts f or fur ther s tereotyping and discrimina tion .Transphobia is a f ear, hatred, or dislik e of trans gender p eople , and/or prejudic e and discrimina tion a gains t them b y individuals or ins titutions .12.1 • Se x, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 339 Fighting discrimina tion and being an al ly FIGURE 12.7 Hashtags , pride par ades , and other activism ar e impor tant elements o f suppor ting L GBTQ people , but mos t exper ts and adv ocat es agr ee that some o f the mos t impor tant s teps ar e ones tak en int ernal ly to bet ter educat e oursel ves, and on int erpersonal le vels with friends , coworkers, and famil y members . (Cr edit: L ars V erket/ flickr) Major p olicies to prev ent discrimina tion b ased on se xual orienta tion ha ve not c ome into eff ect until rec ent years. In 2011, P resident Ob ama o verturne d “don ’t ask , don ’t tell ,” a c ontro versial p olicy tha t require d gay and lesbian p eople in the US militar y to k eep their se xuality undisclose d. In 2015, the Supreme C ourt ruled in the case o fObg erfell vs . Ho dgesthat the right to civil marria ge was guarantee d to same -sex couples . And , as discus sed above, in the landmark 2020 Supreme C ourt decision adde d se xual orienta tion and g ender identity as c ategories protecte d from emplo yment discrimina tion b y the Civil Rights A ct. At the same time , laws passed in sev eral s tates p ermit some lev el of discrimina tion a gains t same -sex couples and other L GBTQ people b ased on a p erson 's individual religious b eliefs or prejudic es. Supp orting L GTBQ p eople re quires eff ort to b etter unders tand them without making as sumptions . Unders tand people b y lis tening , resp ecting them , and b y rememb ering tha t every person—L GBTQ or other wise — is different . Being g ay, lesbian , bise xual , trans gender , queer , interse x, or ase xual is not a choic e, but the w ay a person e xpres ses or rev eals tha t reality is their choic e. Your e xperienc e or kno wledge of other L GBTQ people (even y our o wn e xperienc e if y ou are L GBTQ) c annot dicta te ho w another p erson f eels or acts . Finally , as discus sed in the Rac e and Ethnicity chapter , intersectionality me ans tha t people are define d by more than their g ender identity and se xual orienta tion . People from diff erent a ge groups , rac es, abilities , and e xperienc es within the L GTBQ c ommunity ha ve diff erent p ersp ectiv es and nee ds. While e ach individual has their o wn p ersp ectiv e, resp ecting their f eelings and protecting their e quality and wellb eing do es ha ve some c ommon elements . These include ref erring to a p erson as the y would lik e to b e referre d to, including the a voidanc e of abbrevia tions or slang terms unles s you are sure the y ac cept them . For example , man y people and org aniza tions (including those ref erenc ed in this chapter) use the a bbrevia tion "trans " to represent trans gender p eople , but a non-trans gender p erson should not use tha t abbrevia tion unles s they kno w the p erson or subject is c omf ortable with it . Respect also includes p eople 's right to priv acy: One person should nev er out a p erson to someone else or as sume tha t someone is publicly out . LGBTQ allies c an340 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. supp ort everyone's rights to b e equal and emp owered memb ers o f society , including within org aniza tions , institutions , and ev en individual clas srooms . Supp orting others ma y re quire a chang e in mindset and practic e. For e xample , if a trans gender p erson w ants to b e ref erre d to b y a diff erent name , or use diff erent pronouns , it might tak e some g etting use d to, esp ecially if you ha ve sp ent y ears ref erring to the p erson b y another name or b y other pronouns . Ho wever, making the chang e is w orthwhile and not o verly onerous . You c an le arn more a bout b eing an ally through c ampus , government , and org aniza tional resourc es lik e the Human Rights C amp aign 's guide ht tps:/ /www.hrc .org/resourc es/being-an-lgbtq-ally Langua ge is an imp ortant p art of culture , and it has b een ev olving to b etter include and describ e people who are not g ender -binar y. In man y langua ges, including English , pronouns are g endere d. Tha t is, pronouns are intende d to identif y the g ender o f the individual b eing ref erenc ed. English has traditionally b een binar y, providing only “he/him/his ,” for male subjects and “ she/her /hers ,” for female subjects . This binar y system e xcludes those who identif y as neither male nor f emale . The w ord “ they,” which w as use d for hundre ds o f years as a singular pronoun , is more inclusiv e. As a result , in fact , Merriam W ebster selecte d this use o f “they” as W ord o f the Y ear for 2019. “ The y” and other pronouns are no w use d to ref erenc e those who do not identif y as male or f emale on the sp ectr um o f gender identities . Gender inclusiv e langua ge has imp acts b eyond p ersonal ref erenc es. In biolog y, ana tom y, and he althc are, for example , people c ommonly ref er to org ans or pro cesses with g ender as sociations . Ho wever, more ac cura te and inclusiv e langua ge avoids such as sociations . For e xample ,women do not pro duce eggs; ovaries produce eggs . Men are not more lik ely to b e color -blind; those with XY chromosomes are more lik ely to b e color blind (Gender Inclusiv e Biolog y 2019). Beyond the langua ge of gender , the langua ge of society and culture itself c an b e either a b arrier or an op ening to inclusivity . Societal norms are imp ortant so ciologic al concepts , and b ehaviors outside o f those norms c an lead to e xclusion . By disas sociating g ender identity , gender e xpres sion , and se xual orienta tion from the concept o f norms , we can b egin to elimina te the implicit and e xplicit biases reg arding those re alities . In everyday terms , this c an tak e the f orm o f avoiding ref erenc es to wha t is normal or not normal in reg ard to sexuality or g ender (C anadian Public He alth As sociation 2019). 12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the influenc e of socialization on g ender r oles in the Unit ed Stat es •Explain the s tratification o f gender in major American ins titutions •Provide e xamples o f gender inequality in the Unit ed Stat es •Desribe the rise o f feiminism in the Unit ed Stat es •Describe g ender fr om the vie w of each sociological perspectiv e12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality 341 FIGURE 12.8 Traditional imag es o f U.S. g ender r oles r einforce the idea that w omen should be subor dinat e to men. (Credit: Spor t Suburban/flickr) Gender and Socializ ation The phrase “b oys will b e boys” is o ften use d to jus tify behavior such as pushing , sho ving , or other f orms o f aggres sion from y oung b oys. The phrase implies tha t such b ehavior is unchang eable and something tha t is part of a b oy’s na ture . Aggres sive behavior , when it do es not inflict signific ant harm , is o ften ac cepte d from boys and men b ecause it is c ongr uent with the cultural script f or masculinity . The “ script ” writ ten b y so ciety is in some w ays similar to a script writ ten b y a pla ywright . Just as a pla ywright e xpects actors to adhere to a prescrib ed script , society e xpects w omen and men to b ehave ac cording to the e xpecta tions o f their resp ectiv e gender roles . Scripts are g enerally le arne d through a pro cess kno wn as so cializa tion , which te aches p eople to behave ac cording to so cial norms . Socializ ation Children le arn a t a y oung a ge tha t there are dis tinct e xpecta tions f or b oys and girls . Cross-cultural s tudies reveal tha t children are a ware o f gender roles b y age tw o or three . At four or fiv e, mos t children are firmly entrenche d in culturally appropria te gender roles (K ane 1996). Children ac quire these roles through socializa tion , a pro cess in which p eople le arn to b ehave in a p articular w ay as dicta ted by so cietal v alues , beliefs , and a ttitudes . For e xample , society o ften view s riding a motorcy cle as a masculine activity and , theref ore, considers it to b e part of the male g ender role . Attitudes such as this are typic ally b ased on stereotyp es, oversimplifie d notions a bout memb ers o f a group . Gender s tereotyping in volves o vergeneralizing about the a ttitudes , traits , or b ehavior p atterns o f women or men . For e xample , women ma y be thought o f as too timid or w eak to ride a motorcy cle.342 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 12.9 Although our society ma y ha ve a s tereotype that as sociat es mot orcycles with men, w omen mak e up a sizable por tion o f the bik er community . (Cr edit: R ober t Couse -Bak er/flickr) Gender s tereotyp es form the b asis o f sexism .Sexism refers to prejudic ed beliefs tha t value one se x over another . It v aries in its lev el of sev erity . In p arts of the w orld where w omen are s trongly under value d, young girls ma y not b e giv en the same ac cess to nutrition , healthc are, and e duc ation as b oys. Further , the y will gro w up b elieving the y deser ve to b e tre ated diff erently from b oys (UNICEF 2011; Thorne 1993). While it is illeg al in the Unite d Sta tes when practic ed as discrimina tion , une qual tre atment o f women c ontinues to p ervade so cial life. It should b e note d tha t discrimina tion b ased on se x occurs a t both the micro - and macro -lev els. Man y sociologis ts focus on discrimina tion tha t is built into the so cial s tructure; this typ e of discrimina tion is kno wn as ins titutional discrimina tion (Pincus 2008). Gender so cializa tion o ccurs through f our major a gents o f socializa tion: family , educ ation , peer groups , and mas s me dia. Each a gent reinf orces g ender roles b y cre ating and maintaining norma tive expecta tions f or gender -specific b ehavior . Exp osure also o ccurs through sec ondar y agents such as religion and the w orkplac e. Repeated exposure to these a gents o ver time le ads men and w omen into a false sense tha t the y are acting naturally ra ther than f ollowing a so cially c onstructe d role . Family is the firs t agent o f socializa tion . There is c onsidera ble evidenc e tha t parents so cializ e sons and daughters diff erently . Generally sp eaking , girls are giv en more la titude to s tep outside o
🔄 Gender Socialization Inequality
👪 Differential socialization shapes gender roles from childhood, with parents granting boys greater autonomy while expecting girls to be nurturing, passive, and responsible for domestic duties
🏫 Educational institutions perpetuate gender stratification through subtle mechanisms—teachers praise boys more, interrupt girls more frequently, and enforce stricter rule compliance for female students
💰 The persistent gender pay gap reflects systemic discrimination, with mothers facing particularly severe penalties (7.9% lower starting salaries than non-mothers) despite women comprising nearly half of the workforce
🚫 The glass ceiling remains a significant barrier, with women holding only 8% of CEO positions in the world's largest companies despite decades of progress
🗳️ Political representation continues to lag, with women making up just 21.2% of Congress in 2018 despite being 51% of the population
✊ The feminist movement has fought misogyny through protests, consciousness-raising, and policy advocacy, securing crucial victories in employment protection, domestic violence laws, and reproductive rights
f their prescrib ed gender role (C oltrane and A dams 2004; Kimmel 2000; Ra ffaelli and Ontai 2004). Ho wever, diff erential socializa tion typic ally results in gre ater privileg es a fforde d to sons . For ins tanc e, boys are allo wed more autonom y and indep endenc e at an e arlier a ge than da ughters . The y ma y be giv en f ewer res trictions on appropria te clothing , dating ha bits, or cur few. Sons are also o ften free from p erforming domes tic duties such as cle aning or c ooking and other household tasks tha t are c onsidere d feminine . Da ughters are limite d by their expecta tion to b e passive and nur turing , generally ob edient , and to as sume man y of the domes tic resp onsibilities . Even when p arents set g ender e quality as a g oal, there ma y be underlying indic ations o f ine quality . For example , boys ma y be ask ed to tak e out the g arbage or p erform other tasks tha t require s trength or toughnes s, while girls ma y be ask ed to f old la undr y or p erform duties tha t require ne atnes s and c are. It has b een f ound that fathers are firmer in their e xpecta tions f or g ender c onformity than are mothers , and their e xpecta tions are s trong er for sons than the y are f or da ughters (Kimmel 2000). This is tr ue in man y typ es o f activities , including pref erenc e for to ys, pla y styles , discipline , chores , and p ersonal achiev ements . As a result , boys tend12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality 343 to b e particularly a ttune d to their fa ther ’s disappro val when eng aging in an activity tha t might b e considere d feminine , like dancing or singing (C oltraine and A dams 2008). P arental so cializa tion and norma tive expecta tions also v ary along lines o f social clas s, rac e, and ethnicity . Afric an Americ an families , for ins tanc e, are more lik ely than C aucasians to mo del an eg alitarian role s tructure f or their children (Staples and Boulin Johnson 2004). The reinf orcement o f gender roles and s tereotyp es c ontinues onc e a child re aches scho ol age. Until v ery recently , scho ols w ere ra ther e xplicit in their eff orts to s tratify boys and girls . The firs t step to ward stratific ation w as segreg ation . Girls w ere enc oura ged to tak e home ec onomics or humanities c ourses and b oys to tak e ma th and scienc e. Studies sugg est tha t gender so cializa tion s till o ccurs in scho ols to day, perhaps in les s ob vious f orms (Lips 2004). T eachers ma y not ev en re alize the y are acting in w ays tha t repro duce gender diff erentia ted behavior patterns . Yet an y time the y ask s tudents to arrang e their se ats or line up ac cording to g ender , teachers ma y be asserting tha t boys and girls should b e tre ated diff erently ( Thorne 1993). Even in lev els as lo w as kinderg arten, scho ols subtly c onvey mes sages to girls indic ating tha t the y are les s intellig ent or les s imp ortant than b oys. For e xample , in a s tudy o f teacher resp onses to male and f emale students , data indic ated tha t teachers praise d male s tudents far more than f emale s tudents . Teachers interr upte d girls more o ften and g ave boys more opp ortunities to e xpand on their ide as (Sadk er and Sadk er 1994). F urther , in so cial as w ell as ac ademic situa tions , teachers ha ve traditionally tre ated boys and girls in opp osite w ays, reinf orcing a sense o f comp etition ra ther than c ollaboration ( Thorne 1993). Bo ys are also permit ted a gre ater degree o f free dom to bre ak r ules or c ommit minor acts o f devianc e, where as girls are expecte d to f ollow rules c arefully and adopt an ob edient role (R eady 2001). Mimicking the actions o f signific ant others is the firs t step in the dev elopment o f a sep arate sense o f self (Me ad 1934). Lik e adults , children b ecome a gents who activ ely facilita te and apply norma tive gender e xpecta tions to those around them . When children do not c onform to the appropria te gender role , the y ma y fac e neg ative sanctions such as b eing criticiz ed or marginaliz ed by their p eers . Though man y of these sanctions are informal , the y can b e quite sev ere. For e xample , a girl who wishes to tak e kara te clas s ins tead o f danc e les sons may be called a “ tomb oy” and fac e difficulty g aining ac ceptanc e from b oth male and f emale p eer groups (Ready 2001). Bo ys, esp ecially , are subject to intense ridicule f or g ender nonc onformity (C oltrane and A dams 2004; Kimmel 2000). Mas s me dia ser ves as another signific ant a gent o f gender so cializa tion . In television and mo vies , women tend to ha ve les s signific ant roles and are o ften p ortrayed as wiv es or mothers . When w omen are giv en a le ad role , it often falls into one o f two extremes: a wholesome , saint -like figure or a malev olent , hyperse xual figure (Eta ugh and Bridg es 2003). This same ine quality is p ervasiv e in children ’s mo vies (Smith 2008). R esearch indic ates that in the ten top -gros sing G -rated mo vies rele ased between 1991 and 2013, nine out o f ten characters w ere male (Smith 2008). Television c ommercials and other f orms o f adv ertising also reinf orce ine quality and g ender -based stereotyp es. Women are almos t exclusiv ely present in ads promoting c ooking , cle aning , or childc are-rela ted products (Da vis 1993). Think a bout the las t time y ou sa w a man s tar in a dish washer or la undr y deterg ent commercial . In g eneral , women are underrepresente d in roles tha t involve leadership , intellig ence, or a balanc ed ps yche. Of p articular c oncern is the depiction o f women in w ays tha t are dehumanizing , esp ecially in music videos . Even in mains tream adv ertising , however, themes intermingling violenc e and se xuality are quite common (Kilb ourne 2000). Social Str atification and Inequality Stra tific ation ref ers to a s ystem in which groups o f people e xperienc e une qual ac cess to b asic , yet highly valua ble, social resourc es. There is a long his tory of gender s tratific ation in the Unite d Sta tes. When lo oking to the p ast, it w ould app ear tha t society has made gre at strides in terms o f abolishing some o f the mos t bla tant344 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. forms o f gender ine quality (see timeline b elow) but underlying eff ects o f male dominanc e still p erme ate man y aspects o f society . •Before 1809— Women c ould not e xecute a will •Before 1840— Women w ere not allo wed to o wn or c ontrol prop erty •Before 1920— Women w ere not p ermit ted to v ote •Before 1963—Emplo yers c ould leg ally p ay a w oman les s than a man f or the same w ork •Before 1973— Women did not ha ve the right to a sa fe and leg al abortion (Imb ornoni 2009) The P ay Gap Despite making up ne arly half (49.8 p ercent) o f payroll emplo yment , men v astly outnumb er w omen in authorita tive, powerful, and , theref ore, high-e arning jobs (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2010). E ven when a w oman ’s emplo yment s tatus is e qual to a man ’s, she will g enerally mak e only 81 c ents f or ev ery dollar made b y her male counterp art (Payscale 2020). W omen in the p aid la bor force also s till do the majority o f the unp aid w ork a t home . On an a verage da y, 84 p ercent o f women (c omp ared to 67 p ercent o f men) sp end time doing household mana gement activities (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2011). This double duty k eeps w orking w omen in a sub ordina te role in the family s tructure (Ho chschild and Machung 1989). FIGURE 12.10 In 2017 men ’s overall median earnings w ere $52,146 and w omen ’s were $41,977. This means that women earned 80.1% o f what men earned in the Unit ed Stat es. (Cr edit: W omen ’s Bur eau, U .S. Depar tment o f Labor) Gender s tratific ation through the division o f labor is not e xclusiv e to the Unite d Sta tes. According to Georg e Murdo ck’s clas sic w ork,Outline o f World Cultures (1954), all so cieties clas sify work b y gender . When a p attern app ears in all so cieties , it is c alled a cultural univ ersal . While the phenomenon o f assigning w ork b y gender is univ ersal , its sp ecifics are not . The same task is not as signe d to either men or w omen w orldwide . But the w ay each task ’s as sociated gender is v alue d is nota ble. In Murdo ck’s examina tion o f the division o f labor among 324 so cieties around the w orld , he f ound tha t in ne arly all c ases the jobs as signe d to men w ere giv en gre ater pres tige (Murdo ck and White 1968). E ven if the job typ es w ere v ery similar and the diff erenc es slight , men ’s work w as s till c onsidere d more vital .12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality 345 FIGURE 12.11 In some cul tures, women do al l of the household chor es with no help fr om men, as doing house work is a sign o f weaknes s, consider ed b y society as a f eminine tr ait. (Cr edit: Evil Erin/flickr) Part of the g ender p ay gap c an b e attribute d to unique b arriers fac ed by women reg arding w ork e xperienc e and promotion opp ortunities . A mother o f young children is more lik ely to drop out o f the la bor force for sev eral years or w ork on a re duced sche dule than is the fa ther . As a result , women in their 30s and 40s are lik ely, on average, to ha ve les s job e xperienc e than men . This eff ect b ecomes more evident when c onsidering the p ay rates o f two groups o f women: those who did not leave the w orkf orce and those who did: In the Unite d Sta tes, childles s women with the same e ducation and e xperienc e lev els as men are typic ally p aid with closer ( but not exact) p arity to men . Ho wever, women with families and children are p aid les s: Mothers are rec ommende d a 7.9 p ercent lo wer starting salar y than non-mothers , which is 8.6 p ercent lo wer than men (C orrell 2007). This evidenc e points to lev els o f discrimina tion tha t go beyond b ehaviors b y individual c omp anies or organiza tions . As discus sed earlier in the g ender roles section , man y of these g aps are ro oted in Americ a’s social p atterns o f discrimina tion , which in volve the roles tha t diff erent g enders pla y in child-re aring , rather than individual discrimina tion b y emplo yers in hiring and salar y decisions . On the other hand , leg al and ethic al practic es demand tha t org aniza tions do their p art to promote more e quity among all g enders . The Glas s Ceiling The ide a tha t women are una ble to re ach the e xecutiv e suite is kno wn as the glas s ceiling . It is an in visible barrier tha t women enc ounter when tr ying to win jobs in the highes t lev el of busines s. At the b eginning o f 2021, f or e xample , a rec ord 41 o f the w orld ’s larg est 500 c omp anies w ere r un b y women . While a v ast impro vement o ver the numb er tw enty y ears e arlier – where only tw o of the c omp anies w ere r un b y women – these 41 chief e xecutiv es still only represent eight p ercent o f those larg e comp anies (N ewcomb 2020). Why do w omen ha ve a more difficult time re aching the top o f a c omp any? One ide a is tha t there is s till a stereotyp e in the Unite d Sta tes tha t women aren ’t aggres sive enough to handle the b oardro om or tha t the y tend to seek jobs and w ork with other w omen (R einers 2019). Other is sues s tem from the g ender biases b ased on g ender roles and motherho od discus sed above. Another ide a is tha t women lack mentors , executiv es who tak e an interes t and g et them into the right meetings346 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. and intro duce them to the right p eople to suc ceed (Murrell & Blak e-Beard 2017). Women in P olitics One o f the mos t imp ortant plac es for w omen to help other w omen is in p olitics . His toric ally in the Unite d States, like man y other ins titutions , politic al representa tion has b een mos tly made up o f White men . By not having w omen in g overnment , their is sues are b eing decide d by people who don ’t share their p ersp ectiv e. The numb er o f women electe d to ser ve in C ongres s has incre ased over the y ears, but do es not y et ac cura tely reflect the g eneral p opula tion . For e xample , in 2018, the p opula tion o f the Unite d Sta tes w as 49 p ercent male and 51 percent f emale , but the p opula tion o f Congres s was 78.8 p ercent male and 21.2 p ercent f emale (Manning 2018). O ver the y ears, the numb er o f women in the f ederal g overnment has incre ased, but until it ac cura tely reflects the p opula tion , there will b e ine qualities in our la ws. FIGURE 12.12 Breakdown o f Congr essional Membership b y Gender . 2021 sa w a r ecord number o f women in Congr ess, with 120 w omen ser ving in the House and 24 ser ving in the Senat e. Gender r epresentation has been steadil y incr easing o ver time , but is not close t o being equal . (Cr edit: Based on data fr om Cent er for American Women in P olitics , Rut gers Univ ersity) Movements f or Change: F eminism One o f the underlying is sues tha t continues to pla gue w omen in the Unite d Sta tes is misog yny. This is the hatred of or, aversion to , or prejudic e agains t women . Over the y ears misog yny has ev olved as an ideolog y tha t men are sup erior to w omen in all asp ects o f life. There ha ve been multiple mo vements to tr y and fight this prejudic e. In 1963, writer and f eminis t Bet ty Friedan publishe dThe F eminine My stique in which she c ontes ted the p ost- World W ar II b elief tha t it w as w omen ’s sole des tiny to marr y and b ear children . Friedan ’s book b egan to raise the c onsciousnes s of man y women who a gree d tha t homemaking in the suburbs sapp ed them o f their individualism and left them unsa tisfied. In 1966, the N ational Org aniza tion f or W omen (NO W) forme d and proceeded to set an a genda f or the feminis t mo vement . Frame d by a s tatement o f purp ose writ ten b y Friedan , the a genda b egan b y pro claiming NO W’s goal to mak e possible w omen ’s particip ation in all asp ects o f Americ an lif e and to g ain f or them all the rights enjo yed by men . Feminis ts eng aged in protes ts and actions designe d to bring a warenes s and chang e. For e xample , the N ew York Radic al W omen demons trated at the 1968 Mis s Americ a Pageant in A tlantic City to bring a ttention to the contes t’s—and so ciety ’s—exploita tion o f women . The protes tors tos sed ins truments o f women ’s oppres sion , including high-heele d sho es, curlers , girdles , and bras , into a “free dom trash c an.” News ac counts inc orrectly describ ed the protes t as a “bra burning ,” which a t the time w as a w ay to deme an and trivializ e the is sue o f women ’s rights (G ay 2018). Other protes ts gave women a more signific ant v oice in a male -domina ted so cial, politic al, and enter tainment12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality 347 clima te. For dec ades ,Ladies Home J ournal had b een a highly influential w omen ’s ma gazine , mana ged and edite d almos t entirely b y men . Men ev en wrote the advic e columns and b eauty ar ticles . In 1970, protes ters held a sit -in a t the ma gazine ’s offices, demanding tha t the c omp any hire a w oman e ditor -in-chief, add w omen and non-White writers a t fair p ay, and e xpand the public ation ’s focus. Feminis ts w ere c oncerne d with far more than protes ts, however. In the 1970s , the y op ened battere d women ’s shelters and suc cessfully f ought f or protection from emplo yment discrimina tion f or pregnant w omen , ref orm of rap e laws (such as the a bolition o f laws requiring a witnes s to c orrob orate a w oman ’s rep ort of rap e), criminaliza tion o f domes tic violenc e, and funding f or scho ols tha t sought to c ounter se xist stereotyp es o f women . In 1973, the U .S. Supreme C ourt in Roe v. Wade invalida ted a numb er o f state la ws under which abortions obtaine d during the firs t three months o f pregnancy w ere illeg al. This made a nontherap eutic abortion a leg al me dical pro cedure na tion wide . Gloria Steinem had pushe d through g ender b arriers to tak e on serious journalism subjects , and had emerg ed as a prominent adv ocate for w omen ’s rights . Through her w ork, Steinem met Doroth y Pit tman-Hughes , who had f ounde d New Y ork City ’s firs t shelter f or domes tic violenc e victims as w ell as the city ’s Ag ency f or Child Dev elopment . Together the y founde dMs. Ma gazine , which a voide d ar ticles on homemaking and fashion in favor o f piec es on w omen ’s rights and emp owerment .Ms. sho wcased powerful and ac complishe d women such as Shirle y Chisholm and Sis sy Farenthold , and w as among the firs t public ations to bring domes tic violenc e, sexual haras sment , and b ody ima ge issues to the na tional c onversa tion (P ogrebrin 2011). Man y adv ances in w omen ’s rights w ere the result o f women ’s gre ater eng agement in p olitics . For e xample , Patsy Mink , the firs t Asian Americ an w oman electe d to C ongres s, was the c o-author o f the E duc ation Amendments A ct of 1972, Title IX o f which prohibits se x discrimina tion in e duc ation . Mink had b een interes ted in fighting discrimina tion in e duc ation sinc e her y outh , when she opp osed racial segreg ation in campus housing while a s tudent a t the Univ ersity o f Nebraska. She w ent to la w scho ol after b eing denie d admis sion to me dical scho ol because o f her g ender . Lik e Mink , man y other w omen sought and w on p olitic al office, man y with the help o f the N ational W omen ’s Politic al Caucus (NWPC). In 1971, the NWPC w as forme d by Bella Ab zug, Gloria Steinem , Shirle y Chisholm , and other le ading f eminis ts to enc oura ge women ’s particip ation in p olitic al parties, elect w omen to o ffice, and raise mone y for their c amp aign . FIGURE 12.13 “Unbought and Unbos sed”
🔥 Trailblazing Political Pioneer
👩🏾💼 Shirley Chisholm broke barriers as the first Black U.S. Congresswoman, co-founded the Congressional Black Caucus, and became the first woman to seek a major party's presidential nomination in 1972
🏛️ Gender roles are examined through multiple sociological lenses: structural functionalism views them as evolved for family stability, while conflict theory sees them as power dynamics between dominant men and subordinate women
🧠 Mental health perceptions reveal persistent gender bias—studies from 1971 and 2006 both found that traits associated with "healthy" individuals closely matched those attributed to males, not females
🌍 Sexual attitudes vary dramatically across cultures, with Scandinavian countries generally adopting more liberal approaches to sex education and sexuality compared to the more restrictive United States
🚻 Social construction of gender and sexuality challenges biological determinism, suggesting we are always "doing gender" through performances that align with cultural expectations
🔄 Double standards persist in American sexual attitudes, with women facing more restrictions and judgment about their sexuality than men
: Shirle y Chisholm w as the firs t Black Unit ed Stat es Congr esswoman, the co-founder o f the Congr essional Black Caucus , and a candidat e for a major -par ty Presidential nomination. Shirle y Chisholm p ersonally to ok up the mantle o f women ’s involvement in p olitics . Born o f immigrant parents , she e arne d degrees from Bro oklyn C olleg e and C olumbia Univ ersity , and b egan a c areer in e arly childho od educ ation and adv ocacy. In the 1950’ s she joine d various p olitic al action groups , worked on election348 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. camp aigns , and pushe d for housing and ec onomic ref orms . After le aving one org aniza tion o ver its refusal to involve women in the decision-making pro cess, she sought to incre ase g ender and racial div ersity within politic al and activis t org aniza tions throughout N ew Y ork City . In 1968, she b ecame the firs t Black w oman electe d to C ongres s. Refusing to tak e the quiet role e xpecte d of new R epresenta tives, she imme diately b egan sponsoring bills and initia tives. She sp oke out a gains t the V ietnam W ar, and f ought f or programs such as He ad Star t and the na tional scho ol lunch program , which w as ev entually signe d into la w after Chisholm le d an eff ort to override a presidential v eto. Chisholm w ould ev entually under take a groundbre aking presidential r un in 1972, and is view ed as p aving the w ay for other w omen , and esp ecially w omen o f color , achieving p olitic al and social prominenc e (Emmrich 2019). Theor etical P erspectives on Gender Sociologic al theories help so ciologis ts to dev elop ques tions and interpret da ta. F or e xample , a so ciologis t studying wh y middle -scho ol girls are more lik ely than their male c ounterp arts to fall b ehind grade -lev el expecta tions in ma th and scienc e might use a f eminis t persp ectiv e to frame her rese arch . Another scholar might pro ceed from the c onflict p ersp ectiv e to in vestigate wh y women are underrepresente d in p olitic al office, and an interactionis t might e xamine ho w the s ymb ols o f femininity interact with s ymb ols o f politic al authority to affect ho w w omen in C ongres s are tre ated by their male c ounterp arts in meetings . Structur al Functionalism Structural functionalism has pro vide d one o f the mos t imp ortant p ersp ectiv es o f sociologic al rese arch in the twentieth c entur y and has b een a major influenc e on rese arch in the so cial scienc es, including g ender s tudies . Viewing the family as the mos t integral c omp onent o f society , assumptions a bout g ender roles within marria ge assume a prominent plac e in this p ersp ectiv e. Functionalis ts argue tha t gender roles w ere es tablishe d well b efore the pre -indus trial era when men typic ally took c are o f resp onsibilities outside o f the home , such as hunting , and w omen typic ally to ok c are o f the domes tic resp onsibilities in or around the home . These roles w ere c onsidere d functional b ecause w omen w ere often limite d by the ph ysical res traints o f pregnancy and nursing and una ble to le ave the home f or long perio ds o f time . Onc e es tablishe d, these roles w ere p assed on to subse quent g enera tions sinc e the y ser ved as an eff ectiv e me ans o f keeping the family s ystem functioning prop erly . When chang es o ccurre d in the so cial and ec onomic clima te of the Unite d Sta tes during W orld W ar II, chang es in the family s tructure also o ccurre d. Man y women had to as sume the role o f bre adwinner (or mo dern hunter - gatherer) alongside their domes tic role in order to s tabiliz e a rapidly changing so ciety . When the men returne d from w ar and w ante d to reclaim their jobs , society f ell b ack into a s tate of imb alanc e, as man y women did not want to f orfeit their w age-earning p ositions (Ha wke 2007). Conflict Theory According to c onflict theor y, society is a s truggle f or dominanc e among so cial groups ( like women v ersus men) that comp ete f or sc arce resourc es. When so ciologis ts examine g ender from this p ersp ectiv e, we can view men as the dominant group and w omen as the sub ordina te group . According to c onflict theor y, social problems are created when dominant groups e xploit or oppres s sub ordina te groups . Consider the W omen ’s Suffra ge Movement or the deb ate over w omen ’s “right to cho ose” their repro ductiv e futures . It is difficult f or w omen to rise a bove men , as dominant group memb ers cre ate the r ules f or suc cess and opp ortunity in so ciety (Farrington and Cher tok 1993). Friedrich Eng els, a German so ciologis t, studie d family s tructure and g ender roles . Eng els sugg ested tha t the same o wner -worker rela tionship seen in the la bor force is also seen in the household , with w omen as suming the role o f the proletaria t. This is due to w omen ’s dep endenc e on men f or the a ttainment o f wages, which is even w orse f or w omen who are entirely dep endent up on their sp ouses f or ec onomic supp ort. Contemp orar y conflict theoris ts sugg est tha t when w omen b ecome w age earners , the y can g ain p ower in the family s tructure12.2 • Gender and Gender Inequality 349 and cre ate more demo cratic arrang ements in the home , although the y ma y still c arry the majority o f the domes tic burden , as note d earlier (Rismanand and J ohnson-Sumer ford 1998). Feminist Theory Feminis t theor y is a typ e of conflict theor y tha t examines ine qualities in g ender -rela ted issues . It uses the conflict appro ach to e xamine the maintenanc e of gender roles and ine qualities . Radic al feminism , in particular , considers the role o f the family in p erpetua ting male dominanc e. In p atriarchal so cieties , men ’s contributions are seen as more v alua ble than those o f women . Patriarchal p ersp ectiv es and arrang ements are widespre ad and tak en f or grante d. As a result , women ’s viewp oints tend to b e silenc ed or marginaliz ed to the point o f being discre dite d or c onsidere d in valid . Sanda y’s study o f the Indonesian Minangka bau (2004) rev ealed tha t in so cieties some c onsider to b e matriarchies ( where w omen c omprise the dominant group), w omen and men tend to w ork c ooperatively rather than c omp etitiv ely reg ardles s of whether a job is c onsidere d feminine b y U.S. s tandards . The men , however, do not e xperienc e the sense o f bifurc ated consciousnes s under this so cial s tructure tha t mo dern U .S. females enc ounter (Sanda y 2004). Symbolic Inter actionism Symb olic interactionism aims to unders tand human b ehavior b y analyzing the critic al role o f symb ols in human interaction . This is c ertainly relev ant to the discus sion o f masculinity and f emininity . Ima gine tha t you walk into a b ank hoping to g et a small lo an f or scho ol, a home , or a small busines s venture . If y ou meet with a male lo an o fficer, you ma y state your c ase logic ally b y lis ting all the hard numb ers tha t mak e you a qualifie d applic ant as a me ans o f app ealing to the analytic al characteris tics as sociated with masculinity . If y ou meet with a f emale lo an o fficer, you ma y mak e an emotional app eal by stating y our g ood intentions as a me ans o f app ealing to the c aring characteris tics as sociated with f emininity . Because the me anings a ttache d to s ymb ols are so cially cre ated and not na tural , and fluid , not s tatic, we act and re act to s ymb ols b ased on the current as signe d me aning . The w ord gay, for e xample , onc e me ant “cheer ful,” but b y the 1960s it c arrie d the primar y me aning o f “homose xual .” In transition , it w as ev en kno wn to me an “ careles s” or “bright and sho wing ” (Oxf ord Americ an Dictionar y 2010). F urthermore , the w ord gay(as it ref ers to a p erson), c arrie d a somewha t neg ative and unfa vorable me aning fifty y ears a go, but it has sinc e gaine d more neutral and ev en p ositiv e connota tions . When p eople p erform tasks or p ossess characteris tics based on the g ender role as signe d to them , the y are said to b edoing g ender . This notion is b ased on the w ork of West and Zimmerman (1987). Whether w e are e xpres sing our masculinity or f emininity , West and Zimmerman argue , we are alw ays "doing g ender ." Thus , gender is something w e do or p erform , not something we are . In other w ords , both g ender and se xuality are so cially c onstructe d. The social c ons truction of se xualit yrefers to the w ay in which so cially cre ated definitions a bout the cultural appropria tenes s of sex-link ed behavior shap e the w ay people see and e xperienc e se xuality . This is in mark ed contras t to theories o f sex, gender , and sexuality tha t link male and f emale b ehavior to biologic al determinism , or the b elief tha t men and w omen behave diff erently due to diff erenc es in their biolog y. Being Male, Being F emale, and Being Healthy In 1971, Br overman and Br overman c onduct ed a gr oundbr eaking s tudy on the tr aits mental heal th w orkers ascribed t o males and f emales . When ask ed to name the char acteristics o f a female , the lis t featur ed w ords such as unag gressive, gentle , emotional , tact ful, les s logical , not ambitious , dependent, pas sive, and neat. The lis t of male char acteristics f eatur ed w ords such as ag gressive, rough, unemotional , blunt, logical , direct, activ e, andSOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH350 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. slopp y (Seem and Clark 2006). L ater, when ask ed to describe the char acteristics o f a heal thy person (not g ender specific), the lis t was nearl y identical t o that o f a male . This s tudy unc overed the g ener al as sump tion that being f emale is as sociat ed with being some what unheal thy or not o f sound mind. This c oncept seems e xtremel y dat ed, but in 2006, Seem and Clark r eplicat ed the s tudy and found similar r esul ts. Again, the char acteristics as sociat ed with a heal thy male w ere very similar t o that o f a heal thy (genderles s) adul t. The lis t of char acteristics as sociat ed with being f emale br oadened some what but did not sho w significant chang e from the original s tudy (Seem and Clark 2006). This int erpr etation o f feminine char acteristic ma y help us one da y bet ter unders tand g ender disparities in c ertain il lnes ses, such as wh y one in eight w omen can be e xpect ed to de velop clinical depr ession in her lif etime (National Ins titut e of Mental Heal th 1999). P erhaps these diagnoses ar e not jus t a reflection o f women ’s heal th, but also a r eflection o f society ’s labeling o f female char acteristics, or the r esul t of ins titutionaliz ed se xism. 12.3 Sexuality LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e among at titudes as sociat ed with se x and se xuality •Describe se x education is sues in the Unit ed Stat es •Discus s theor etical perspectiv es on se x and se xuality FIGURE 12.14 Sexual pr actic es can diff er gr eatly among gr oups . Recent tr ends include the finding that married couples ha ve se x mor e frequentl y than do singles and that 27 per cent o f married c ouples in their 30s ha ve se x at leas t twic e a w eek (NS SHB 2010). (Cr edit: epSos .de/flickr) Sexual Attitudes and Pr actices In the are a of sexuality , sociologis ts focus their a ttention on se xual a ttitudes and practic es, not on ph ysiolog y or ana tom y. As mentione d earlier ,sexualit yis view ed as a p erson ’s capacity f or se xual f eelings . Studying sexual a ttitudes and practic es is a p articularly interes ting field o f sociolog y because se xual b ehavior is a cultural univ ersal . Throughout time and plac e, the v ast majority o f human b eings ha ve particip ated in se xual12.3 • Se xuality 351 rela tionships (Broude 2003). Each so ciety , however, interprets se xuality and se xual activity in diff erent w ays. Man y so cieties around the w orld ha ve diff erent a ttitudes a bout premarital se x, the a ge of sexual c onsent , homose xuality , mas turb ation , and other se xual b ehaviors ( Widmer , Treas, and N ewcomb 1998). A t the same time , sociologis ts ha ve learne d tha t certain norms are share d among mos t societies . The inc est taboo is present in ev ery so ciety , though which rela tive is deeme d unac cepta ble f or se x varies widely from culture to culture . For e xample , sometimes the rela tives o f the fa ther are c onsidere d ac cepta ble se xual p artners f or a woman while the rela tives o f the mother are not . Lik ewise , societies g enerally ha ve norms tha t reinf orce their accepte d so cial s ystem o f sexuality . Wha t is c onsidere d “normal ” in terms o f sexual b ehavior is b ased on the mores and v alues o f the so ciety . Societies tha t value monog amy, for e xample , would lik ely opp ose e xtramarital se x. Individuals are so cializ ed to sexual a ttitudes b y their family , education s ystem , peers , me dia, and religion . His toric ally, religion has b een the gre atest influenc e on se xual b ehavior in mos t societies , but in more rec ent y ears, peers and the me dia ha ve emerg ed as tw o of the s trong est influenc es, particularly among U .S. teens (P otard , Courtois, and R usch 2008). Let us tak e a closer lo ok a t sexual a ttitudes in the Unite d Sta tes and around the w orld . Sexuality ar ound the W orld Cross-national rese arch on se xual a ttitudes in indus trializ ed na tions rev eals tha t norma tive standards diff er acros s the w orld . For e xample , sev eral s tudies ha ve sho wn tha t Scandina vian s tudents are more tolerant o f premarital se x than are U .S. s tudents (Grose 2007). A s tudy o f 37 c ountries rep orted tha t non-W estern societies —lik e China, Iran , and India— value d chas tity highly in a p otential ma te, while W estern Europ ean countries —such as F ranc e, the N etherlands , and Sw eden—plac ed lit tle v alue on prior se xual e xperienc es (B uss 1989). Even among W estern cultures , attitudes c an diff er. For e xample , according to a 33,590-p erson sur vey acros s 24 c ountries , 89 p ercent o f Sw edes resp onde d tha t there is nothing wrong with premarital se x, while only 42 percent o f Irish resp onde d this w ay. From the same s tudy , 93 p ercent o f Filipinos resp onde d tha t sex before age 16 is alw ays wrong or almos t alw ays wrong , while only 75 p ercent o f Russians resp onde d this w ay (Widmer , Treas, and N ewcomb 1998). Se xual a ttitudes c an also v ary within a c ountr y. For ins tanc e, 45 p ercent of Spaniards resp onde d tha t homose xuality is alw ays wrong , while 42 p ercent resp onde d tha t it is nev er wrong; only 13 p ercent resp onde d somewhere in the middle ( Widmer , Treas, and N ewcomb 1998). Of indus trializ ed na tions , sev eral Europ ean na tions are is thought to b e the mos t lib eral when it c omes to attitudes a bout se x, including se xual practic es and se xual op ennes s. Sw eden , for e xample , has v ery few regula tions on se xual ima ges in the me dia, and se x educ ation , which s tarts around a ge six , is a c ompulsor y part of Sw edish scho ol curricula. Switz erland , Belgium , Iceland , Denmark , and The N etherlands ha ve similar policies . Their more op en appro ach to se x has help ed countries a void some o f the major so cial problems associated with se x. For e xample , rates o f teen pregnancy and se xually transmit ted dise ase are among the world ’s lowest in Switz erland and the N etherlands – lo wer than other Europ ean c ountries and far lo wer than the Unite d Sta tes (Grose 2007 and Dutch N ews 2017). It w ould app ear tha t these appro aches are mo dels f or the b enefits o f sexual free dom and franknes s. Ho wever, implementing their ide als and p olicies reg arding sexuality in other , more p olitic ally c onser vative, nations w ould lik ely b e met with resis tanc e. Sexuality in the United States The Unite d Sta tes prides itself on b eing the land o f the “free ,” but it is ra ther res trictiv e when it c omes to its citiz ens’ g eneral a ttitudes a bout se x comp ared to other indus trializ ed na tions . In an interna tional sur vey, 25 percent o f U.S. resp ondents s tated tha t premarital se x is alw ays wrong , while the a verage among the 24 countries sur veyed was 17 p ercent, with les s than ten p ercent o f resp ondents from F ranc e, German y, and Spain sa ying premarital se x was unac cepta ble (Chamie 2018). Similar discrep ancies w ere f ound in ques tions about the c ondemna tion o f sex before the a ge of 16, e xtramarital se x, and homose xuality , with total disappro val of these acts b eing 12, 13, and 11 p ercent higher , resp ectiv ely, in the Unite d Sta tes, than the352 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. study ’s average (Widmer , Treas, and N ewcomb 1998). U .S. culture is p articularly res trictiv e in its a ttitudes about se x when it c omes to w omen and se xuality . It is widely b eliev ed tha t men are more se xual than are w omen . In fact , there w as a p opular notion tha t men think a bout se x ev ery sev en sec onds . Research , however, sugg ests tha t men think a bout se x an a verage of 19 times p er da y, which is closer to onc e an hour , comp ared to 10 times p er da y for w omen (F isher , Mo ore, and Pitteng er 2011). Belief tha t men ha ve—or ha ve the right to —more se xual urg es than w omen cre ates a double s tandard . Ira R eiss, a pioneer rese archer in the field o f sexual s tudies , define d the double s tandard as prohibiting premarital sexual interc ourse f or w omen but allo wing it f or men (R eiss 1960). This s tandard has ev olved into allo wing women to eng age in premarital se x only within c ommit ted love rela tionships , but allo wing men to eng age in sexual rela tionships with as man y partners as the y wish without c ondition (Milha usen and Herold 1999). Due to this double s tandard , a w oman is lik ely to ha ve fewer se xual p artners in her lif
🔍 Sexual Attitudes and Perspectives
📊 Sexual behavior patterns reveal significant gender differences, with men reporting twice as many opposite-sex partners as women by age 35, while youth increasingly accept non-traditional family structures
🏫 Sex education debates center on abstinence-only versus comprehensive approaches, with 67% of Americans favoring comprehensive education despite $85 million in federal funding for abstinence programs
🔄 Sociological perspectives examine sexuality through different lenses: functionalists focus on family stability, conflict theorists analyze power dynamics, interactionists study meaning-making, and queer theorists challenge binary classifications
🌈 Queer Theory rejects rigid categorizations by highlighting dozens of ways sexuality varies beyond partner gender—including emotional involvement, frequency of desire, and personal identity importance
🧠 Gender and sexuality represent complex social constructs that differ from biological sex, with understanding these distinctions being crucial for recognizing inequalities faced by women, homosexuals, and transgender individuals
📝 Terminology precision matters when discussing these topics—sex refers to biological characteristics while gender encompasses social and cultural distinctions of masculine/feminine behavior
e time than a man . According to a C enters f or Dise ase C ontrol and P revention (CD C) sur vey, the a verage thir ty-five-year-old w oman has had three opp osite -sex se xual p artners while the a verage thir ty-five-year-old man has had twic e as man y (Centers for Dise ase C ontrol 2011). The future o f a so ciety ’s sexual a ttitudes ma y be somewha t pre dicte d by the v alues and b eliefs tha t a c ountr y’s youth e xpres ses a bout se x and se xuality . Da ta from the mos t rec ent N ational Sur vey of Family Gro wth rev eals that 70 p ercent o f boys and 78 p ercent o f girls a ges fifteen to nineteen said the y “agree ” or “ strongly a gree ” that “it’s oka y for an unmarrie d female to ha ve a child" (N ational Sur vey of Family Gro wth 2013). In a sep arate survey, 65 p ercent o f teens s tated tha t the y “strongly a gree d” or “ somewha t agree d” tha t although w aiting until marria ge for se x is a nic e ide a, it’s not re alistic (NBC N ews 2005). This do es not me an tha t today’s youth ha ve given up traditional se xual v alues such as monog amy. Nearly all c olleg e men (98.9 p ercent) and w omen (99.2 percent) who p articip ated in a 2002 s tudy on se xual a ttitudes s tated the y wishe d to set tle do wn with one mutually e xclusiv e se xual p artner a t some p oint in their liv es, ide ally within the ne xt fiv e years (P edersen et al . 2002). Sex Education One o f the bigg est contro versies reg arding se xual a ttitudes is se xual e duc ation in U .S. clas srooms . Unlik e man y other c ountries , sex education is not re quire d in all public scho ol curricula in the Unite d Sta tes. The he art of the c ontro versy is not a bout whether se x educ ation should b e taught in scho ol (s tudies ha ve sho wn tha t only seven p ercent o f U.S. adults opp ose se x education in scho ols); it is a bout the typeof sex educ ation tha t should be taught . Much o f the deb ate is o ver the is sue o f abstinenc e as c omp ared to a c omprehensiv e se x educ ation program . Abs tinenc e-only programs f ocus on a voiding se x until marria ge and/or dela ying it as long as p ossible . So the y do not f ocus on other typ es o f prev ention o f un wante d pregnancies and se xually transmit ted inf ections . As a result , according to the Se xuality and Inf orma tion C ouncil o f the Unite d Sta tes, only 38 p ercent o f high scho ols and 14 p ercent o f middle scho ols acros s the c ountr y teach all 19 topics identifie d as critic al for se x educ ation by the C enters f or Dise ase C ontrol and P revention (J anfaza 2020). Research sugg ests tha t while g overnment o fficials ma y still b e deb ating a bout the c ontent o f sexual e duc ation in public scho ols, the majority o f U.S. adults are not . Tw o-thirds (67 p ercent) o f Americ ans sa y educ ation a bout safer se xual practic es is more eff ectiv e than a bstinenc e-only e duc ation in terms o f reducing unintende d pregnancies . A slightly higher p ercenta ge—69 p ercent—sa y tha t emphasizing sa fer se xual practic es and contrac eption in se xuality e ducation is a b etter w ay to re duce the spre ad o f STIs than is emphasizing abstinenc e (Da vis 2018). Even with these cle ar majorities in fa vor o f comprehensiv e educ ation , the F ederal g overnment o ffers roughly $85 million p er year to c ommunities tha t will driv e abstinenc e-only se x educ ation (C olumbia Public He alth 2017 a). The results , as s tated earlier , are rela tively cle ar: the Unite d Sta tes has ne arly f our times the ra te of12.3 • Se xuality 353 teena ge pregnancy than a c ountr y lik e German y, which has a c omprehensiv e se x educ ation program . In a similar e ducational is sue not nec essarily rela ted to se xuality , rese archers and public he alth adv ocates find that young girls f eel underprep ared for pub erty. Ages o f firs t mens truation (menarche) and bre ast development are c ontinually declining in the Unite d Sta tes, but e duc ation a bout these chang es typic ally doesn't begin until middle scho ol, which is g enerally to o late. Young p eople indic ate concerns a bout misinf orma tion and disc omf ort during the inf ormaal c onversa tions a bout the topics with friends , sis ters , or mothers (C olumbia Public He alth 2017 b) Sociological P erspectives on Se x and Se xuality Sociologis ts representing all three major theoretic al persp ectiv es study the role se xuality pla ys in so cial lif e today. Scholars rec ogniz e tha t sexuality c ontinues to b e an imp ortant and defining so cial lo cation and tha t the manner in which se xuality is c onstructe d has a signific ant eff ect on p erceptions , interactions , and outc omes . Structur al Functionalism When it c omes to se xuality , functionalis ts stres s the imp ortanc e of regula ting se xual b ehavior to ensure marital c ohesion and family s tability . Sinc e functionalis ts identif y the family unit as the mos t integral comp onent in so ciety , the y maintain a s trict f ocus on it a t all times and argue in fa vor o f social arrang ements that promote and ensure family preser vation . Functionalis ts such as T alcott Parsons (1955) ha ve long argue d tha t the regula tion o f sexual activity is an imp ortant function o f the family . Social norms surrounding family lif e ha ve, traditionally , enc oura ged se xual activity within the family unit (marria ge) and ha ve disc oura ged activity outside o f it (premarital and extramarital se x). F rom a functionalis t point o f view , the purp ose o f enc oura ging se xual activity in the c onfines of marria ge is to intensif y the b ond b etween sp ouses and to ensure tha t pro creation o ccurs within a s table, legally rec ogniz ed rela tionship . This s tructure giv es o ffspring the b est possible chanc e for appropria te socializa tion and the pro vision o f basic resourc es. From a functionalis t standp oint , homose xuality c annot b e promote d on a larg e-scale as an ac cepta ble subs titute f or heterose xuality . If this o ccurre d, pro creation w ould ev entually c ease. Thus , homose xuality , if occurring pre dominantly within the p opula tion , is dy sfunctional to so ciety . This criticism do es not tak e into account the incre asing leg al ac ceptanc e of same -sex marria ge, or the rise in g ay and lesbian c ouples who choose to b ear and raise children through a v ariety o f available resourc es. Conflict Theory From a c onflict theor y persp ectiv e, sexuality is another are a in which p ower diff erentials are present and where dominant groups activ ely w ork to promote their w orldview as w ell as their ec onomic interes ts. Recently , we ha ve seen the deb ate over the leg aliza tion o f gay marria ge intensif y na tion wide . For c onflict theoris ts, there are tw o key dimensions to the deb ate over same -sex marria ge—one ideologic al and the other ec onomic . Dominant groups (in this ins tanc e, heterose xuals) wish f or their w orldview—which embrac es traditional marria ge and the nucle ar family —to win out o ver wha t the y see as the intr usion o f a secular , individually driv en w orldview . On the other hand , man y gay and lesbian activis ts argue tha t leg al marria ge is a fundamental right tha t cannot b e denie d based on se xual orienta tion and tha t, his toric ally, there alre ady e xists a prec edent f or chang es to marria ge laws: the 1960s leg aliza tion o f formerly f orbidden interracial marria ges is one e xample . From an ec onomic p ersp ectiv e, activis ts in fa vor o f same -sex marria ge point out tha t leg al marria ge brings with it c ertain entitlements , man y of which are financial in na ture , like So cial Security b enefits and me dical insuranc e (Solmonese 2008). Denial o f these b enefits to g ay couples is wrong , the y argue . Conflict theor y sugg ests tha t as long as heterose xuals and homose xuals s truggle o ver these so cial and financial resourc es, there will b e some degree o f conflict .354 12 • Gender , Sex, and Se xuality Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Symbolic Inter actionism Interactionis ts focus on the me anings as sociated with se xuality and with se xual orienta tion . Sinc e femininity is dev alue d in U .S. so ciety , those who adopt such traits are subject to ridicule; this is esp ecially tr ue for b oys or men . Just as masculinity is the s ymb olic norm , so to o has heterose xuality c ome to signif y normalcy . Prior to 1973, the Americ an P sychologic al As sociation (AP A) define d homose xuality as an a bnormal or deviant disorder . Interactionis t labeling theor y rec ogniz es the imp act this has made . Bef ore 1973, the AP A was powerful in shaping so cial a ttitudes to ward homose xuality b y defining it as p athologic al. Today, the AP A cites no as sociation b etween se xual orienta tion and ps ychop atholog y and sees homose xuality as a normal asp ect o f human se xuality (AP A 2008). Recall C ooley’s “lo oking-glas s self, ” which sugg ests tha t self dev elops as a result o f our interpreta tion and evalua tion o f the resp onses o f others (C ooley 1902). C onstant e xposure to derog atory labels, jok es, and pervasiv e homophobia w ould le ad to a neg ative self -ima ge, or w orse , self -hate. The CD C rep orts tha t homose xual y ouths (as ref erre d to in the s tudy ) who e xperienc e high lev els o f social rejection are six times more lik ely to ha ve high lev els o f depres sion and eight times more lik ely to ha ve attempte d suicide (CD C 2011). Queer Theory Queer T heor yis an interdisciplinar y appro ach to se xuality s tudies tha t identifies W estern so ciety ’s rigid split ting o f gender into male and f emale roles and ques tions the manner in which w e ha ve been ta ught to think about se xual orienta tion . According to J agose (1996), Queer [Theor y] focuses on misma tches b etween anatomic al se x, gender identity , and se xual orienta tion , not jus t division into male/f emale or homose xual/ hetereose xual . By calling their discipline “ queer ,” scholars reject the eff ects o f labeling; ins tead, the y embrac ed the w ord “ queer ” and reclaime d it f or their o wn purp oses . The p ersp ectiv e highlights the nee d for a more flexible and fluid c onceptualiza tion o f sexuality —one tha t allo ws for chang e, neg otia tion , and free dom . This mirrors other oppres sive schemas in our culture , esp ecially those surrounding g ender and rac e (Black v ersus White , male v ersus f emale). Queer theoris t Eve Kosofsky Se dgwick argue d agains t U.S. so ciety ’s monolithic definition o f sexuality and its reduction to a single factor: the se x of someone ’s desire d partner . Sedgwick identifie d do zens o f other w ays in which p eople ’s sexualities w ere diff erent , such as: •Even identic al genital acts me an v ery diff erent things to diff erent p eople . •Sexuality mak es up a larg e share o f the self -perceived identity o f some p eople , a small share o f others’ . •Some p eople sp end a lot o f time thinking a bout se x, others lit tle. •Some p eople lik e to ha ve a lot o f sex, others lit tle or none . •Man y people ha ve their riches t mental/emotional in volvement with se xual acts tha t the y don ’t do, or don ’t even w ant to do . •Some p eople lik e sp ontaneous se xual sc enes , others lik e highly scripte d ones , others lik e sp ontaneous - sounding ones tha t are nonetheles s totally pre dicta ble. •Some p eople e xperienc e their se xuality as deeply emb edde d in a ma trix o f gender me anings and g ender differentials . Others do not (Se dgwick 1990). Thus , theoris ts utilizing queer theor y strive to ques tion the w ays so ciety p erceives and e xperienc es se x, gender , and se xuality , opening the do or to new scholarly unders tanding . Throughout this chapter w e ha ve examine d the c omple xities o f gender , sex, and se xuality . Diff erentia ting between se x, gender , and se xual orienta tion is an imp ortant firs t step to a deep er unders tanding and critic al analy sis o f these is sues . Unders tanding the so ciolog y of sex, gender , and se xuality will help to build a warenes s of the ine qualities e xperienc ed by sub ordina te categories such as w omen , homose xuals , and trans gender individuals .12.3 • Se xuality 355 Key T erms biologic al determinism the b elief tha t men and w omen b ehave diff erently due to inherent se x diff erenc es rela ted to their biolog y doing g ender the p erformanc e of tasks b ased up on the g ender as signe d to us b y so ciety and , in turn , ourselv es DOMA Defense o f Marria ge Act, a 1996 U .S. la w explicitly limiting the definition o f “marria ge” to a union between one man and one w oman and allo wing e ach individual s tate to rec ogniz e or den y same -sex marria ges p erforme d in other s tates double s tandard the c oncept tha t prohibits premarital se xual interc ourse f or w omen but allo ws it f or men gender a term tha t ref ers to so cial or cultural dis tinctions o f behaviors tha t are c onsidere d male or f emale gender dy sphoria a condition lis ted in the DSM-5 in which p eople whose g ender a t bir th is c ontrar y to the one the y identif y with . This c ondition replac es "g ender identity disorder " gender ident ity a person ’s deeply held internal p erception o f his or her g ender gender role society ’s concept o f ho w men and w omen should b ehave glas s ceiling an in visible b arrier tha t women enc ounter when tr ying to win jobs in the highes t lev el of busines s heterose xism an ideolog y and a set o f ins titutional practic es tha t privileg e heterose xuals and heterose xuality o ver other se xual orienta tions homophobia an e xtreme or irra tional a version to homose xuals interse x people b orn with se x characteris tics (including g enitals , gonads and chromosome p atterns) tha t do not fit typic al binar y notions o f male or f emale b odies . misog yny the ha tred of or, aversion to , or prejudic e agains t women pay gap the diff erenc e in e arnings b etween men and w omen sex a term tha t denotes the presenc e of ph ysical or ph ysiologic al diff erenc es b etween males and f emales sexism the prejudic ed belief tha t one se x should b e value d over another sexual orientat ion a person ’s ph ysical, mental , emotional , and se xual a ttraction to a p articular se x (male or female) sexualit y a person ’s capacity f or se xual f eelings social c ons truction of se xualit y socially cre ated definitions a bout the cultural appropria tenes s of sex- link ed behavior which shap e ho w people see and e xperienc e se xuality trans gender an adjectiv e tha t describ es individuals who identif y with the b ehaviors and characteris tics tha t are other than their biologic al se x Section Summary 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession The terms “ sex” and “ gender ” ref er to tw o diff erent identifiers . Sex denotes biologic al characteris tics differentia ting males and f emales , while g ender denotes so cial and cultural characteris tics o f masculine and feminine b ehavior . Sex and g ender are not alw ays synchronous . Individuals who s trongly identif y with the opp osing g ender are c onsidere d trans gender . 12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality Children b ecome a ware o f gender roles in their e arlies t years, and the y come to unders tand and p erform these roles through so cializa tion , which o ccurs through f our major a gents: family , educ ation , peer groups , and mas s media. So cializa tion into narro wly prescrib ed gender roles results in the s tratific ation o f males and f emales . The imp acts o f discrimina tion and ine quality ha ve deep implic ations f or ec onomics , social mobility , and politic al power. The f eminis t mo vement under took protes ts, impro vement programs , and p olitic al focus in order to impro ve equality and the liv es o f women . Each so ciologic al persp ectiv e offers a v alua ble view f or unders tanding ho w and wh y gender ine quality o ccurs in our so ciety .356 12 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.3 Sexuality When s tudying se x and se xuality , sociologis ts focus their a ttention on se xual a ttitudes and practic es, not on physiolog y or ana tom y. Norms reg arding g ender and se xuality v ary acros s cultures . In g eneral , the Unite d States tends to b e fairly c onser vative in its se xual a ttitudes . As a result , programs such as se x educ ation are often limite d or selectiv e in wha t topics the y cover. Section Quiz 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 1.The terms “masculine ” and “f eminine ” ref er to a p erson ’s _________. a.sex b.gender c.both se x and g ender d.none o f the a bove 2.The term _______ ref ers to so ciety 's concept o f ho w men and w omen are e xpecte d to act and ho w the y should b ehave. a.gender role b.gender bias c.sexual orienta tion d.sexual a ttitudes 3.Research indic ates tha t individuals are a ware o f their se xual orienta tion _______. a.at infancy b.in early adolesc ence c.in early adultho od d.in la te adultho od 12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality 4.Which o f the f ollowing is the b est example o f a g ender s tereotyp e? a.Women are typic ally shor ter than men . b.Men do not liv e as long as w omen . c.Women tend to b e overly emotional , while men tend to b e lev elhe aded. d.Men hold more high-e arning , leadership jobs than w omen . 5.Which o f the f ollowing is the b est example o f the role p eers pla y as an a gent o f socializa tion f or scho ol-a ged children? a.Children c an act ho wever the y wish around their p eers b ecause children are una ware o f gender roles . b.Peers ser ve as a supp ort system f or children who wish to act outside o f their as signe d gender roles . c.Peers tend to reinf orce gender roles b y criticizing and marginalizing those who b ehave outside o f their assigne d roles . d.None o f the a bove12 • Section Quiz 357 6.To which theoretic al persp ectiv e do es the f ollowing s tatement mos t lik ely apply: W omen c ontinue to assume the resp onsibility in the household along with a p aid o ccup ation b ecause it k eeps the household running smo othly , i.e., at a s tate of balanc e? a.Conflict theor y b.Functionalism c.Feminis t theor y d.Symb olic interactionism 7.Only w omen are a ffecte d by gender s tratific ation . a.True b.False 8.According to the s ymb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e, we “do g ender ”: a.during half o f our activities b.only when the y apply to our biologic al se x c.only if w e are activ
🔍 Gender Studies Examination
🧠 Gender identity differs from biological sex, with societal expectations creating rigid 🚹🚺 gender roles that shape behavior from childhood through adulthood
💰 Gender inequality manifests in workplace discrimination, with factors like parenthood, education level, and marital status contributing to persistent pay gaps
🏛️ Political representation remains significantly imbalanced, with women constituting only 21.2% of the 115th U.S. Congress despite making up half the population
🌈 Sexuality exists on a spectrum beyond heteronormativity, with U.S. attitudes toward sex education and sexual expression being relatively conservative compared to other Western societies
👥 Sociological theories like Functionalism, Conflict Theory, and Symbolic Interactionism offer different frameworks for understanding how gender and sexuality are constructed and maintained in society
🔄 Social change efforts include educational initiatives, advocacy organizations, and legal reforms aimed at reducing discrimination and promoting equality
ely f ollowing g ender roles d.all o f the time , in ev erything w e do 9.Misog yny is: a.A certain kind if sp a tre atment b.One ’s biologic al se x c.How w e kno w our g ender roles d.the ha tred of or, aversion to , or prejudic e agains t women 10.Which o f the f ollowing factors c an a ffect the p ay gap? a.having children b.lower e ducation lev el c.being marrie d d.all o f the a bove 11.The ide a tha t gender ine quality c omes from the division o f labor fits with which So ciologic al theor y? a.Symb olic Interactionism b.Functionalism c.Conflict Theor y d.Feminis t Theor y 12.Prior to the 19thAmendment b eing ra tifie d, women w ere not c onsidere d a leg al person on their o wn. a.True b.False 13.In the 115thCongres s of the Unite d Sta tes, wha t percenta ge of the electe d officials w ere w omen? a.10.5% b.21.2% c.30.4% d.50%358 12 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.3 Sexuality 14.Of these , which c ountr y is thought to b e the mos t lib eral in its a ttitudes to ward se x? a.Unite d Sta tes b.Sweden c.Mexico d.Ireland 15.Comp ared to mos t Western so cieties , U.S. se xual a ttitudes are c onsidere d _______. a.conser vative b.liberal c.permis sive d.free 16.Sociologis ts as sociate se xuality with _______. a.heterose xuality b.homose xuality c.biologic al factors d.a person ’s capacity f or se xual f eelings 17.According to na tional sur veys, mos t U.S. p arents supp ort which typ e of sex educ ation program in scho ol? a.Abs tinenc e only b.Abs tinenc e plus se xual sa fety c.Sexual sa fety without promoting a bstinenc e d.No se x education 18.Which theoretic al persp ectiv e stres ses the imp ortanc e of regula ting se xual b ehavior to ensure marital cohesion and family s tability? a.Functionalism b.Conflict theor y c.Symb olic interactionalism d.Queer theor y Short Answer 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession 1.Why do so ciologis ts find it imp ortant to diff erentia te between se x and g ender? Wha t imp ortanc e do es the differentia tion ha ve in mo dern so ciety? 2.How is children ’s pla y influenc ed by gender roles? Think b ack to y our childho od. Ho w “gendere d” were the toys and activities a vailable to y ou? Do y ou rememb er g ender e xpecta tions b eing c onveyed through the appro val or disappro val of your pla ytime choic es? 12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality 3.In wha t way do p arents tre at sons and da ughters diff erently? Ho w do sons and da ughters typic ally resp ond to this tre atment? 4.Wha t can b e done to les sen the eff ects o f gender s tratific ation in the w orkplac e? Ho w do es g ender stratific ation harm b oth men and w omen? 5.Why is it imp ortant to ha ve women in p olitic al roles? 6.Wha t can b e done to narro w the p ay gap for w omen?12 • Shor t Ans wer 359 12.3 Sexuality 7.Identif y three e xamples o f ho w U.S. so ciety is heteronorma tive. 8.Consider the typ es o f derog atory labeling tha t sociologis ts study and e xplain ho w these might apply to discrimina tion on the b asis o f sexual orienta tion . Further R esear ch 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession To learn a bout wha t org aniza tions are doing to impro ve div ersity and so cial jus tice educ ation f or y oung p eople , review Learning F or Justice's educational ma terials (http://openstax.org/r/learning _for_justice). For more inf orma tion on g ender identity and adv ocacy f or trans gender individuals see the Glob al A ction f or Trans E quality w eb site (http://openstax.org/l/trans _equality ). 12.2 Gender and Gender Inequality Learn more a bout W omen ’s Rights mo vements in the Unite d Sta tes.(http://openstax.org/r/ womens _rights _mo vements) 12.3 Sexuality To learn a bout diff erent aprp oaches to se x educ ation , visit Advocates f or Y outh (http://openstax.org/r/ sex_education) . References Intr oduction Interna tional Olympic C ommit tee, Me dical and Scientific Dep artment . 2012. “IO C Regula tions on F emale Hyp erandrog enism .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 8, 2014 ( http://www.olympic .org/Documents / Commis sions _PDF files /Me dical_commis sion/2012-06-22-IO C-Regula tions -on-F emale -Hyp erandrog enism- eng.pdf). Maugh , Thomas H., III. 2009. “R ow Over South Afric an A thlete Highlights Ambiguities o f Gender .”Los Ang eles Times . Retriev ed Dec emb er 8, 2014 ( http://articles .latimes .com/2009/a ug/21/scienc e/sci-r unner -side21). 12.1 Sex, Gender , Identity , and Expr ession Americ an He art As sociation . 2020. "Discrimina tion c ontributes to p oorer he art he alth f or L GBTQ adults ." Octob er 8 2020. ( https:/ /new sroom.heart.org/new s/discrimina tion-c ontributes -to-poorer -heart-health-f or- lgbtq-adults) Americ an P sychologic al As sociation (AP A). 2008. “ Ans wers to Y our Ques tions: F or a Bet ter Unders tanding o f Sexual Orienta tion and Homose xuality .” Washington , DC. Retriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.apa.org/ topics /sexuality /orienta tion .asp x). Americ an P sychia tric As sociation . 2013. Diagnos tic and Sta tistical Manual o f Mental Disorders (5th e d.). Washington , DC: Americ an P sychia tric As sociation . Asexual V isibility and E ducation N etwork. 2021. " The Gra y Are a." Retriev ed April 12, 2021. (https:/ /www.ase xuality .org/?q=gra yarea) Behrens , K.G. 2020. " A principle d ethic al appro ach to interse x paediatric surg eries .BMC Me d Ethics 21, 108. https:/ /doi.org/10.1186/s12910-020-00550- x Block, Melis sa. 2020. "P athmarking the W ay: Ruth Bader Ginsburg 's Lif elong F ight f or Gender E quality ." National Public Radio . Septemb er 24 2020. ( https:/ /www.npr .org/2020/09/24/916377135/p athmarking-the -360 12 • F urther R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. way-ruth-b ader -ginsburgs -lifelong-fight -for-gender -equality ) Boyer, S. J ., and Lorenz, T . K. 2020. " The imp act o f heteronorma tive ide als imp osition on se xual orienta tion ques tioning dis tres s."Psycholog y of Sexual Orienta tion and Gender Div ersity , 7(1), 91–100. ht tps:/ /doi.org/ 10.1037/s gd0000352 Bygren , Ma gnus and Erlands son, Anni and G ähler , Michael . 2017. "Do Emplo yers P refer F athers? E videnc e from a F ield Exp eriment T esting the Gender b y Parentho od Interaction Eff ect on C allb acks to J ob Applic ations ."Europ ean So ciologic al Review , Volume 33, Is sue 3, J une 2017, P ages 337–348, ht tps:/ /doi.org/ 10.1093/esr /jcx051 Caldera, Y vonne , Aletha Hus ton, and Marion O ’Brien . 1998. “ Social Interactions and Pla y Patterns o f Parents and T oddlers with F eminine , Masculine , and N eutral T oys.”Child Dev elopment 60(1):70–76. Calzo JP , and Blashill A J. 2018. " Child Se xual Orienta tion and Gender Identity in the A dolesc ent Brain C ognitiv e Dev elopment C ohor t Study ."JAMA P ediatr. 2018;172(11):1090–1092. doi:10.1001/ jamap ediatrics .2018.2496 Canadian Public He alth As sociation . 2019. "Langua ge Ma tters: U sing resp ectful langua ge in rela tion to se xual health , subs tanc e use , STBBIs and intersecting sourc es o f stigma. " Retriev ed April 15 2021. (https:/ /www.cpha. ca/sites /defa ult/files /uplo ads/resourc es/stbbi/langua ge-tool-e .pdf) Case, M.A. 1995. "Disa ggreg ating Gender from Se x and Se xual Orienta tion: The Eff emina te Man in the La w and Feminis t Jurispr udenc e."Yale La w Journal 105(1):1–105. Drescher , J. 2010. “ Queer dia gnoses: P arallels and c ontras ts in the his tory of homose xuality , gender v arianc e, and the Dia gnos tic and Sta tistical Manual . Archiv es o f Sexual Beha vior .” 39: 427–460. Freedom to Marr y, Inc . 2014. "His tory and Timeline o f the F reedom to Marr y in the Unite d Sta tes | F reedom to Marr y.” Retriev ed Novemb er 11, 2014 ( http://www.free domtomarr y.org/pages/his tory-and-timeline -of- marria ge). FBI. 2020. "2019 Ha te C rime Sta tistics." Dep artment o f Justice, Federal B ureau of Investigation Unif orm C rime Report. Novemb er 16 2020. ( https:/ /www.justice.gov/hatecrimes /hate-crime -statistics) Flores , Andrew R . and Herman J ody L. and G ates, Gary J. and T aylor , N.T. Bro wn. "Ho w Man y Adults Identif y As Trans gender In The Unite d Sta tes?" The W illiams Ins titute . June 2016. (https:/ /williamsins titute .law.ucla. edu/wp -content /uplo ads/Trans -Adults -US-Aug-2016. pdf) Foglia, M. B ., & F redriksen-Goldsen , K. I. 2014. "He alth Disp arities among L GBT Older A dults and the R ole o f Nonconscious Bias ."The Has tings C enter rep ort, 44 Suppl 4 (0 4), S40– S44. ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.1002/has t.369 Gender -Inclusiv e Biolog y. "Langua ge Guide ." Retriev ed April 15 2021 (https:/ /www.genderinclusiv ebiolog y.com/b etterscienc elangua ge) Gerdeman , Dina. 2019. "Ho w Gender Stereotyp es C an Kill a W oman 's Self -Confidenc e." Har vard B usines s Scho ol.Working K nowledge. February 25 2019. ( https:/ /hbs wk.hbs .edu/item/ho w-gender -stereotyp es-less- than-br -gre ater-than-kill-a-w oman-s -less-than-br -gre ater-than-self -confidenc e) Giovanniello , Sarah . 2013. "NC AVP R eport: 2012 Ha te V iolenc e Disprop ortiona tely T arget T rans gender W omen of Color ." GL AAD. N.p., Retriev ed Octob er 10, 2014 ( http://www.glaad .org/blog /ncavp-rep ort-2012-ha te- violenc e-disprop ortiona tely-targ et-trans gender -women-c olor). GLAAD. 2021. " Tips f or A llies o f Trans gender P eople ." GL AAD.org. Retriev ed April 12, 2021. (https:/ /www.glaad .org/trans gender /allies) Gonzále z, M J osé and Clara C ortina and J orge Rodrígue z. 2019. " The R ole o f Gender Stereotyp es in Hiring: A Field Exp eriment ."Europ ean So ciologic al Review , Volume 35, Is sue 2, A pril 2019, P ages 187–204,12 • R eferences 361 https:/ /doi.org/10.1093/esr /jcy055 Herek , G. M. 1990. “ The C onte xt of Anti-G ay Violenc e: N otes on Cultural and P sychologic al Heterose xism ." 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📚 Academic References Collection
📖 Bibliography entries span multiple academic disciplines including gender studies, sexuality research, and gerontology, forming a comprehensive reference list for scholarly work
🔍 Citation formats follow standard academic conventions with author names, publication years, titles, and retrieval information for both print and digital sources
👵 Aging research emerges as a significant focus in the latter portion, examining how elderly populations navigate societal expectations and changing family dynamics
🧓 Gerontology as a multidisciplinary field investigates the biological, social, and economic aspects of aging, with social gerontologists specifically advocating for older adults
📊 Demographic shifts reveal a "graying" population with increasing multigenerational households (from 49 million in 2010 to 64 million by 2016) and changing societal attitudes toward elderly citizens
🔬 Research methodologies include census data analysis and population projections to understand age distribution patterns and their implications for healthcare and social policy
Ins titute on Gender in Me dia. R etriev ed on J anuar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.theg eenada visins titute .org/downlo ads/ GDIGM_ Gender _Stereotyp es.pdf). Staples , Robert, and Le anor Boulin J ohnson .2004. Black F amilies a t the C rossroads: Challeng es and Prosp ects .San F rancisc o, CA: Jossey-Bas s. Thorne , Barrie . 1993. Gender Pla y: Girls and Bo ys in Scho ol. New Br uns wick , NJ: Rutgers Univ ersity P ress. UNICEF . 2007. “Early Gender So cializa tion .” Augus t 29. R etriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.unic ef.org/ early childho od/inde x_40749.html). U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2010. “Inc ome , Poverty, and He alth Insuranc e Coverage in the Unite d Sta tes: 2009. ” Retriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 ( http://www.census .gov/pro d/2010pubs /p60-238. pdf). U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2011. “ Americ an Time U se Sur vey Summar y.” June 22. R etriev ed Januar y 10, 2012 (http://www.bls.gov/new s.rele ase/a tus.nr0.htm). 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( https:/ /www.prri .org/rese arch/y oung-p eople -set -to-imp act- the-deb ate-on-w omens -health-is sues /) Dutch N ews. 2017. “ The N etherlands has the lo west rate of teena ge mothers in the EU .” Dutch N ews. Dec emb er 11 2017. ( https:/ /www.dutchnew s.nl/new s/2017/12/the -netherlands -has -lowest-rate-of-teena ge-mothers - in-the -eu/) Fisher , T.D., Z.T. Mo ore, and M. Pit teng er. 2011. “ Sex on the Brain?: An Examina tion o f Frequency o f Sexual Cognitions as a F unction o f Gender , Erotophilia, and So cial Desira bility .”The J ournal o f Sex Research 49(1):69–77. Grose , Thomas K . 2007. “ Straight F acts Ab out the Birds and Bees .”US N ews and W orld R eport, March 18. Retriev ed February 13, 2012 ( http://www.usnew s.com/usnew s/new s/articles /070318/26se x.htm). Hall , Donald . 2003. Queer Theories . London: P algra ve MacMillan . Jagose, Annamarie . 1996. Queer Theor y: An Intro duction . New Y ork: N ew Y ork Univ ersity P ress. Janfanza, Rachel . 2020. “ The Nuanc ed Push f or Americ an Se x Educ ation .” Har vard P olitic al Review . Januar y 24 2020. ( https:/ /har vardp olitics .com/americ an-se x-educ ation/) Milha usen , Robin , and E dward Herold . 1999. “Do es the Se xuality Double Standard Still Exis t? Perceptions o f Univ ersity W omen .”Journal o f Sex Research 36(4):361–368. National Public Radio (NPR). 2004. NPR /Kaiser /Kenne dy Scho ol Poll: Se x Educ ation in Americ a. Retriev ed February 13, 2012 ( http://www.npr .org/templa tes/story/story.php?s toryId=1622610). National Sur vey of Family Gro wth . 2013. "K ey Sta tistics F rom the N ational Sur vey for F amily Gro wth ." Centers for Dise ase C ontrol and P revention . Retriev ed Octob er 13, 2014 ( http://www.cdc.gov/nchs /nsfg/ key_statistics/a.htm "). National Sur vey of Sexual He alth and Beha vior . 2010. “F indings from the N ational Sur vey of Sexual He alth and Beha vior , Centre f or Se xual He alth P romotion , Indiana Univ ersity .”Journal o f Sexual Me dicine 7(s5):243–373. NBC N ews/People . 2005. N ational Sur vey of Young T eens’ Se xual A ttitudes and Beha viors . Januar y 27. Parsons , Talcott, Robert F. Bales , James Olds , Morris Z elditsch , and Philip E. Sla ter. 1955. Family , Socializa tion , and Interaction P rocess. New Y ork: F ree P ress. Pedersen , W.C., L.C. Miller , A. Putcha-Bha gavatula, and Y . Yang . 2002. “E volved Se x Diff erenc es in the Numb er of Partners Desire d? The Long and the Shor t of It.”Psychologic al Scienc e13(2):157–161. Potard , C., R. Courtoisand , and E. R usch . 2008. “ The Influenc e of Peers on Risky Se xual Beha vior During Adolesc ence.”Europ ean J ournal o f Contrac eption & R epro ductiv e He alth C are 13(3):264–270. Sedgwick , Eve Kosofsky . 1990. Epis temolog y of the Closet . Berk eley, CA: Univ ersity o f California P ress. Solmonese , Joe. 2008. “ Gay Marria ge Mak es F inancial Sense .”Busines sWeek. Retriev ed February 22, 2012 (http://www.busines sweek.com/deb atero om/archiv es/2008/04/_ pro_preempting .html). Trans gender La w & P olicy Ins titute . 2007. R etriev ed February 13, 2012 ( www.trans genderla w.org). Turner , William B . 2000. A Gene alog y of Queer Theor y. Philadelphia, P A: T emple Univ ersity P ress.366 12 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 13.1 Older people , especial ly famil y members , can f oster a c onnection betw een our pas t and pr esent and help build our memories and identities . But the y sometimes need une xpect ed help , which the y do not al ways accept. (Cr edit: P WRDF /flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 13.1 Who Ar e the Elderl y? Aging in Society 13.2 The P rocess of Aging 13.3 Chal leng es F acing the Elderl y 13.4 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Aging 9-year old twins Osiris and J oli lo ved making me als with Bibi , their grandmother . Osiris loved the c ooking; J oli lo ved stealing the ingre dients . The kids didn 't get very involved with the chick en, but perked up with the fufu and almos t took o ver the dough b alls. Bibi y elled at Joli to s top e ating ra w batter, but she didn 't me an it . Bibi lo ved ha ving them around . She sang mash-ups o f 90s songs and big b and music , mixing in funn y mentions o f their da y-to-day liv es. As she prepp ed the c assava, she 'd thro w the disc arde d piec es in a w aste bowl lik e she w as pla ying b asketball. Bibi told them a s tory about ho w one o f her scho olte achers w as w as so young tha t all the s tudents thought she w as one o f them . “So when she told us her las t name , I thought it w as her firs t name and c alled her b y it. So she sent me outside f or punishment!” The kids burs t into p eals o f laughter . Bibi joine d in as she mo ved a p an.13Aging and the Elderly Suddenly the s tove er upte d in flame . The oil in the p an had spille d over. Bibi gra bbed a glas s of water on the table. Joli scre ame d at her to s top, but Bibi had alre ady thro wn the w ater onto the oil . The flames flare d and spla ttere d acros s the s tove and onto the c ounter . A p aper to wel caught fire . Everyone w as scre aming . Osiris and J oli's mother , Gloria, w as in the ro om a moment la ter. Pushing Bibi a way, she turne d off the s tove and threw a to wel on some o f the flames . She to ok a fire e xtinguisher from the c abinet and , after a f ew sec onds o f fiddling with the pin and hose , emptie d it onto the fire . “Mom!” Gloria y elled. “Why would y ou put w ater on an oil fire? Y ou kno w tha t's the las t thing to do!” Bibi , in the c orner , seeme d to hold on to the w all to remain s tanding . She sho ok her he ad and lo oked at the children . “It's a fire . You put w ater on it .” “No you don 't. You ta ught me nev er to do tha t. You told me to use salt ...an ything but w ater. You c ould ha ve burne d do wn the house!” Bibi w as cr ying . She lo oked at the children and sank to ward the flo or. “I don 't rememb er tha t. I'm so sorr y. It's a fire , I thought . Put w ater on it .” Gloria sent the children out o f the ro om and sa t her mother do wn. Aside from the sc are from the fire , wh y might Bibi b e cr ying? Wha t difficulties do older p eople fac e in under taking da y-to-day activities? Wha t difficulties do their family memb ers fac e? In this chapter , we will explore the identities and is sues o f older p eople in our so cieties , and c onsider our a ttitudes and oblig ations toward them . 13.1 Who Ar e the Elderly? Aging in Society LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e betw een the major senior ag e groups ( young-old, middle -old, and old-old) •Describe the “ graying o f the Unit ed Stat es” as the population e xperienc es incr eased lif e expectancies •Examine aging as a global is sue FIGURE 13.2 Elderl y people ma y not al ways conform t o society 's expectations o f their at titudes or their abilities . While w e don 't kno w whether or not these mar athon par ticipants ar e running c ompetitiv ely, it's clear the older person in the f oreground is ahead o f man y young er people . (Cr edit: Mik e Kaden/flickr) Think o f U.S. mo vies and television sho ws you ha ve watche d rec ently . Did an y of them f eature older actors and actres ses? Wha t roles did the y pla y? Ho w w ere these older actors p ortrayed? W ere the y cast as main characters in a lo ve story? Did the y seem fully c apable, safe, pro ductiv e, and happ y? Or w ere the y a challeng e to those368 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. around them? W ere the y grouch y or o verly set in their w ays? Man y me dia p ortrayals o f the elderly reflect neg ative cultural a ttitudes to ward a ging . In the Unite d Sta tes, society tends to glorif y youth and as sociate it with b eauty and se xuality . In c ome dies , the elderly are o ften associated with gr umpines s or hos tility . Rarely do the roles o f older p eople c onvey the fullnes s of life experienc ed by seniors —as emplo yees, lovers, or the m yriad roles the y ha ve in re al lif e. Wha t values do es this reflect? One hindranc e to so ciety ’s fuller unders tanding o f aging is tha t people rarely unders tand the pro cess of aging until the y re ach old a ge themselv es. This lack o f unders tanding is in s tark c ontras t to our p ersp ectiv e on childho od, something w e've all e xperienc ed. And as is o ften the c ase with a lack o f kno wledge or unders tanding , it le ads to m yths , assumptions , and s tereotyp es a bout elderly p eople and the a ging pro cess. While s tereotyp es as sociated with rac e and g ender ma y lead to more critic al thought and sensitivity , man y people ac cept a ge stereotyp es without ques tion (Lev y 2002). C onsider this: A t your scho ol or w orkplac e, you have lik ely had the opp ortunity (or ma y be re quire d) to a ttend w orkshops on racial e quity , cultural sensitivity , sexual haras sment , and so on . But ev en though the elderly are all around us (and incre asing in numb er ev ery day), very few ins titutions c onduct similar w orkshops or f orums a bout the elderly . Each culture has a c ertain set o f expecta tions and as sumptions a bout a ging , all o f which are p art of our so cializa tion . While the landmarks o f ma turing into adultho od are a sourc e of pride , often c elebra ted at major miles tones like First Communion , Bar Mitzv ah, or Quinc eañera, signs o f na tural a ging c an b e cause f or shame or emb arras sment . Some p eople a void ackno wledging their a ging b y rejecting help when the y nee d it , which c an lead to ph ysical injur y or problems obtaining nee ded items or inf orma tion . For e xample , when v accina tions for the C OVID-19 vir us b ecame a vailable, U.S. seniors who didn 't ha ve help from family and friends la gged signific antly in rec eiving v accines; this o ccurre d despite o f the fact tha t seniors w ere kno wn to b e the highes t risk group and w ere the mos t susc eptible to illnes s and de ath if the y were inf ecte d (Graham 2021). Those elderly p eople who w ere resis tant to re ach out f or help ma y ha ve waite d to o long , and their neighb ors or other community memb ers ma y not ha ve kno wn the y nee ded the help . Wh y would the y tak e this risk? R esearchers aim to unc over the motiv ations and challeng es tha t ma y result in these circums tanc es and b ehavior . Gerontolog yis a field o f scienc e tha t seeks to unders tand the pro cess of aging and the challeng es enc ountere d as seniors gro w older . Gerontologis ts in vestigate age, aging , and the a ged. Gerontologis ts study wha t it is lik e to be an older adult in a so ciety and the w ays tha t aging a ffects memb ers o f a so ciety . As a multidisciplinar y field , gerontolog y includes the w ork o f me dical and biologic al scientis ts, social scientis ts, and ev en financial and economic scholars . Social g erontolog yrefers to a sp ecializ ed field o f gerontolog y tha t examines the so cial (and so ciologic al) aspects o f aging . Researchers f ocus on dev eloping a bro ad unders tanding o f the e xperienc es o f people a t specific a ges, such as mental and ph ysical w ellb eing , plus a ge-specific c oncerns such as the pro cess of dying . Social g erontologis ts w ork as so cial rese archers , counselors , community org aniz ers, and ser vice pro viders f or older adults . Bec ause o f their sp ecializa tion , social g erontologis ts are in a s trong p osition to adv ocate for older adults . Scholars in these disciplines ha ve learne d tha t “aging ” reflects not only the ph ysiologic al pro cess of gro wing older but also our a ttitudes and b eliefs a bout the a ging pro cess. You’ve lik ely seen online c alcula tors tha t promise to determine y our “re al age” as opp osed to y our chronologic al age. These ads targ et the notion tha t people ma y “feel” a diff erent a ge than their actual y ears. Some sixty -year-olds f eel frail and elderly , while some eighty -year-olds f eel sprightly . Equally rev ealing is tha t as p eople gro w older the y define “ old a ge” in terms o f gre ater y ears than their current age (Log an 1992). Man y people w ant to p ostpone old a ge and reg ard it as a phase tha t will nev er arriv e. For example , man y older Americ ans k eep w orking w ell p ast wha t people c onsider retirement a ge, due to financial pres sures or in order to remain , in their e yes, useful . Some older adults ev en suc cumb to s tereotyping their13.1 • Who Ar e the Elderl y? Aging in Society 369 own a ge group (R othb aum 1983). In the Unite d Sta tes, the e xperienc e of being elderly has chang ed gre atly o ver the p ast centur y. In the la te 1800s and e arly 1900s , man y U.S. households w ere home to multig enera tional families , and the e xperienc es and wisdom o f elders w as resp ecte d. The y offered wisdom and supp ort to their children and o ften help ed raise their grandchildren (Sw eetser 1984). Multig enera tional U .S. families b egan to decline a fter W orld W ar II, and their numb ers re ache d a lo w point around 1980, but the y are c onsis tently on the rise . A 2010 P ew R esearch C enter analy sis o f census da ta found that 49 million p eople in the Unite d Sta tes liv ed in a family household with a t least two adult g enera tions —or a grandp arent and a t least one other g enera tion a rec ord a t the time . By 2016, tha t numb er had gro wn to 64 million p eople living in multig enera tional households , roughly 20 p ercent o f the p opula tion (C ohn 2018). Attitudes to ward the elderly ha ve also b een a ffecte d by larg e so cietal chang es tha t ha ve happ ened over the p ast 100 y ears. Researchers b eliev e indus trializa tion and mo derniza tion ha ve contribute d gre atly to lo wering the power, influenc e, and pres tige the elderly onc e held . On the other hand , the sheer numb ers o f elderly p eople in certain so cieties c an ha ve other eff ects , such as older p eople 's influenc e on p olicies and p olitics b ased on their voting influenc e. The elderly ha ve both b enefite d and suff ered from these rapid so cial chang es. In mo dern so cieties , a s trong econom y cre ated new lev els o f prosp erity f or man y people . He althc are has b ecome more widely ac cessible , and me dicine has adv anced, which allo ws the elderly to liv e long er. Ho wever, older p eople are not as es sential to the ec onomic sur vival of their families and c ommunities as the y were in the p ast. Studying Aging P opulations FIGURE 13.3 How old ar e these people? In modern U .S. society , appear ance is not a r eliable indicat or of age. In addition t o genetic diff erences, heal th habits , hair dy es, and at titudes mak e traditional signs o f aging incr easingl y unreliable . (Cr edit: Jason Har grove/flickr) Sinc e its cre ation in 1790, the U .S. C ensus B ureau has b een tracking a ge in the p opula tion . Age is an imp ortant factor to analyz e with ac comp anying demographic figures , such as inc ome and he alth . The p opula tion char t below sho ws projecte d age dis tribution p atterns f or the ne xt sev eral dec ades .370 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 13.4 This population char t sho ws the population siz e of people in diff erent ag e groups . The y oung est age group, at the bot tom, r emains lar gely static. The 18-64 ag e group has been gr owing and wil l continue t o do so . But mos t notable is the incr easing siz e of the thir d tier (or ange) representing ag es 65-84. As the chap ter discus ses, this group is gr owing significantl y, sho wn b y the incr easing shar e of the o verall graph it tak es up . Also o f not e is the group at the v ery top, which is also gr owing in siz e. (For comparison,
🧓 Aging Demographics Transformed
📊 Population aging dramatically reshapes society as the U.S. elderly population grew from 3 million (4% of total) in 1900 to 49 million (15%) by 2016, creating what experts call "the graying of America"
👵 Baby Boomers (born 1946-1964) redefine aging with different expectations than previous generations, refusing to be labeled "old" and driving innovation in healthcare while creating economic challenges for Medicare and Social Security
🌍 Global aging trends show worldwide elderly population projected to double from 703 million in 2019 to 1.5 billion by 2050, with China facing a particularly dramatic "aging boom" where nearly one-third of its population will be 60+ by 2050
🏥 Healthcare systems face mounting pressure with geriatric specialist shortages (only 6,320 specialists in 2020 versus 33,000 needed by 2025) and projected Medicare spending increasing from 3% of GDP in 2009 to 15% by 2080
💰 Retirement preparedness remains inadequate as most Baby Boomers saved only $144,000 on average versus the recommended ten times annual income, creating significant financial stress
🏘️ Cultural approaches to elder care vary globally—Asian societies emphasize family responsibility while Western cultures prioritize independence, with care decisions often based on different values and expectations
can y ou e ven det ect the line r epresenting 85+ on the left side o f the gr aph, closer t o the y ear 1900?) (Cr edit: US Census Bur eau.) Statisticians use da ta to c alcula te the me dian a ge of a p opula tion , tha t is, the numb er tha t marks the halfw ay point in a group ’s age rang e. In the Unite d Sta tes, the me dian a ge is a bout f orty (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2010). Tha t me ans tha t about half o f the p eople in the Unite d Sta tes are under f orty and a bout half are o ver forty. This median a ge has b een incre asing , which indic ates the p opula tion as a whole is gro wing older . Acohor tis a group o f people who share a s tatistical or demographic trait . People b elonging to the same a ge cohor t were b orn in the same time frame . Unders tanding a p opula tion ’s age comp osition c an p oint to c ertain social and cultural factors and help g overnments and so cieties plan f or future so cial and ec onomic challeng es. Sociologic al studies on a ging might help e xplain the diff erenc e between N ative Americ an a ge cohor ts and the general p opula tion . While N ative Americ an so cieties ha ve a s trong tradition o f rev ering their elders , the y also have a lo wer lif e expectancy b ecause o f lack o f access to he althc are and high lev els o f mercur y in fish , which is a traditional p art of their diet . Phases of Aging: The Y oung-Old, Middle-Old, and Old-Old In the Unite d Sta tes, all p eople o ver eighteen y ears old are c onsidere d adults , but there is a larg e diff erenc e between a p erson who is tw enty -one y ears old and a p erson who is f orty-five years old . More sp ecific breakdowns , such as “ young adult ” and “middle -aged adult ,” are helpful . In the same w ay, groupings are helpful in unders tanding the elderly . The elderly are o ften lump ed tog ether to include ev eryone o ver the a ge of sixty -five. But a sixty -five-year-old ’s experienc e of life is much diff erent from a ninety -year-old ’s. The Unite d Sta tes’ older adult p opula tion c an b e divide d into three lif e-stage subgroups: the y oung-old (appro xima tely sixty -five to sev enty -four y ears old), the middle -old (a ges sev enty -five to eighty -four y ears old), and the old-old (o ver a ge eighty -five). T oday’s young-old a ge group is g enerally happier , healthier , and financially b etter o ff than the y oung-old o f previous g enera tions . In the Unite d Sta tes, people are b etter a ble to prep are f or a ging b ecause resourc es are more widely a vailable. Also, man y people are making pro activ e quality -of-life decisions a bout their old a ge while the y are s till y oung . In the p ast, family memb ers made c are decisions when an elderly p erson re ache d a he alth crisis , often le aving the elderly p erson with lit tle choic e about wha t would happ en. The elderly are no w able to cho ose housing , for example , tha t allo ws them some indep endenc e while s till pro viding c are when it is nee ded. Living wills , retirement planning , and me dical power o f attorne y are other c oncerns tha t are incre asingly handle d in advance.13.1 • Who Ar e the Elderl y? Aging in Society 371 The Gr aying of the United States FIGURE 13.5 Senior citiz ens ar e an impor tant political c onstituency , and the y ma y use their ag e to their adv antag e. Originating in Canada in the lat e 1980s , groups o f Raging Gr annies ha ve protested nuclear w eapons , the Ir aq W ar, pesticides , genetical ly modified f oods , and r acial injus tice. (Cr edit: Br ave Ne w Films/flickr) Wha t do es it me an to b e elderly? Some define it as an is sue o f ph ysical he alth , while others simply define it b y chronologic al age. The U .S. g overnment , for e xample , typic ally clas sifies p eople a ged sixty -five years old as elderly , at which p oint citiz ens are eligible f or federal b enefits such as So cial Security and Me dicare. The W orld Health Org aniza tion has no s tandard , other than noting tha t sixty -five years old is the c ommonly ac cepte d definition in mos t core na tions , but it sugg ests a cut -off somewhere b etween fifty and fifty -five years old f or semi-p eripheral na tions , such as those in Afric a (World He alth Org aniza tion 2012). A ARP (f ormerly the Americ an As sociation o f Retire d Persons) cites fifty as the eligible a ge of memb ership . It is interes ting to note AARP ’s name chang e; by taking the w ord “retire d” out o f its name , the org aniza tion c an bro aden its b ase to an y older p eople in the Unite d Sta tes, not jus t retirees . This is esp ecially imp ortant no w tha t man y people are working to a ge sev enty and b eyond . There is an element o f social c onstruction , both lo cal and glob al, in the w ay individuals and na tions define who is elderly; tha t is, the share d me aning o f the c oncept o f elderly is cre ated through interactions among p eople in society . As the ta ble demons trates, diff erent g enera tions ha ve varying p ersp ectiv es on a ging . Researchers asked ques tions a bout the a ges a t which p eople re ach c ertain miles tones or new c ategories in lif e. Memb ers o f the Ba by Bo om g enera tion indic ate tha t a p erson is o fficially " old" when the y turn 73 y ears old . Millennials , a much y oung er group , felt tha t people b ecame old when the y turne d 59. The same sur vey ask ed ques tions about the end o f youth and the prime o f life (Emling 2017). Interes tingly , Bo omers and GenX ers b oth f elt tha t youth " ende d" b y age 31 and tha t the prime o f life didn 't start until man y years la ter. Millennials f elt tha t people reache d the prime o f life at age 36, before youth ende d at age 40. It 's worth noting tha t at the time o f the sur vey, the Millennials w ere all 36 and y oung er.372 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Boomer r esponse Gen X r esponse Millennial r esponse At what ag e does y outh end? 31 31 40 At what ag e is the prime o f life? 50 47 36 At what ag e is someone old? 73 65 59 TABLE 13.1 A sur vey conduct ed b y the U .S. T rust gather ed opinion data on the aging miles tones and cat egories . Boomers , Gen X people , and Mil lennials had g ener ally diff erent vie ws. Demographic ally, the U .S. p opula tion has underg one a mas sive shift b oth in the o verall p opula tion o f elderly people and their share o f the total p opula tion . Both are signific ant and imp actful on major p olicy decisions and day-to-day life. In 1900, the p opula tion o f U.S people o ver sixty -five years old w as 3 million , representing a bout 4 percent o f the total p opula tion . Tha t numb er incre ased to 33 million in 1994, and w as roughly 12 p ercent o f the total p opula tion (Hobbs 1994). B y 2016 tha t numb er had gro wn to 49 million , about 15 p ercent o f the total popula tion (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2018). This is a gre ater than tenf old incre ase in the elderly p opula tion , comp ared to a mere tripling o f both the total p opula tion and o f the p opula tion under sixty -five years old (Hobbs 1994). This incre ase has b een c alled “the gra ying o f Americ a,” a term tha t describ es the phenomenon of a larg er and larg er p ercenta ge of the p opula tion g etting older and older . There are sev eral re asons wh y the Unite d Sta tes is gra ying so rapidly . One o f these is life expectancy : the a verage numb er o f years a p erson b orn today ma y expect to liv e. When w e review C ensus B ureau statistics grouping the elderly b y age, it is cle ar tha t in the Unite d Sta tes, at least, we are living long er. In 2010, there w ere a bout 80,000 c entenarians in the Unite d States alone . The y mak e up one o f the fas test-gro wing segments o f the p opula tion (Bos ton Univ ersity Scho ol of Medicine 2014). It is interes ting to note tha t not all p eople in the Unite d Sta tes a ge equally . Mos t glaring is the diff erenc e between men and w omen; as Figure 13.6 shows, women ha ve long er lif e expectancies than men . In 2010, there were ninety sixty -five-year-old men p er one hundre d sixty -five-year-old w omen . Ho wever, there w ere only eighty sev enty -five-year-old men p er one hundre d sev enty -five-year-old w omen , and only sixty eighty -five- year-old men p er one hundre d eighty -five-year-old w omen . Nevertheles s, as the graph sho ws, the se x ra tio actually incre ased over time , indic ating tha t men are closing the g ap b etween their lif e sp ans and those o f women (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2010).13.1 • Who Ar e the Elderl y? Aging in Society 373 FIGURE 13.6 This U .S. Census gr aph sho ws the number o f males per 100 f emales . Ho wever, over the pas t two decades , men ha ve narr owed the per centag e by which w omen outliv e them. (Cr edit: the U .S. Census Bur eau) Baby Boomers Of p articular interes t to g erontologis ts to day is the p opula tion o fBab y Bo omers , the c ohor t born b etween 1946 and 1964 and no w re aching their 60s and 70s . Coming o f age in the 1960s and e arly 1970s , the b aby boom g enera tion w as the firs t group o f children and teena gers with their o wn sp ending p ower and theref ore their o wn mark eting p ower (Macuno vich 2000). As this group has a ged, it has re define d wha t it me ans to b e young , middle -aged, and no w old . People in the Bo omer g enera tion do not w ant to gro w old the w ay their grandp arents did; the result is a wide rang e of pro ducts designe d to w ard o ff the eff ects —or the signs —of aging . Previous g enera tions o f people o ver sixty -five were “ old.” Ba by Bo omers are in “la ter lif e” or “ the third a ge” (Gille ard and Higgs 2007). The b aby boom g enera tion is the c ohor t driving much o f the drama tic incre ase in the o ver-sixty -five popula tion .Figure 13.7 shows a c omp arison o f the U .S. p opula tion b y age and g ender b etween 2000 and 2010. The bigg est bulg e in the p yramid (representing the larg est popula tion group) mo ves up the p yramid o ver the course o f the dec ade; in 2000, the larg est popula tion group w as a ge thir ty-five to fifty -five. In 2010, tha t group was a ge forty-five to sixty -five, me aning the oldes t baby Bo omers w ere jus t reaching the a ge at which the U .S. Census c onsiders them elderly . By 2030, all Ba by Bo omers will b e age 65 and older , and represent the larg est group o f elderly p eople .374 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 13.7 Population b y Ag e and Se x: 2000 and 2010. In this U .S. Census p yramid char t, the bab y boom bulg e was ag ed thir ty-five to fifty -five in 2000. In 2020, the y were ag ed fifty -five to se venty -five. (Cr edit: the U .S. Census Bureau) This a ging o f the Ba by Bo om c ohor t has serious implic ations f or our so ciety . He althc are is one o f the are as mos t imp acte d by this trend . According to the U .S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Ser vices, healthc are spending is projecte d to gro w by 5.5 p ercent e ach y ear from no w until 2027. The p ortion o f government spending on Me dicare (a program in which the g overnment c overs some c osts of he althc are f or the elderly ) is expecte d to incre ase from 3 p ercent o f gros s domes tic pro duct (GDP) in 2009 to 8 p ercent o f GDP in 2030, and to 15 p ercent in 2080 (CMS 2018). Certainly , as Bo omers a ge, the y will put incre asing burdens on the entire U .S. he althc are s ystem . The Americ an Geria trics So ciety notes tha t from 2013-2025, there will b e a 45 p ercent incre ase in demand f or physicians who sp ecializ e in g eria trics . As a result , over 33,000 sp ecialis ts will b e nee ded to fill the he althc are needs in 2025. And in 2020, there w ere only 6,320 such sp ecialis ts in the Unite d Sta tes (A GS 2021). Unlik e the elderly o f previous g enera tions , Bo omers do not e xpect tha t turning sixty -five me ans their activ e lives are o ver. The y are not willing to a bandon w ork or leisure activities , but the y ma y nee d more me dical supp ort to k eep living vig orous liv es. This desire o f a larg e group o f over-sixty -five-year-olds w anting to continue with a high activity lev el is driving inno vation in the me dical indus try (Sha w n.d.). The ec onomic imp act o f aging Bo omers is also an are a of concern f or man y obser vers. Although the b aby boom genera tion e arne d more than previous g enera tions and enjo yed a higher s tandard o f living , the y did not adequa tely prep are f or retirement . According to mos t retirement and in vestment e xperts, in order to maintain their ac custome d lif estyle, people nee d to sa ve ten times their annual inc ome b efore retiring . (Note: Tha t's income , not salar y.) So if a p erson has an inc ome o f $60,000 p er year, the y should ha ve sa ved $600,000. If the y made $100,000 p er year, the y should ha ve sa ved $1 million . But mos t Ba by Bo omers ha ve only sa ved an estima ted $144,000, and only 40 p ercent ha ve sa ved more than $250,000 (Gra vier 2021). The c auses o f these shor tfalls are v arie d, and include ev erything from la vish sp ending to ec onomic rec ession to c omp anies f olding and re ducing p ension p ayments . Higher e ducation c osts incre ased signific antly while man y Ba by Bo omers13.1 • Who Ar e the Elderl y? Aging in Society 375 were sending their children to c olleg e. No ma tter wha t the c ause, man y retirees rep ort a gre at deal of stres s about r unning out o f mone y. Just as some obser vers are c oncerne d about the p ossibility o f Me dicare b eing o verburdene d, Social Security is considere d to b e at risk . Social Security is a g overnment -run retirement program funde d primarily through payroll tax es. With enough p eople p aying into the program , there should b e enough mone y for retirees to tak e out. But with the a ging Bo omer c ohor t starting to rec eive So cial Security b enefits and f ewer w orkers p aying into the So cial Security tr ust fund , economis ts w arn tha t the s ystem will c ollapse b y the y ear 2037. A similar warning c ame in the 1980s; in resp onse to rec ommenda tions from the Greensp an C ommis sion , the retirement age (the a ge at which p eople c ould s tart rec eiving So cial Security b enefits) w as raise d from sixty -two to sixty - seven and the p ayroll tax w as incre ased. A similar hik e in retirement a ge, perhaps to sev enty , is a p ossible solution to the current thre at to So cial Security . Aging ar ound the W orld FIGURE 13.8 Cultural values and at titudes can shape people ’s experienc e of aging . (Cr edit: T om Coppen/flickr) The Unite d Sta tes is c ertainly not alone reg arding its a ging p opula tion; in fact , it do esn’t even ha ve the fas test- growing group o f elderly p eople . In 2019, the w orld had 703 million p eople a ged 65 y ears or o ver. By 2050, tha t numb er is projecte d to double to 1.5 billion . One in six p eople in the w orld will b e 65 or o ver (Unite d Nations 2020). This p ercenta ge is e xpecte d to incre ase and will ha ve a hug e imp act on the dep endency rat io: the numb er o f citiz ens not in the la bor force (young , disa bled, or elderly ) to citiz ens in the la bor force (Bar tram and R oe 2005). One c ountr y tha t will so on fac e a serious a ging crisis is China, which is on the cusp o f an “ aging b oom”— a perio d when its elderly p opula tion will drama tically incre ase. The numb er o f people a bove age sixty in China today is a bout 178 million , which amounts to 13.3 p ercent o f its total p opula tion ( Xuequan 2011). B y 2050, nearly a third o f the Chinese p opula tion will b e age sixty or older , which will put a signific ant burden on the labor force and imp act China ’s ec onomic gro wth (Bannis ter, Blo om, and R osenb erg 2010). On a more glob al scale, the dep endency ra tio is projecte d to more than double in Eas tern and South-Eas tern Asia, La tin Americ a and the C aribb ean, Northern Afric a and W estern Asia, and C entral and Southern Asia. As he althc are impro ves and lif e expectancy incre ases acros s the w orld , elder c are will b e an emerging is sue. Wiencla w (2009) sugg ests tha t with f ewer w orking-a ge citiz ens a vailable to pro vide home c are and long-term assisted care to the elderly , the c osts of elder c are will incre ase. Worldwide , the e xpecta tion g overning the amount and typ e of elder c are v aries from culture to culture . For376 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. example , in Asia the resp onsibility f or elder c are lies firmly on the family ( Yap, Thang , and T rapha gan 2005). This is diff erent from the appro ach in mos t Western c ountries , where the elderly are c onsidere d indep endent and are e xpecte d to tend to their o wn c are. It is not unc ommon f or family memb ers to inter vene only if the elderly rela tive re quires as sistanc e, often due to p oor he alth . Even then , caring f or the elderly is c onsidere d voluntar y. In the Unite d Sta tes, decisions to c are f or an elderly rela tive are o ften c onditionally b ased on the promise o f future returns , such as inheritanc e or, in some c ases , the amount o f supp ort the elderly pro vide d to the c aregiv er in the p ast (Hashimoto 1996). These diff erenc es are b ased on cultural a ttitudes to ward a ging . In China, sev eral s tudies ha ve note d the attitude o ffilial piet y(def erenc e and resp ect to one ’s parents and anc estors in all things) as defining all other virtues (Hsu 1971; Hamilton 1990). Cultural a ttitudes in J apan prior to
🧓 Global Aging Challenges
🌍 Cultural attitudes toward elderly care vary dramatically worldwide - Japan values elder assistance while many Americans view it as a burden, with ethnic minorities least likely to use institutional care
👩⚕️ The feminization of aging poverty disproportionately impacts women in peripheral nations who are single, illiterate, and outside the labor force
🏛️ The Madrid Plan represents a coordinated international effort to address global aging challenges through policy development, elder empowerment, and linking aging issues to broader human rights concerns
🩺 Biological aging brings physical changes that people perceive differently based on cultural values, with women facing additional disadvantages from gender-based healthcare biases and media stereotypes
🧠 Psychological adaptation to aging involves confronting integrity versus despair, with retirement requiring new identity formation and social role adjustments
💑 Sexuality continues throughout older adulthood, though public discussion remains limited despite ongoing sexual activity and health concerns among seniors
appro xima tely 1986 supp orted the ide a that the elderly deser ve as sistanc e (Og awa and R ether ford 1993). Ho wever, seismic shifts in major so cial institutions ( like family and ec onom y) have cre ated an incre ased demand f or c ommunity and g overnment care. For e xample , the incre ase in w omen w orking outside the home has made it more difficult to pro vide in- home c are to a ging p arents , which le ads to an incre ase in the nee d for g overnment -supp orted ins titutions (Raikhola and K uroki 2009). In the Unite d Sta tes, by contras t, man y people view c aring f or the elderly as a burden . Even when there is a family memb er a ble and willing to pro vide f or an elderly family memb er, 60 p ercent o f family c aregiv ers are emplo yed outside the home and are una ble to pro vide the nee ded supp ort. At the same time , however, man y middle -clas s families are una ble to b ear the financial burden o f “outsourcing ” pro fessional he althc are, resulting in g aps in c are (Bo okman and Kimbrel 2011). It is imp ortant to note tha t even within the Unite d States not all demographic groups tre at aging the same w ay. While mos t people in the Unite d Sta tes are reluctant to plac e their elderly memb ers into out -of-home as sisted care, demographic ally sp eaking , the groups least lik ely to do so are La tinos , Afric an Americ ans, and Asians (Bo okman and Kimbrel 2011). Glob ally, the Unite d Sta tes and other c ore na tions are fairly w ell e quipp ed to handle the demands o f an exponentially incre asing elderly p opula tion . Ho wever, peripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions fac e similar incre ases without c omp arable resourc es. Poverty among elders is a c oncern, esp ecially among elderly w omen . The f eminiza tion o f the a ging p oor, evident in p eripheral na tions , is directly due to the numb er o f elderly women in those c ountries who are single , illitera te, and not a p art of the la bor force (Mujahid 2006). In 2002, the Sec ond W orld As sembly on Aging w as held in Madrid , Spain, resulting in the Madrid Plan , an interna tionally c oordina ted eff ort to cre ate comprehensiv e so cial p olicies to addres s the nee ds o f the worldwide a ging p opula tion . The plan identifies three themes to guide interna tional p olicy on a ging: 1) publicly ackno wledging the glob al challeng es c aused by, and the glob al opp ortunities cre ated by, a rising glob al popula tion; 2) emp owering the elderly; and 3) linking interna tional p olicies on a ging to interna tional policies on dev elopment (Z elenev 2008). The Madrid Plan has not y et been suc cessful in achieving all its aims . Ho wever, it has incre ased awarenes s of the v arious is sues as sociated with a glob al aging p opula tion , as w ell as raising the interna tional c onsciousnes s to the w ay tha t the factors influencing the vulnera bility o f the elderly (so cial e xclusion , prejudic e and discrimina tion , and a lack o f socio-leg al protection) o verlap with other dev elopmental is sues ( basic human rights , emp owerment , and p articip ation), le ading to an incre ase in leg al protections (Z elenev 2008). 13.2 The Pr ocess of Aging LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the biological , social , and ps ychological chang es that oc cur in aging •Describe the bir th of the field o f geriatrics •Examine at titudes t oward death and dying and ho w the y aff ect the elderl y •Name the fiv e stages o f grief de veloped b y Dr. Elisabeth K übler -Ross13.2 • The P rocess of Aging 377 As human b eings gro w older , the y go through diff erent phases or s tages o f life. It is helpful to unders tand a ging in the c onte xt of these phases . Alife course is the p erio d from bir th to de ath, including a se quenc e of predicta ble lif e ev ents such as ph ysical ma tura tion . Each phase c omes with diff erent resp onsibilities and expecta tions , which o f course v ary by individual and culture . Children lo ve to pla y and le arn, looking f orward to b ecoming preteens . As preteens b egin to tes t their indep endenc e, the y are e ager to b ecome teena gers. Teena gers anticip ate the promises and challeng es o f adultho od. Adults b ecome f ocuse d on cre ating families , building c areers , and e xperiencing the w orld as indep endent p eople . Finally , man y adults lo ok forward to old age as a w onder ful time to enjo y life without as much pres sure from w ork and family lif e. In old a ge, grandp arentho od can pro vide man y of the jo ys of parentho od without all the hard w ork tha t parentho od entails . And as w ork resp onsibilities a bate, old a ge ma y be a time to e xplore hobbies and activities tha t there was no time f or e arlier in lif e. But for other p eople , old a ge is not a phase tha t the y look forward to . Some people f ear old a ge and do an ything to “ avoid” it b y seeking me dical and c osmetic fix es for the na tural eff ects o f age. These diff ering view s on the lif e course are the result o f the cultural v alues and norms into which p eople are so cializ ed, but in mos t cultures , age is a mas ter s tatus influencing self -concept, as w ell as so cial roles and interactions . Through the phases o f the lif e course , dep endenc e and indep endenc e lev els chang e. At bir th, newb orns are dep endent on c aregiv ers f or ev erything . As b abies b ecome to ddlers and to ddlers b ecome adolesc ents and then teena gers, the y as sert their indep endenc e more and more . Gradually , children c ome to b e considere d adults , resp onsible f or their o wn liv es, although the p oint a t which this o ccurs is widely v arie d among individuals , families , and cultures . As Rile y (1978) notes , aging is a lif elong pro cess and entails ma tura tion and chang e on ph ysical, psychologic al, and so cial lev els. Age, much lik e rac e, clas s, and g ender , is a hierarch y in which some c ategories are more highly v alue d than others . For e xample , while man y children lo ok forward to g aining indep endenc e, Packer and Chas teen (2006) sugg est tha t even in children , age prejudic e leads to a neg ative view o f aging . This , in turn , can le ad to a widespre ad segreg ation b etween the old and the y oung a t the ins titutional , societal , and cultural lev els (Ha gestad and Uhlenb erg 2006). Dr. Ignatz Nascher and the Birth of Geriatrics In the earl y 1900s , a Ne w York ph ysician named Dr . Ignatz Nascher c oined the t erm geria trics , a medical special ty that f ocuses on the elderl y. He cr eated the w ord by combining tw o Gr eek w ords:geron(old man) and iatrik os(medical tr eatment). Nascher based his w ork on what he obser ved as a y oung medical s tudent, when he saw man y acut ely ill elderl y people who w ere diagnosed simpl y as “being old. ” Ther e was nothing medicine could do , his pr ofessors declar ed, about the s yndr ome o f “old ag e.” Nascher r efused t o ac cept this dismis sive vie w, seeing it as medical neglect. He belie ved it w as a doct or’s duty t o prolong lif e and r elieve suff ering whene ver pos sible . In 1914, he published his vie ws in his book Geriatrics: The Diseases o f Old Ag e and Their T reatment (Clar field 1990). Nascher sa w the pr actic e of caring f or the elderl y as separ ate from the pr actic e of caring f or the y oung , jus t as pediatrics (caring f or childr en) is diff erent fr om caring for gr own adul ts (Clar field 1990). Nascher had high hopes f or his pioneering w ork. He w anted to treat the aging , especial ly those who w ere poor and had no one t o car e for them. Man y of the elderl y poor w ere sent t o liv e in “ almshouses ,” or public old-ag e homes (Cole 1993). Conditions w ere often terrible in these almshouses , wher e the aging w ere often sent and jus t forgotten. As har d as it might be t o belie ve today, Nascher ’s appr oach w as onc e consider ed unique . At the time o f his death, in 1944, he w as disappoint ed that the field o f geriatrics had not made gr eater strides . In what w ays are theSOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH378 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. elderl y bet ter off today than the y were bef ore Nascher ’s ideas g ained ac ceptanc e? Biological Changes FIGURE 13.9 Aging can be a visible , public e xperienc e. Canes , scooters, and other nec essities ar e recogniz ed signs of aging . Because o f the meanings that cul ture as signs t o these chang es, people belie ve that being older means being in ph ysical decline . Man y older people , however, remain heal thy, activ e, and happ y. (Cr edit: Phil Dolb y/flickr) Each p erson e xperienc es a ge-rela ted chang es b ased on man y factors . Biologic al factors , such as molecular and cellular chang es, are c alledprimar y aging , while a ging tha t occurs due to c ontrolla ble factors , such as lack o f physical exercise and p oor diet , is c alledsecondar y aging (Whitb ourne and Whitb ourne 2010). Mos t people b egin to see signs o f aging a fter fifty y ears old , when the y notic e the ph ysical mark ers o f age. Skin becomes thinner , drier , and les s elas tic. Wrinkles f orm . Hair b egins to thin and gra y. Men prone to b alding s tart losing hair . The difficulty or rela tive ease with which p eople adapt to these chang es is dep endent in p art on the meaning giv en to a ging b y their p articular culture . A culture tha t values y outhfulnes s and b eauty a bove all else leads to a neg ative perception o f gro wing old . Conversely , a culture tha t rev eres the elderly f or their lif e experienc e and wisdom c ontributes to a more p ositiv e perception o f wha t it me ans to gro w old . The eff ects o f aging c an f eel da unting , and sometimes the f ear o f ph ysical chang es (like declining energ y, food sensitivity , and los s of he aring and vision) is more challenging to de al with than the chang es themselv es. The way people p erceive ph ysical aging is larg ely dep endent on ho w the y were so cializ ed. If p eople c an ac cept the chang es in their b odies as a na tural pro cess of aging , the chang es will not seem as frightening . According to the f ederal A dminis tration on Aging (2011), in 2009 f ewer p eople o ver sixty -five years old assessed their he alth as “ excellent ” or “ very good” (41.6 p ercent) c omp ared to those a ged eighteen to sixty - four (64.4 p ercent). E valua ting da ta from the N ational C enter f or He alth Sta tistics and the U .S. B ureau of Labor Statistics, the A dminis tration on Aging f ound tha t from 2006 to 2008, the mos t fre quently rep orted he alth issues f or those o ver sixty -five years old include d ar thritis (50 p ercent), h ypertension (38 p ercent), he art dise ase (32 p ercent), and c ancer (22 p ercent). Ab out 27 p ercent o f people a ge sixty and older are c onsidere d obese b y current me dical standards . Parker and Thorslund (2006) f ound tha t while the trend is to ward s teady impro vement in mos t disa bility me asures , there is a c oncomitant incre ase in functional imp airments (disa bility ) and chronic dise ases . At the same time , me dical adv ances ha ve re duced some o f the disa bling effects o f those dise ases (C rimmins 2004).13.2 • The P rocess of Aging 379 Some imp acts o f aging are g ender -specific . Some o f the disadv anta ges a ging w omen fac e arise from long- standing so cial g ender roles . For e xample , Social Security fa vors men o ver w omen , inasmuch as w omen do not earn So cial Security b enefits f or the unp aid la bor the y perform (usually a t home) as an e xtension o f their gender roles . In the he althc are field , elderly f emale p atients are more lik ely than elderly men to see their healthc are c oncerns trivializ ed (Sharp 1995) and are more lik ely to ha ve their he alth is sues la beled psychosoma tic (Munch 2004). Another f emale -specific asp ect o f aging is tha t mas s-me dia outlets o ften depict elderly f emales in terms o f neg ative stereotyp es and as les s suc cessful than older men (Bazzini and Mclntosh I997). For men , the pro cess of aging—and so ciety ’s resp onse to and supp ort of the e xperienc e—ma y be quite different . The gradual decre ase in male se xual p erformanc e tha t occurs as a result o f primar y aging is medicalized and c onstructe d as nee ding tre atment (Marshall and K atz 2002) so tha t a man ma y maintain a sense o f youthful masculinity . On the other hand , aging men ha ve fewer opp ortunities to as sert their masculine identities in the c omp any of other men (f or e xample , through sp orts particip ation) (Dr ummond 1998). And some so cial scientis ts ha ve obser ved tha t the a ging male b ody is depicte d in the W estern w orld as genderles s (Spector -Mersel 2006). FIGURE 13.10 Aging is ac companied b y a hos t of biological , social , and ps ychological chang es. Depending on their heal th, older people can eng age in the same activities the y always ha ve, or e ven tr y ne w ones . (Cr edit: F orest Service Alask a Region/flickr) Social and Psychological Changes Male or f emale , gro wing older me ans c onfronting the ps ychologic al is sues tha t come with entering the las t phase o f life. Young p eople mo ving into adultho od tak e on new roles and resp onsibilities as their liv es e xpand , but an opp osite arc c an b e obser ved in old a ge. Wha t are the hallmarks o f social and ps ychologic al chang e? Retirement —the withdra wal from p aid w ork a t a c ertain a ge—is a rela tively rec ent ide a. Up until the la te nineteenth c entur y, people w orked about sixty hours a w eek until the y were ph ysically inc apable o f continuing . Following the Americ an Civil W ar, veterans rec eiving p ensions w ere a ble to withdra w from the workf orce, and the numb er o f working older men b egan declining . A sec ond larg e decline in the numb er o f working men b egan in the p ost-World W ar II era, prob ably due to the a vailability o f Social Security , and a third larg e decline in the 1960s and 1970s w as prob ably due to the so cial supp ort offered by Me dicare and the incre ase in So cial Security b enefits (Munnell 2011). In the tw enty -firs t centur y, mos t people hop e tha t at some p oint the y will b e able to s top w orking and enjo y the fruits o f their la bor. But do w e look forward to this time or f ear it? When p eople retire from familiar w ork380 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. routines , some e asily seek new hobbies , interes ts, and f orms o f recre ation . Man y find new groups and e xplore new activities , but others ma y find it more difficult to adapt to new routines and los s of social roles , losing their sense o f self -worth in the pro cess. Each phase o f life has challeng es tha t come with the p otential f or fear. Erik H. Erikson (1902–1994), in his view of socializa tion , brok e the typic al lif espan into eight phases . Each phase presents a p articular challeng e tha t mus t be overcome . In the final s tage, old a ge, the challeng e is to embrac e integrity o ver desp air. Some p eople are una ble to suc cessfully o vercome the challeng e. The y ma y ha ve to c onfront regrets , such as b eing disapp ointe d in their children ’s liv es or p erhaps their o wn. The y ma y ha ve to ac cept tha t the y will nev er re ach certain c areer g oals. Or the y mus t come to terms with wha t their c areer suc cess has c ost them , such as time with their family or declining p ersonal he alth . Others , however, are a ble to achiev e a s trong sense o f integrity and are a ble to embrac e the new phase in lif e. When tha t happ ens, there is tremendous p otential f or cre ativity . The y can le arn new skills , practic e new activities , and p eacefully prep are f or the end o f life. For some , overcoming desp air might entail remarria ge after the de ath o f a sp ouse . A s tudy c onducte d by Kate Davidson (2002) review ed demographic da ta tha t asserted men w ere more lik ely to remarr y after the de ath o f a sp ouse and sugg ested tha t wido ws (the sur viving f emale sp ouse o f a dec eased male p artner) and wido wers (the sur viving male sp ouse o f a dec eased female p artner) e xperienc e their p ostmarital liv es diff erently . Man y surviving w omen enjo yed a new sense o f free dom , sinc e the y were living alone f or the firs t time . On the other hand , for sur viving men , there w as a gre ater sense o f having los t something , because the y were no w depriv ed of a c onstant sourc e of care as w ell as the f ocus o f their emotional lif e. Aging and Se xuality FIGURE 13.11 InHarold and Maude , a 1971 cul t clas sic mo vie, a tw enty -something y oung man fal ls in lo ve with a seventy -nine -year-old w oman. The w orld disappr oves. (Cr edit: luckyjack son/flickr) Although it is sometimes difficult to ha ve an op en, public na tional dialogue a bout a ging and se xuality , the reality is tha t our se xual selv es do not disapp ear a fter a ge sixty -five. People c ontinue to enjo y se x—and not always sa fe se x—well into their la ter y ears. In fact , some rese arch sugg ests tha t as man y as one in fiv e new cases o f AIDS o ccurs in adults o ver sixty -five years old (Hillman 2011). In some w ays, old a ge ma y be a time to enjo y se x more , not les s. For w omen , the elder y ears c an bring a sense of relief as the f ear o f an un wante d pregnancy is remo ved and the children are gro wn and taking c are o f themselv es. Ho wever, while w e ha ve expande d the numb er o f psycho-pharmac eutic als to addres s sexual dysfunction in men , it w as not until rec ently tha t the me dical field ackno wledged the e xistenc e of female sexual dy sfunctions (Br yant 2004). A dditional tre atments ha ve been dev elop ed or applie d to addres s sexual desire or dy sfunction , which sometimes le ads memb ers o f both se xes to b eliev e tha t problems are e asily13.2 • The P rocess of Aging 381 resolv ed. But emotional and so
🧓 Aging, Sexuality, and Dignity
🏳️🌈 LGBTQ seniors face unique challenges including higher rates of depression, limited support systems, and "disclosure management" in care facilities, with only 22% feeling safe to be open about their identity in long-term care settings
💔 Death and dying evolved from Elisabeth Kübler-Ross's groundbreaking research identifying five stages (denial, anger, bargaining, depression, acceptance), leading to the development of hospice care focused on comfort rather than cure
💰 Elderly poverty showed improvement from 35% in 1960 to 9.7% in 2008, but rose to 14% following the recession as retirement savings diminished and support systems became strained
👴 Ageism manifests through discrimination, stereotypes, and patronizing behaviors that reduce older people to inferior positions, affecting their treatment in healthcare, employment, and daily interactions
👫 Age-gap relationships face unique social pressures and practical challenges, particularly when one partner is elderly, requiring navigation of health issues and retirement decisions that younger couples don't typically face
🏥 End-of-life dignity remains controversial, with physician-assisted suicide laws in seven states reflecting society's evolving approach to death, while most people express preference for dying at home rather than in institutions
cial factors pla y an imp ortant role , and me dications on their o wn c annot resolv e all is sues (N onacs 2018). Aging and se xuality also c oncerns rela tionships b etween p eople o f diff erent a ges, ref erre d to as a ge-gap rela tionships b y rese archers . These typ es o f rela tionships are c ertainly not c onfine d to the elderly , but p eople often mak e as sumptions a bout elderly p eople in romantic rela tionships with y oung er p eople (and vic e versa). Research into a ge-gap rela tionships indic ates tha t social pres sure c an ha ve imp acts on rela tionship commitment or le ad to bre ak ups . The lif e stages o f the p eople c an also ha ve imp acts , esp ecially if one o f them is elderly and the other is not (K arantzas 2018). A rela tionship b etween a 30- year-old and a 45- year-old mos t likely in volves fewer discus sions a bout serious he alth is sues and retirement decisions than one b etween a 55-year-old and a 70- year-old . Both ha ve 15- year a ge gaps, but the circums tanc es are quite diff erent . Aging “Out:” L GBT Q Seniors FIGURE 13.12 As same -sex marriag e bec omes a pos sibility , man y gay and lesbian c ouples ar e final ly able t o tie the knot —sometimes as seniors —aft er decades o f waiting . (Cr edit: Fibonac ci Blue/flickr). How do diff erent gr oups in our society e xperienc e the aging pr ocess? Ar e ther e an y experienc es that ar e univ ersal , or do diff erent populations ha ve diff erent e xperienc es? An emer ging field o f study look s at ho w lesbian, g ay, bise xual , transgender , and queer /ques tioning (L GBTQ) people e xperienc e the aging pr ocess and ho w their experienc e diff ers fr om that o f other gr oups or the dominant gr oup. This is sue is e xpanding with the aging o f the baby boom g ener ation; not onl y wil l aging boomers r epresent a hug e bump in the g ener al elderl y population but also the number o f LGBTQ seniors is e xpect ed to double b y 2030 (F redrik sen-Goldsen et al . 2011). A recent s tudy titled The Aging and Heal th R epor t: Disparities and R esilienc e among L esbian, Ga y, Bise xual , and Transgender Older Adul tsfinds that L GBTQ older adul ts ha ve higher r ates o f disability and depr ession than their heterosexual peers . The y are also les s likely to ha ve a suppor t system that might pr ovide elder car e: a par tner and suppor tive childr en (F redrik sen-Goldsen et al . 2011). Ev en for those L GBTQ seniors who ar e par tner ed, some s tates do not r ecogniz e a leg al relationship betw een tw o people o f the same se x, which r educ es their leg al pr otection and financial op tions . As the y transition t o as sisted-living facilities , LGBTQ people ha ve the added bur den o f “disclosur e manag ement:”SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD382 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. the w ay the y shar e their se xual and r elationship identity . In one case s tudy , a se venty -eight -year-old lesbian w oman lived alone in a long-t erm car e facility . She had been in a long-t erm r elationship o f thir ty-two years and had been visibl y activ e in the L GBTQ community earlier in her lif e. Ho wever, in the long-t erm car e set ting, she w as much quiet er about her se xual orientation. She “ selectiv ely disclosed” her se xual identity , feeling saf er with anon ymity and silenc e (Jenkins et al . 2010). A s tudy fr om the National Senior Citiz ens L aw Cent er repor ts that onl y 22 per cent of LGBTQ older adul ts expect the y could be open about their se xual orientation or g ender identity in a long-t erm care facility . Even mor e telling is the finding that onl y 16 per cent o f non-L GBTQ older adul ts expect ed that L GBTQ people c ould be open with facility s taff (National Senior Citiz ens L aw Cent er 2011). Same -sex marriag e—a civil rights bat tlegr ound that is being f ought in man y states—can ha ve major implications f or the w ay the L GBTQ community ag es. With marriag e comes the leg al and financial pr otection aff orded t o opposit e- sex couples , as w ell as les s fear o f exposur e and a r eduction in the need t o “retreat t o the closet ” (Jenkins et al . 2010). Chang es in this ar ea ar e coming slo wly, and in the meantime , adv ocat es ha ve man y policy r ecommendations for ho w to impr ove the aging pr ocess for LGBTQ individuals . These r ecommendations include incr easing f eder al resear ch on L GBTQ elders , incr easing (and enf orcing e xisting) laws ag ains t discrimination, and amending the f eder al Famil y and Medical L eave Act t o cover LGBTQ car egiv ers (Gr ant 2009). Death and Dying FIGURE 13.13 A young man sits at the gr ave of his gr eat-grandmother . (Cr edit: Sar a Goldsmith/flickr) For mos t of human his tory, the s tandard o f living w as signific antly lo wer than it is no w. Humans s truggle d to survive with f ew amenities and v ery limite d me dical technolog y. The risk o f death due to dise ase or ac cident was high in an y life stage, and lif e expectancy w as lo w. As p eople b egan to liv e long er, death b ecame as sociated with old a ge. For man y teena gers and y oung adults , losing a grandp arent or another older rela tive can b e the firs t los s of a loved one the y experienc e. It ma y be their firs t enc ounter with grief , a ps ychologic al, emotional , and so cial resp onse to the f eelings o f los s tha t accomp anies de ath or a similar ev ent. People tend to p erceive de ath, their o wn and tha t of others , based on the v alues o f their culture . While some may look up on de ath as the na tural c onclusion to a long , fruitful lif e, others ma y find the prosp ect o f dying frightening to c ontempla te. People tend to ha ve strong resis tanc e to the ide a of their o wn de ath, and s trong13.2 • The P rocess of Aging 383 emotional re actions o f los s to the de ath o f loved ones . Viewing de ath as a los s, as opp osed to a na tural or tranquil transition , is o ften c onsidere d normal in the Unite d Sta tes. Wha t ma y be surprising is ho w few s tudies w ere c onducte d on de ath and dying prior to the 1960s . De ath and dying w ere fields tha t had rec eived lit tle a ttention until a ps ychologis t name d Elisa beth K übler -Ross began obser ving p eople who w ere in the pro cess of dying . As K übler -Ross witnes sed people ’s transition to ward de ath, she f ound some c ommon thre ads in their e xperienc es. She obser ved tha t the pro cess had fiv e dis tinct s tages: denial , ang er, bargaining , depres sion , and ac ceptanc e. She publishe d her findings in a 1969 b ook c alledOn Death and Dying . The b ook remains a clas sic on the topic to day. Kübler -Ross found tha t a p erson ’s firs t reaction to the prosp ect o f dying is denial : this is characteriz ed by the person 's not w anting to b eliev e he or she is dying , with c ommon thoughts such as “I f eel fine ” or “ This is not really happ ening to me .” The sec ond s tage is anger, when los s of life is seen as unfair and unjus t. A p erson then resor ts to the third s tage,bargaining : trying to neg otia te with a higher p ower to p ostpone the inevita ble b y reforming or changing the w ay he or she liv es. The f ourth stage, psychologic aldepres sion , allo ws for resigna tion as the situa tion b egins to seem hop eles s. In the final s tage, a p erson adjus ts to the ide a of death and re aches acceptanc e. At this p oint , the p erson c an fac e de ath hones tly, by reg arding it as a na tural and inevita ble p art of life and c an mak e the mos t of their remaining time . The w ork o f Kübler -Ross was e ye-opening when it w as intro duced. It brok e new ground and op ened the do ors for so ciologis ts, social w orkers, health practitioners , and therapis ts to s tudy de ath and help those who w ere facing de ath. Kübler -Ross’s work is g enerally c onsidere d a major c ontribution to thanatolog y: the s ystema tic study o f death and dying . Of sp ecial interes ts to thana tologis ts is the c oncept o f “dying with dignity .” Mo dern me dicine includes advanced me dical technolog y tha t ma y prolong lif e without a p arallel impro vement to the quality o f life one may ha ve. In some c ases , people ma y not w ant to c ontinue living when the y are in c onstant p ain and no long er enjo ying lif e. Should p atients ha ve the right to cho ose to die with dignity? Dr . Jack K evorkian w as a s taunch advocate forphysician-as sisted suicide : the v oluntar y or ph ysician-as sisted use o f lethal me dication pro vide d by a me dical do ctor to end one ’s life. This right to ha ve a do ctor help a p atient die with dignity is c ontro versial . In the Unite d Sta tes, Oreg on w as the firs t state to p ass a la w allo wing ph ysician-as sisted suicides . In 1997, Oreg on ins titute d the De ath with Dignity A ct, which re quire d the presenc e of two ph ysicians f or a leg al as sisted suicide . This la w w as suc cessfully challeng ed by U.S. A ttorne y General J ohn Ashcro ft in 2001, but the app eals process ultima tely upheld the Oreg on la w. As o f 2019, sev en s tates and the Dis trict o f Columbia ha ve passed similar la ws allo wing ph ysician as sisted suicide . The c ontro versy surrounding de ath with dignity la ws is emblema tic o f the w ay our so ciety tries to sep arate itself from de ath. He alth ins titutions ha ve built facilities to c omf ortably house those who are terminally ill . This is seen as a c omp assiona te act , helping reliev e the sur viving family memb ers o f the burden o f caring f or the dying rela tive. But studies almos t univ ersally sho w tha t people pref er to die in their o wn homes (Llo yd, White , and Sut ton 2011). Is it our so cial resp onsibility to c are f or elderly rela tives up until their de ath? Ho w do we balanc e the resp onsibility f or c aring f or an elderly rela tive with our other resp onsibilities and oblig ations? As our so ciety gro ws older , and as new me dical technolog y can prolong lif e ev en fur ther , the ans wers to these ques tions will dev elop and chang e. The changing c oncept o fhospic eis an indic ator o f our so ciety ’s changing view o f death. Hospic e is a typ e of healthc are tha t tre ats terminally ill p eople when “ cure -oriente d tre atments” are no long er an option (Hospic e Founda tion o f Americ a 2012b). Hospic e do ctors , nurses , and therapis ts rec eive sp ecial training in the c are o f the dying . The f ocus is not on g etting b etter or curing the illnes s, but on p assing out o f this lif e in c omf ort and peace. Hospic e centers e xist as a plac e where p eople c an g o to die in c omf ort, and incre asingly , hospic e services enc oura ge at-home c are so tha t someone has the c omf ort of dying in a familiar en vironment , surrounde d by family (Hospic e Founda tion o f Americ a 2012a). While man y of us w ould prob ably pref er to avoid thinking o f the end o f our liv es, it ma y be possible to tak e comf ort in the ide a tha t when w e do appro ach384 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. death in a hospic e set ting , it is in a familiar , rela tively c ontrolle d plac e. 13.3 Challenges F acing the Elderly LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Interpr et the his torical and curr ent tr ends o f poverty among elderl y populations •Recogniz e ag eist thinking and ag eist attitudes in individuals and ins titutions •Identif y risk s fact ors and out comes r egarding mis treatment and abuse o f elderl y individuals Aging c omes with man y challeng es. The los s of indep endenc e is one p otential p art of the pro cess, as are diminishe d ph ysical ability and a ge discrimina tion . The term senesc enc erefers to the a ging pro cess, including biologic al, emotional , intellectual , social, and spiritual chang es. This section discus ses some o f the challeng es w e enc ounter during this pro cess. As alre ady obser ved, man y older adults remain highly self -sufficient . Others re quire more c are. Bec ause the elderly typic ally no long er hold jobs , financ es c an b e a challeng e. And due to cultural misc onceptions , older people c an b e targ ets o f ridicule and s tereotyp es. The elderly fac e man y challeng es in la ter lif e, but the y do not have to enter old a ge without dignity . Poverty FIGURE 13.14 While elderl y po verty rates sho wed an impr ovement tr end f or decades , the 2008 r ecession has chang ed some older people ’s financial futur es. Some who had planned a leisur ely retirement ha ve found themsel ves at risk o f late-age des titution. (Cr edit: (a) Michael Cohen/flickr; Phot o (b) Ale x Proimos/flickr) For man y people in the Unite d Sta tes, gro wing older onc e me ant living with les s inc ome . In 1960, almos t 35 percent o f the elderly e xisted on p overty-lev el inc omes . A g enera tion a go, the na tion ’s oldes t popula tions had the highes t risk o f living in p overty. At the s tart of the tw enty -firs t centur y, the older p opula tion w as put ting an end to tha t trend . Among p eople over sixty -five years old , the p overty ra te fell from 30 p ercent in 1967 to 9.7 p ercent in 2008, w ell b elow the national a verage of 13.2 p ercent (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2009). Ho wever, giv en the subse quent rec ession , which severely re duced the retirement sa vings o f man y while taxing public supp ort systems , how are the elderly affecte d? A ccording to the K aiser C ommis sion on Me dicaid and the Uninsure d, the na tional p overty ra te among the elderly had risen to 14 p ercent b y 2010 (Urb an Ins titute and K aiser C ommis sion 2010). Before the rec ession hit , wha t had chang ed to c ause a re duction in p overty among the elderly? Wha t social patterns c ontribute d to the shift? F or sev eral dec ades , a gre ater numb er o f women joine d the w orkf orce. More marrie d couples e arne d double inc omes during their w orking y ears and sa ved more mone y for their13.3 • Chal leng es F acing the Elderl y385 retirement . Private emplo yers and g overnments b egan o ffering b etter retirement programs . By 1990, senior citiz ens rep orted earning 36 p ercent more inc ome on a verage than the y did in 1980; tha t was fiv e times the rate of incre ase f or p eople under a ge thir ty-five (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2009). In addition , man y people w ere g aining ac cess to b etter he althc are. New trends enc oura ged people to liv e more healthful lif estyles b y placing an emphasis on e xercise and nutrition . There w as also gre ater ac cess to informa tion a bout the he alth risks o f behaviors such as cig aret te smoking , alc ohol c onsumption , and dr ug use . Because the y were he althier , man y older p eople c ontinue to w ork p ast the typic al retirement a ge and pro vide more opp ortunity to sa ve for retirement . Will these p atterns return onc e the rec ession ends? So ciologis ts will be watching to see . In the me antime , the y are re alizing the imme diate imp act o f the rec ession on elderly poverty. During the rec ession , older p eople los t some o f the financial adv anta ges tha t the y’d gaine d in the 1980s and 1990s . From Octob er 2007 to Octob er 2009 the v alues o f retirement ac counts f or p eople o ver a ge fifty los t 18 percent o f their v alue . The sharp decline in the s tock mark et also f orced man y to dela y their retirement (Adminis tration on Aging 2009). Ageism FIGURE 13.15 Are these s treet signs humor ous or o ffensiv e? What shar ed as sump tions mak e them humor ous? Or is memor y los s too serious t o be made fun o f? (Cr edit: T umble weed/flickr) Driving to the gro cery store , Peter , twenty -three y ears old , got stuck b ehind a c ar on a f our-lane main ar tery through his city ’s busines s dis trict . The sp eed limit w as thir ty-five miles p er hour , and while mos t driv ers sp ed along a t forty to f orty-five mph , the driv er in front o f him w as g oing the minimum sp eed. Peter tapp ed on his horn . He tailg ated the driv er. Finally , Peter had a chanc e to p ass the c ar. He glanc ed over. Sure enough , Peter thought , a gra y-haire d old man guilty o f “DWE, ” driving while elderly . At the gro cery store , Peter w aite d in the check out line b ehind an older w oman . She p aid f or her gro ceries , lifte d her b ags o f food into her c art, and to ddle d to ward the e xit. Peter , gues sing her to b e about eighty y ears old , was reminde d of his grandmother . He p aid f or his gro ceries and c aught up with her . “Can I help y ou with y our c art?” he ask ed. “No, thank y ou. I can g et it m yself, ” she said and marche d off to ward her c ar. Peter ’s resp onses to b oth older p eople , the driv er and the shopp er, were prejudic ed. In b oth c ases , he made unfair as sumptions . He as sume d the driv er dro ve cautiously simply b ecause the man w as a senior citiz en, and he as sume d the shopp er nee ded help c arrying her gro ceries jus t because she w as an older w oman .386 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Responses lik e Peter ’s toward older p eople are fairly c ommon . He didn ’t intend to tre at people diff erently based on p ersonal or cultural biases , but he did .Ageism is discrimina tion ( when someone acts on a prejudic e) based on a ge. Dr. Robert Butler c oine d the term in 1968, noting tha t ageism e xists in all cultures (Bro wnell). Ageist attitudes and biases b ased on s tereotyp es re duce elderly p eople to inf erior or limite d positions . Ageism c an v ary in sev erity . Peter ’s attitudes are prob ably seen as fairly mild , but rela ting to the elderly in ways tha t are p atronizing c an b e offensiv e. When a geism is reflecte d in the w orkplac e, in
🧓 Ageism and Elder Abuse
🏢 Social status of the elderly has dramatically shifted from respected positions in gerontocracies to diminished standing in industrialized societies, where youth, technological skills, and economic productivity are increasingly valued
🏥 Elder abuse manifests in five major forms: physical, sexual, psychological, neglect, and financial exploitation—affecting roughly 10% of elderly people with higher risks for those with health conditions like dementia
👨👩👧 Caregiving dynamics create complex situations where abuse is more likely when caregivers experience stress, isolation, depression, financial dependence, or lack proper training and support
🎖️ Aging veterans, particularly from WWII, face unique challenges including untreated PTSD and high suicide rates, prompting community responses like the Honor Flight Network
🧠 Sociological theories explain aging through different lenses: disengagement theory (natural withdrawal), activity theory (continued involvement promotes happiness), and continuity theory (maintaining consistent internal and external structures)
🔒 Aging prison populations represent a growing crisis, with inmates over 50 now constituting the largest age group in American prisons due to tough sentencing policies and the overall aging of the population
he althc are, and in assisted-living facilities , the eff ects o f discrimina tion c an b e more sev ere. Ageism c an mak e older p eople f ear losing a job , feel dismis sed by a do ctor , or f eel a lack o f power and c ontrol in their daily living situa tions . In e arly so cieties , the elderly w ere resp ecte d and rev ered. Man y preindus trial so cieties obser ved geronto cracy , a typ e of social s tructure wherein the p ower is held b y a so ciety ’s oldes t memb ers. In some countries to day, the elderly s till ha ve influenc e and p ower and their v ast kno wledge is resp ecte d. Reverenc e for the elderly is s till a p art of some cultures , but it has chang ed in man y plac es b ecause o f social factors . In man y mo dern na tions , however, indus trializa tion c ontribute d to the diminishe d so cial s tanding o f the elderly . Today wealth , power, and pres tige are also held b y those in y oung er a ge brack ets. The a verage age of corporate executiv es w as fifty -nine y ears old in 1980. In 2008, the a verage age had lo wered to fifty -four y ears old (Stuar t 2008). Some older memb ers o f the w orkf orce felt thre atene d by this trend and grew c oncerne d tha t young er emplo yees in higher lev el positions w ould push them out o f the job mark et. Rapid adv ancements in technolog y and me dia ha ve re quire d new skill sets tha t older memb ers o f the w orkf orce are les s lik ely to ha ve. Chang es happ ened not only in the w orkplac e but also a t home . In a grarian so cieties , a marrie d couple c ared for their a ging p arents . The oldes t memb ers o f the family c ontribute d to the household b y doing chores , cooking , and helping with child c are. As ec onomies shifte d from a grarian to indus trial , young er g enera tions moved to cities to w ork in factories . The elderly b egan to b e seen as an e xpensiv e burden . The y did not ha ve the s trength and s tamina to w ork outside the home . Wha t began during indus trializa tion , a trend to ward older people living ap art from their gro wn children , has b ecome c ommonplac e. As y ou sa w in the op ening , children of older p eople c an also f eel guilt , sadnes s, and sometimes ang er a t both taking c are o f aging p arents and with accepting tha t their p arents are losing their a bilities . Living ap art, esp ecially if an older p erson is mo ved to a nursing home or other facility , can o ften e xacerbate these is sues . Mistr eatment and Abuse Mistreatment and a buse o f the elderly is a major so cial problem . As e xpecte d, with the biolog y of aging , the elderly sometimes b ecome ph ysically frail . This frailty renders them dep endent on others f or c are—sometimes for small nee ds lik e household tasks , and sometimes f or as sistanc e with b asic functions lik e eating and toileting . Unlik e a child , who also is dep endent on another f or c are, an elder is an adult with a lif etime o f experienc e, kno wledge, and opinions —a more fully dev elop ed person . This mak es the c are-pro viding situa tion more c omple x. Elder abuse occurs when a c aretak er intentionally depriv es an older p erson o f care or harms the p erson in his or her charg e. Caregiv ers ma y be family memb ers, rela tives, friends , health pro fessionals , or emplo yees o f senior housing or nursing c are. The elderly ma y be subject to man y diff erent typ es o f abuse . In a 2009 s tudy on the topic le d by Dr . Ron A cierno , the te am o f rese archers identifie d fiv e major c ategories o f elder a buse: 1) ph ysical abuse , such as hit ting or shaking , 2) se xual a buse , including rap e and c oerced nudity , 3) ps ychologic al or emotional a buse , such as v erbal haras sment or humilia tion , 4) neglect or failure to pro vide adequa te care, and 5) financial a buse or e xploita tion (A cierno 2010). The N ational C enter on Elder Abuse (NCEA), a division o f the U .S. A dminis tration on Aging , also identifies abandonment and self -neglect as typ es o f abuse .Table 13.2 shows some o f the signs and s ymptoms tha t the NCEA enc oura ges p eople to notic e.13.3 • Chal leng es F acing the Elderl y387 Type o f Abuse Signs and Symp toms Physical abuseBruises , untr eated w ounds , spr ains , broken glas ses, lab findings o f medication overdose Sexual abuseBruises ar ound br easts or g enitals , torn or bloody under clothing , une xplained vener eal disease Emotional/ps ychological abuseBeing upset or withdr awn, unusual dementia -like beha vior (r ocking , sucking ) Neglect Poor h ygiene , untr eated bed sor es, deh ydration, soiled bedding FinancialSudden chang es in banking pr actic es, inclusion o f additional names on bank car ds, abrup t chang es to wil l Self-neglectUntr eated medical c onditions , unclean living ar ea, lack o f medical it ems lik e dentur es or glas ses TABLE 13.2 Signs o f Elder Abuse The National Cent er on Elder Abuse enc ourages people t o watch for these signs o f mistreatment. (Cr edit: National Cent er on Elder Abuse) How prev alent is elder a buse? Tw o rec ent U .S. s tudies f ound tha t roughly one in ten elderly p eople sur veyed had suff ered at least one f orm o f elder a buse . Some so cial rese archers b eliev e elder a buse is underrep orted and tha t the numb er ma y be higher . The risk o f abuse also incre ases in p eople with he alth is sues such as dementia (K ohn and V erho ek-Ofte dahl 2011). Older w omen w ere f ound to b e victims o f verbal abuse more often than their male c ounterp arts. In A cierno ’s study , which include d a sample o f 5,777 resp ondents a ged sixty and older , 5.2 p ercent o f resp ondents rep orted financial a buse , 5.1 p ercent said the y’d been neglecte d, and 4.6 endure d emotional abuse (A cierno 2010). The prev alenc e of ph ysical and se xual a buse w as lo wer a t 1.6 and 0.6 p ercent, resp ectiv ely (A cierno 2010). Other s tudies ha ve focuse d on the c aregiv ers to the elderly in an a ttempt to disc over the c auses o f elder a buse . Researchers identifie d factors tha t incre ased the lik eliho od of caregiv ers p erpetra ting a buse a gains t those in their c are. Those factors include ine xperienc e, having other demands such as jobs (f or those who w eren ’t professionally emplo yed as c aregiv ers), c aring f or children , living full-time with the dep endent elder , and experiencing high s tres s, isola tion , and lack o f supp ort (Kohn and V erho ek-Ofte dahl 2011). A his tory of depres sion in the c aregiv er w as also f ound to incre ase the lik eliho od of elder a buse . Neglect w as more lik ely when c are w as pro vide d by paid c aregiv ers. Man y of the c aregiv ers who ph ysically a buse d elders were themselv es a buse d—in man y cases , when the y were children . Family memb ers with some sor t of dep endency on the elder in their c are w ere more lik ely to ph ysically a buse tha t elder . For e xample , an adult child c aring f or an elderly p arent while a t the same time dep ending on some f orm o f inc ome from tha t parent , is considere d more lik ely to p erpetra te ph ysical abuse (K ohn and V erho ek-Ofte dahl 2011). A sur vey in Florida f ound tha t 60.1 p ercent o f caregiv ers rep orted verbal aggres sion as a s tyle o f conflict resolution . Paid c aregiv ers in nursing homes w ere a t a high risk o f becoming a busiv e if the y had lo w job satisfaction , tre ated the elderly lik e children , or f elt burnt out (K ohn and V erho ek-Ofte dahl 2011). C aregiv ers who tende d to b e verbally a busiv e were f ound to ha ve had les s training , lower e duc ation , and higher lik eliho od of depres sion or other ps ychia tric disorders . Base d on the results o f these s tudies , man y housing facilities f or388 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. seniors ha ve incre ased their screening pro cedures f or c aregiv er applic ants . World W ar II V eter ans FIGURE 13.16 World W ar II (1941–1945) v eterans and members o f an Honor Flight fr om Mil waukee, Wisc onsin, visit the National W orld W ar II Memorial in W ashingt on, DC. Mos t of these men and w omen w ere in their lat e teens or tw enties when the y ser ved. (Cr edit: Sean Hackbar th/flickr) World W ar II w as a defining e vent in r ecent human his tory, and set the s tage for America t o bec ome an ec onomic and militar y superpo wer. Over 16 mil lion Americans ser ved in the w ar—an enormous amount on an y scale , but especial ly significant c onsidering that the U .S. had almos t 200 mil lion f ewer people than it does t oday. That sizable and significant gr oup is aging . Man y are in their eighties and nineties , and man y others ha ve alr eady passed on. Of the 16 mil lion, les s than 300,000 ar e aliv e. Data sug gest that b y 2036, ther e wil l be no living veterans o f WWII (U .S. Depar tment o f Veteran Affairs). When these v eterans came home fr om the w ar and ended their ser vice, little w as kno wn about pos ttraumatic stress disor der (PT SD). These her oes did not r eceive the mental and ph ysical heal thcar e that c ould ha ve helped them. As a r esul t, man y of them, no w in old ag e, are dealing with the eff ects o f PTSD. Resear ch sug gests a high percentag e of World W ar II v eterans ar e plag ued b y flashback memories and isolation, and that man y “self- medicat e” with alc ohol . Resear ch has f ound that v eterans o f any conflict ar e mor e than twic e as lik ely as non veterans t o commit suicide , with r ates highes t among the oldes t veterans. Repor ts sho w that W WII-era veterans ar e four times as lik ely to take their o wn liv es as people o f the same ag e with no militar y ser vice (Glantz 2010). In Ma y 2004, the National W orld W ar II Memorial in W ashingt on, DC, w as complet ed and dedicat ed to honor those who ser ved during the c onflict. Dr . Earl Morse , a ph ysician and r etired Air F orce cap tain, tr eated man y WWII v eterans. He enc ouraged them t o visit the memorial , kno wing it c ould help them heal . Man y WWII veterans e xpressed int erest in seeing the memorial . Unf ortunat ely, man y were in their eighties and w ere neither physical ly nor financial ly able t o travel on their o wn. Dr . Morse arr anged to personal ly esc ort some o f the veterans and enlis ted v olunt eer pilots who w ould pa y for the flights themsel ves. He also r aised mone y, insis ting the v eterans pa y nothing . By the end o f 2005, 137 v eterans, man y using wheelchairs , had made the trip . TheBIG PICTURE13.3 • Chal leng es F acing the Elderl y389 Honor Flight Netw ork w as up and running . As o f 2017, the Honor Flight Netw ork had flo wn mor e than 200,000 U .S. v eterans o f World W ar II, the K orean War, and the Vietnam W ar to Washingt on. The r ound-trip flights lea ve for da y-long trips fr om o ver 140 airpor ts in thirty states, staffed b y volunt eers who car e for the needs o f the elderl y travelers (Honor Flight Netw ork 2021). 13.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Aging LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Compar e and c ontr ast sociological theor etical perspectiv es on aging Wha t roles do individual senior citiz ens pla y in y our lif e? Ho w do y ou rela te to and interact with older p eople? Wha t role do the y pla y in neighb orho ods and c ommunities , in cities and in s tates? So ciologis ts are interes ted in exploring the ans wers to ques tions such as these through three diff erent p ersp ectiv es: functionalism , symb olic interactionism , and c onflict theor y. Functionalism Functionalis ts analyz e ho w the p arts of society w ork tog ether . Functionalis ts gauge ho w so ciety ’s parts are working tog ether to k eep so ciety r unning smo othly . Ho w do es this p ersp ectiv e addres s aging? The elderly , as a group , are one o f society ’s vital p arts. Functionalis ts find tha t people with b etter resourc es who s tay activ e in other roles adjus t better to old a ge (Crosno e and Elder 2002). Three so cial theories within the functional p ersp ectiv e were dev elop ed to e xplain how older p eople might de al with la ter-life experienc es. FIGURE 13.17 Does being old mean diseng aging fr om the w orld? (Cr edit: Candida P erforma /Wikimedia Commons) The e arlies t gerontologic al theor y in the functionalis t persp ectiv e is diseng agement theor y, which sugg ests that withdra wing from so ciety and so cial rela tionships is a na tural p art of gro wing old . There are sev eral main points to the theor y. First, because ev eryone e xpects to die one da y, and b ecause w e experienc e ph ysical and mental decline as w e appro ach de ath, it is na tural to withdra w from individuals and so ciety . Sec ond , as the elderly withdra w, the y rec eive les s reinf orcement to c onform to so cial norms . Theref ore, this withdra wal allows a gre ater free dom from the pres sure to c onform . Finally , social withdra wal is g endere d, me aning it is experienc ed diff erently b y men and w omen . Bec ause men f ocus on w ork and w omen f ocus on marria ge and family , when the y withdra w the y will b e unhapp y and directionles s until the y adopt a role to replac e their accustome d role tha t is c omp atible with the diseng aged state (Cummings and Henr y 1961).390 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The sugg estion tha t old a ge was a dis tinct s tate in the lif e course , characteriz ed by a dis tinct chang e in roles and activities , was groundbre aking when it w as firs t intro duced. Ho wever, the theor y is no long er ac cepte d in its clas sic f orm . Criticisms typic ally f ocus on the applic ation o f the ide a tha t seniors univ ersally na turally withdra w from so ciety as the y age, and tha t it do es not allo w for a wide v aria tion in the w ay people e xperienc e aging (Hothschild 1975). The so cial withdra wal tha t Cummings and Henr y rec ogniz ed (1961), and its notion tha t elderly p eople nee d to find replac ement roles f or those the y’ve los t, is addres sed anew in activity theor y. According to this theor y, activity lev els and so cial in volvement are k ey to this pro cess, and k ey to happines s (Ha vinghurs t 1961; Neugarten 1964; Ha vinghurs t, Neugarten, and T obin 1968). A ccording to this theor y, the more activ e and involved an elderly p erson is , the happier he or she will b e. Critics o f this theor y point out tha t access to so cial opp ortunities and activity are not e qually a vailable to all . Moreo ver, not ev eryone finds fulfillment in the presenc e of others or p articip ation in activities . Reformula tions o f this theor y sugg est tha t particip ation in informal activities , such as hobbies , are wha t mos t affect la ter lif e sa tisfaction (Lemon , Bengtson , and P etersen 1972). According to continuit y theor y,the elderly mak e sp ecific choic es to maintain c onsis tency in internal (personality s tructure , beliefs) and e xternal s tructures (rela tionships), remaining activ e and in volved throughout their elder y ears. This is an a ttempt to maintain so cial e quilibrium and s tability b y making future decisions on the b asis o f alre ady dev elop ed so cial roles (A tchle y 1971; A tchle y 1989). One criticism o f this theor y is its emphasis on so -called “normal ” aging , which marginaliz es those with chronic dise ases such as Alzheimer ’s.13.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Aging 391 The Gr aying of American Prisons FIGURE 13.18 Would y ou w ant t o spend y our r etirement her e? A gr owing elderl y prison population r equir es asking ques tions about ho w to deal with senior inmat es. (Cr edit: Clair e Rowland/Wikimedia Commons) The C OVID-19 pandemic plac ed a par ticular bur den on prison populations and g overnment o fficials who manag e them. Man y people unfamiliar with American prisons ma y ha ve as sumed this c oncern w as due t o the ob vious: Prisons ar e by definition c onfined spac es, wher e spac e and fr eedom ar e in shor t suppl y. Incar cerated people o ften shar e cells, restrooms , and other facilities . These ar e all contributing fact ors t o the gr ave concerns about prisoners and C OVID. But the y were all exacerbat ed b y the one o verall comorbidity f or the c oronavirus: ag e. Just like elderl y people outside o f prison g ener ally suff ered the mos t from the disease , the same ag e group w as highl y susc eptible in prison. P erhaps the mos t dir e cir cums tanc e is the siz e and per centag e of that ag e group in prison. B y the time the pandemic hit, the population o f people o ver 50 in American prisons w as, for the firs t time in history, larger than e very other ag e group, and nearl y 200,000 people in c orrectional facilities w ere 55 and o ver. That por tion o f the prison population tripled fr om 2000 t o 2016 (Li 2020). Two fact ors c ontribut e significantl y to this c ountr y’s aging prison population. One is the t ough-on-crime r eforms o f the 1980s and 1990s , when mandat ory minimum sent encing and “ three s trikes” policies sent man y people t o jail for thir ty years t o life, even when the thir d strike was a r elativ ely minor o ffense . Man y of today’s elderl y prisoners ar e those who w ere incar cerated thir ty years ag o for lif e sent ences. The other fact or influencing t oday’s aging prison population is the aging o f the o verall population. As discus sed in the section on aging in the Unit ed Stat es, the percentag e of people o ver sixty -five years old is incr easing each y ear due t o rising lif e expectancies and the aging o f the Bab y Boom g ener ation.SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD392 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. So wh y should it mat ter that the elderl y prison population is gr owing so s wiftl y? As discus sed in the section on the process of aging , growing older is ac companied b y a hos t of physical pr oblems , like failing vision, mobility , and hearing . Chr onic il lnes ses lik e hear t disease , arthritis , and diabet es also bec ome incr easingl y common as people age, whether the y are in prison or not. In man y cases , elderl y prisoners ar e ph ysical ly incapable o f commit ting
🧓 Aging Society Challenges
🔍 Aging populations create significant economic and social pressures, with elderly inmates costing three times more to incarcerate while posing lower risk to society
💰 Resource competition between generations drives conflict, with approximately 28% of tax dollars funding Social Security and Medicare programs that have grown 870 times larger since 1950
🏢 Modernization theory explains how industrialization diminishes elder status as nuclear families replace extended families and elderly become viewed as economic burdens
👥 Age stratification creates power imbalances similar to race, class, and gender divisions, with behavioral norms dictating "appropriate" conduct for different age groups
🤝 Exchange theory suggests elderly experience increased dependence as their ability to participate in mutual resource exchanges diminishes
🌱 Gerotranscendence represents a positive aging perspective where elderly develop wisdom, peace, and connection to the natural world as they transcend limited earlier worldviews
a violent —or pos sibly an y—crime . Is it ethical t o keep them lock ed up f or the shor t remainder o f their liv es? And is it practical? Aging inmat es requir e far mor e heal thcar e, which plac es mas sive bur dens on prison budg ets and e xpenditur es. When the heal thcar e costs ar e consider ed, some o fficials es timat e the c osts of incar cerating an aging person t o be three times higher than t o keep a y oung er person in prison. On the flip side , reducing prison sent ences in Mar yland saved an es timat ed $185 mil lion o ver fiv e years . When c onsidering that man y of these elderl y people ha ve ser ved the majority o f their sent ence and g ener ally pose a lo wer risk t o society , man y people in the c orrections s ystem itself adv ocat e for releasing them earl y (Reese 2019). Conflict P erspective FIGURE 13.19 At a public pr otest, older people mak e their v oices hear d. In adv ocating f or themsel ves, the y help shape public policy and al ter the al lotment o f available r esour ces. (Cr edit: longislandwins/flickr) Theoris ts w orking the c onflict p ersp ectiv e view so ciety as inherently uns table, an ins titution tha t privileg es the powerful w ealth y few while marginalizing ev eryone else . According to the guiding principle o f conflict theor y, social groups c omp ete with other groups f or p ower and sc arce resourc es. Applie d to so ciety ’s aging popula tion , the principle me ans tha t the elderly s truggle with other groups —for e xample , young er so ciety memb ers—to retain a c ertain share o f resourc es. At some p oint , this c omp etition ma y become c onflict . For e xample , some p eople c omplain tha t the elderly g et more than their fair share o f society ’s resourc es. In hard ec onomic times , there is gre at concern a bout the hug e costs of Social Security and Me dicare. One o f every four tax dollars , or a bout 28 p ercent, is sp ent on these tw o programs . In 1950, the f ederal g overnment p aid $781 million in So cial Security p ayments . Now, the p ayments are 870 times higher . In 2008, the g overnment paid $296 billion (Sta tistical Abs tract 2011). The me dical bills o f the na tion ’s elderly p opula tion are rising drama tically. While there is more c are a vailable to c ertain segments o f the senior c ommunity , it mus t be note d that the financial resourc es a vailable to the a ging c an v ary tremendously b y rac e, social clas s, and g ender . There are three clas sic theories o f aging within the c onflict p ersp ectiv e.Modernizat ion theor y(Cowgill and Holmes 1972) sugg ests tha t the primar y cause o f the elderly losing p ower and influenc e in so ciety are the13.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Aging 393 parallel f orces o f indus trializa tion and mo derniza tion . As so cieties mo derniz e, the s tatus o f elders decre ases , and the y are incre asingly lik ely to e xperienc e so cial e xclusion . Bef ore indus trializa tion , strong so cial norms bound the y oung er g enera tion to c are f or the older . Now, as so cieties indus trializ e, the nucle ar family replac es the e xtende d family . Societies b ecome incre asingly individualis tic, and norms reg arding the c are o f older people chang e. In an individualis tic indus trial so ciety , caring f or an elderly rela tive is seen as a v oluntar y oblig ation tha t ma y be ignore d without f ear o f social c ensure . The c entral re asoning o f mo derniza tion theor y is tha t as long as the e xtende d family is the s tandard family , as in preindus trial ec onomies , elders will ha ve a plac e in so ciety and a cle arly define d role . As so cieties moderniz e, the elderly , una ble to w ork outside o f the home , have les s to o ffer ec onomic ally and are seen as a burden . This mo del ma y be applie d to b oth the dev elop ed and the dev eloping w orld , and it sugg ests tha t as people a ge the y will b e abandone d and lose much o f their familial supp ort sinc e the y become a nonpro ductiv e economic burden . Another theor y in the c onflict p ersp ectiv e is age strat ification theor y(Rile y, Johnson , and F oner 1972). Though it ma y seem ob vious no w, with our a warenes s of ageism , age stratific ation theoris ts w ere the firs t to sugg est tha t memb ers o f society might b e stratifie d by age, jus t as the y are s tratifie d by rac e, clas s, and g ender . Because a ge ser ves as a b asis o f social c ontrol , diff erent a ge groups will ha ve varying ac cess to so cial resourc es such as p olitic al and ec onomic p ower. Within so cieties , behavioral a ge norms , including norms a bout roles and appropria te behavior , dicta te wha t memb ers o f age cohor ts ma y re asona bly do . For e xample , it might b e considere d deviant f or an elderly w oman to w ear a bikini b ecause it viola tes norms den ying the se xuality o f older f emales . These norms are sp ecific to e ach a ge strata, dev eloping from culturally b ased ide as a bout ho w people should “ act their a ge.” Thanks to amendments to the Ag e Discrimina tion in Emplo yment A ct (ADEA), which drew a ttention to some o f the w ays in which our so ciety is s tratifie d based on a ge, U.S. w orkers no long er mus t retire up on re aching a specifie d age. As firs t passed in 1967, the ADEA pro vide d protection a gains t a bro ad rang e of age discrimina tion and sp ecific ally addres sed termina tion o f emplo yment due to a ge, age sp ecific la yoffs, advertised positions sp ecifying a ge limits or pref erenc es, and denial o f he althc are b enefits to those o ver sixty - five years old (U .S. EEO C 2012). Age stratific ation theor y has b een criticiz ed for its bro adnes s and its ina ttention to other sourc es o f stratific ation and ho w these might intersect with a ge. For e xample , one might argue tha t an older white male occupies a more p owerful role , and is far les s limite d in his choic es, comp ared to an older white f emale b ased on his his toric al ac cess to p olitic al and ec onomic p ower. Finally ,exchang e theor y(Dowd 1975), a ra tional choic e appro ach, sugg ests w e experienc e an incre ased dep endenc e as w e age and mus t incre asingly submit to the will o f others b ecause w e ha ve fewer w ays of comp elling others to submit to us . Indee d, inasmuch as rela tionships are b ased on mutual e xchang es, as the elderly b ecome les s able to e xchang e resourc es, the y will see their so cial circles diminish . In this mo del, the only me ans to a void b eing disc arde d is to eng age in resourc e mana gement , like maintaining a larg e inheritanc e or p articip ating in so cial e xchang e systems via child c are. In fact , the theor y ma y dep end to o much on the as sumption tha t individuals are c alcula ting . It is o ften criticiz ed for a ffording to o much emphasis to material e xchang e and dev aluing nonma terial as sets such as lo ve and friendship .394 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 13.20 The subcul ture of aging theor y posits that the elderl y create their o wn c ommunities because the y have been e xcluded fr om other gr oups . (Cr edit: I cnacio P alomo Duar te/flickr) Symbolic Inter actionism Generally , theories within the s ymb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e focus on ho w so ciety is cre ated through the day-to-day interaction o f individuals , as w ell as the w ay people p erceive themselv es and others b ased on cultural s ymb ols. This micro analytic p ersp ectiv e as sumes tha t if p eople dev elop a sense o f identity through their so cial interactions , their sense o f self is dep endent on those interactions . A w oman whose main interactions with so ciety mak e her f eel old and una ttractiv e ma y lose her sense o f self. B ut a w oman whose interactions mak e her f eel v alue d and imp ortant will ha ve a s trong er sense o f self and a happier lif e. Symb olic interactionis ts stres s tha t the chang es as sociated with old a ge, in and o f themselv es, have no inherent me aning . Nothing in the na ture o f aging cre ates an y particular , define d set o f attitudes . Rather , attitudes to ward the elderly are ro oted in so ciety . One micro analytic al theor y is R ose’s (1962) sub culture of a ging theor y, which f ocuses on the share d community cre ated by the elderly when the y are e xclude d (due to a ge), v oluntarily or in voluntarily , from particip ating in other groups . This theor y sugg ests tha t elders will diseng age from so ciety and dev elop new patterns o f interaction with p eers who share c ommon b ackgrounds and interes ts. For e xample , a group consciousnes s ma y dev elop within such groups as A ARP around is sues sp ecific to the elderly lik e the Me dicare “doughnut hole ,” focuse d on cre ating so cial and p olitic al pres sure to fix those is sues . Whether brought together b y so cial or p olitic al interes ts, or ev en g eographic regions , elders ma y find a s trong sense o f community with their new group . Another theor y within the s ymb olic interaction p ersp ectiv e is select ive opt imizat ion with c omp ensat ion theor y. Baltes and Baltes (1990) b ased their theor y on the ide a tha t suc cessful p ersonal dev elopment throughout the lif e course and subse quent mas tery of the challeng es as sociated with ev eryday life are b ased on the c omp onents o f selection , optimiza tion , and c omp ensa tion . Though this happ ens a t all s tages in the lif e course , in the field o f gerontolog y, rese archers f ocus a ttention on b alancing the los ses as sociated with a ging with the g ains s temming from the same . Here , aging is a pro cess and not an outc ome , and the g oals (comp ensa tion) are sp ecific to the individual . According to this theor y, our energ y diminishes as w e age, and w e select (selection) p ersonal g oals to g et the mos t (optimiz e) for the eff ort we put into activities , in this w ay making up f or (c omp ensa tion) the los s of a13.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Aging 395 wider rang e of goals and activities . In this theor y, the ph ysical decline p ostula ted by diseng agement theor y may result in more dep endenc e, but tha t is not nec essarily neg ative, as it allo ws aging individuals to sa ve their energ y for the mos t me aningful activities . For e xample , a pro fessor who v alues te aching so ciolog y ma y particip ate in a phase d retirement , nev er entirely giving up te aching , but ackno wledging p ersonal ph ysical limita tions tha t allo w te aching only one or tw o clas ses p er year. Swedish so ciologis t Lars T orns tam dev elop ed a s ymb olic interactionis t theor y calledgerotransc endenc e: the idea tha t as p eople a ge, the y transc end the limite d view s of life the y held in e arlier times . Torns tam b eliev es that throughout the a ging pro cess, the elderly b ecome les s self -centere d and f eel more p eaceful and c onnecte d to the na tural w orld . Wisdom c omes to the elderly , Torns tam ’s theor y states, and as the elderly tolera te ambiguities and seeming c ontradictions , the y let g o of conflict and dev elop so fter view s of right and wrong (Torns tam 2005). Torns tam do es not claim tha t everyone will achiev e wisdom in a ging . Some elderly p eople might s till gro w bitter and isola ted, feel ignore d and left out , or b ecome gr ump y and judgmental . Symb olic interactionis ts believ e tha t, jus t as in other phases o f life, individuals mus t struggle to o vercome their o wn failings and turn them into s trengths .396 13 • Aging and the Elderl y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms activity theor y a theor y which sugg ests tha t for individuals to enjo y old a ge and f eel sa tisfied, the y mus t maintain activities and find a replac ement f or the s tatuses and as sociated roles the y ha ve left b ehind as they aged age strat ification theor y a theor y which s tates tha t memb ers o f society are s tratifie d by age, jus t as the y are stratifie d by rac e, clas s, and g ender ageism discrimina tion b ased on a ge baby Bo omers people in the Unite d Sta tes b orn b etween appro xima tely 1946 and 1964 centenarians people 100 y ears old or older cohor t a group o f people who share a s tatistical or demographic trait continuit y theor y a theor y which s tates tha t the elderly mak e sp ecific choic es to maintain c onsis tency in internal (p ersonality s tructure , beliefs) and e xternal s tructures (rela tionships), remaining activ e and involved throughout their elder y ears dep endency rat io the numb er o f nonpro ductiv e citiz ens ( young , disa bled, elderly ) to pro ductiv e working citiz ens diseng agement theor y a theor y which sugg ests tha t withdra wing from so ciety and so cial rela tionships is a natural p art of gro wing old elder abuse the act o f a c aretak er intentionally depriving an older p erson o f care or harming the p erson in their charg e exchang e theor y a theor y which sugg ests tha t we experienc e an incre ased dep endenc e as w e age and mus t incre asingly submit to the will o f others , because w e ha ve fewer w ays of comp elling others to submit to us filial piet y deferenc e and resp ect to one ’s parents and anc estors in all things geriatrics a me dical sp ecialty f ocusing on the elderly geronto cracy a typ e of social s tructure wherein the p ower is held b y a so ciety ’s oldes t memb ers gerontolog y a field o f scienc e tha t seeks to unders tand the pro cess of aging and the challeng es enc ountere d as seniors gro w older gerotransc endenc e the ide a tha t as p eople a ge, the y transc end limite d view s of life the y held in e arlier times grief a ps ychologic al, emotional , and so cial resp onse to the f eelings o f los s tha t accomp anies de ath or a similar ev ent hospic e healthc are tha t tre ats terminally ill p eople b y pro viding c omf ort during the dying pro cess life course the p erio d from bir th to de ath, including a se quenc e of pre dicta ble lif e ev ents life expectancy the numb er o f years a newb orn is e xpecte d to liv e modernizat ion theor y a theor y which sugg ests tha t the primar y cause o f the elderly losing p ower and influenc e in so ciety are the p arallel f orces o f indus trializa tion and mo derniza tion physician-as sisted suicide the v oluntar y use o f lethal me dication pro vide d by a me dical do ctor to end one’s life primar y aging biologic al factors such as molecular and c ellular chang es secondar y aging aging tha t occurs due to c ontrolla ble factors lik e exercise and diet select ive opt imizat ion with c omp ensat ion theor y a theor y based on the ide a tha t suc cessful p ersonal development throughout the lif e course and subse quent mas tery of the challeng es as sociated with everyday life are b ased on the c omp onents o f selection , optimiza tion , and c omp ensa tion senesc enc e the a ging pro cess, including biologic al, intellectual , emotional , social, and spiritual chang es social g erontolog y a sp ecializ ed field o f gerontolog y tha t examines the so cial (and so ciologic al) asp ects o f aging sub culture of a ging theor y a theor y tha t focuses on the share d community cre ated by the elderly when they are e xclude d (due to a ge), v oluntarily or in voluntarily , from p articip ating in other groups sup ercentenarians people 110 o f age or older thanatolog y the s ystema tic s tudy o f death and dying13 • K ey Terms 397 Section Summary 13.1 Who Ar e the Elderly? Aging in Society The so cial s tudy o f aging uses p opula tion da ta and c ohor ts to pre dict so cial c oncerns rela ted to a ging popula tions . In the Unite d Sta tes, the p opula tion is incre asingly older (c alled “the gra ying o f the Unite d States”), esp ecially due to the b aby Bo omer segment . Glob al studies on a ging rev eal a diff erenc e in lif e expectancy b etween c ore and p eripheral na tions as w ell as a discrep ancy in na tions’ prep arednes s for the challeng es o f incre asing elderly p opula tions . 13.2 The Pr ocess of Aging Old a ge affects ev ery asp ect o f human lif e: biologic al, social, and ps ychologic al. Although me dical technolog y has lengthene d lif e expectancies , it c annot eradic ate aging and de ath. Cultural a ttitudes shap e the w ay our society view s old a ge and dying , but these a ttitudes shift and ev olve over time . 13.3 Challenges F acing the Elderly As p eople enter old a ge, the y fac e challeng es. Ageism , which in volves stereotyping and discrimina tion a gains t the elderly , leads to misc onceptions a bout their a bilities . Although elderly p overty has b een impro ving f or decades , man y older p eople ma y be detrimentally a ffecte d by the 2008 rec ession . Some elderly p eople gro w physically frail and , theref ore, dep endent on c aregiv ers, which incre ases their risk o f elder a buse . 13.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Aging The three major so ciologic al persp ectiv es inf orm the theories o f aging . Theories in the functionalis t persp ectiv e focus on the role o f elders in terms o f the functioning o f society as a whole . Theories in the c onflict persp ectiv e concentra te on ho w elders , as a group , are a t odds with other groups in so ciety . And theories in the symb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e focus on ho w elders’ identities are cre ated through their interactions . Section Quiz 13.1 Who Ar e the Elderly? Aging in Society 1.In mos t countries , elderly w omen ______ than elderly men . a.are mis treated les s b.live a f ew y ears long er c.suff er fewer he alth problems d.deal with is sues o f aging b etter 2.Americ a’s baby Bo omer g enera tion has c ontribute d to all o f the f ollowing e xcept: a.Social Security ’s vulnera bility b.impro ved me dical technolog y c.Medicaid b eing in dang er o f going b ankr upt d.rising Me dicare budg ets 3.The me asure tha t comp ares the numb er o f men to w omen in a p opula tion is ______. a.cohor t b.sex ra tio c.baby Bo omer d.diseng agement398 13 • Section Summar y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 4.The “ graying o f the Unite d Sta tes” ref ers to ________.
🧓 Aging in Society
🔍 Demographic shifts reveal a rapidly aging population with the U.S. median age at approximately 37 years, creating unprecedented economic and healthcare challenges
🌀 The aging process involves distinct psychological stages as outlined by Erikson (integrity vs. despair) and Kübler-Ross (five stages of grief), shaping how individuals navigate their later years
🚫 Ageism manifests through stereotypes, discrimination, and elder abuse, with dependent seniors most vulnerable to mistreatment typically from family caregivers
💭 Theoretical perspectives on aging include activity theory (maintaining engagement), continuity theory (preserving lifelong patterns), and disengagement theory (gradual withdrawal from society)
🌉 Multigenerational households are increasing as families adapt to economic pressures and caregiving needs, creating new family dynamics and support systems
🏥 Veterans face unique aging challenges, experiencing higher suicide rates and requiring specialized support services compared to non-veterans
a.the incre asing p ercenta ge of the p opula tion o ver sixty -five years old b.faster a ging due to s tres s c.dissatisfaction with retirement plans d.incre ased he alth problems such as A lzheimer ’s 5.Wha t is the appro xima te me dian a ge of the Unite d Sta tes? a.eighty -five b.sixty -five c.thir ty-sev en d.eighteen 13.2 The Pr ocess of Aging 6.Thana tolog y is the s tudy o f _____. a.life expectancy b.biologic al aging c.death and dying d.adultho od 7.In Erik Erikson ’s dev elopmental s tages o f life, with which challeng e mus t older p eople s truggle? a.Overcoming desp air to achiev e integrity b.Overcoming role c onfusion to achiev e identity c.Overcoming isola tion to achiev e intimacy d.Overcoming shame to achiev e autonom y 8.Who wrote the b ookOn De ath and Dying , outlining the fiv e stages o f grief ? a.Igna tz N ascher b.Erik Erikson c.Elisa beth K übler -Ross d.Carol Gillig an 9.For individual p eople o f a c ertain culture , the lif e course is ________. a.the a verage age the y will die b.the les sons the y mus t learn c.the length o f a typic al bereavement p erio d d.the typic al se quenc e of events in their liv es 10.In the Unite d Sta tes, life expectancy ra tes in rec ent dec ades ha ve ______. a.continue d to gradually rise b.gone up and do wn due to glob al is sues such as militar y conflicts c.lowered as he althc are impro ves d.stayed the same sinc e the mid-1960s 13.3 Challenges F acing the Elderly 11.Today in the Unite d Sta tes the p overty ra te of the elderly is ______. a.lower than a t an y point in his tory b.incre asing c.decre asing d.the same as tha t of the g eneral p opula tion13 • Section Quiz 399 12.Which action reflects a geism? a.Ena bling W WII v eterans to visit w ar memorials b.Speaking slo wly and loudly when talking to someone o ver a ge sixty -five years old c.Believing tha t older p eople driv e too slo wly d.Living in a culture where elders are resp ecte d 13.Which factor mos t incre ases the risk o f an elderly p erson suff ering mis treatment? a.Bere avement due to wido who od b.Having b een a busiv e as a y oung er adult c.Being frail to the p oint o f dep endency on c are d.The a bility to b estow a larg e inheritanc e on sur vivors 14.If elderly p eople suff er a buse , it is mos t often p erpetra ted by ______. a.spouses b.caregiv ers c.lawyers d.strang ers 15.Veterans are tw o to f our times more lik ely to ______ as p eople who did not ser ve in the militar y. a.be a victim o f elder a buse b.commit suicide c.be concerne d about financial s tres ses d.be abusiv e toward c are pro viders 13.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Aging 16.Which as sertion a bout a ging in men w ould b e made b y a so ciologis t following the functionalis t persp ectiv e? a.Men view b alding as representa tive of a los s of strength . b.Men tend to ha ve better retirement plans than w omen . c.Men ha ve life expectancies three to fiv e years shor ter than w omen . d.Men who remain activ e after retirement pla y supp ortive community roles . 17.An older w oman retires and c ompletely chang es her lif e. She is no long er raising children or w orking . However, she joins the Y WCA to s wim ev ery da y. She ser ves on the F riends o f the Librar y board. She is part of a neighb orho od group tha t pla ys Bunc o on Sa turda y nights . Her situa tion mos t closely illus trates the ______ theor y. a.activity b.continuity c.diseng agement d.gerotransc endenc e 18.An older man retires from his job , stops g olfing , and c ancels his new spaper subscription . After his wif e dies , he liv es alone , loses touch with his children , and s tops seeing old friends . His situa tion mos t closely illus trates the _______ theor y. a.activity b.continuity c.diseng agement d.gerotransc endenc e400 13 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 19.Wha t is the primar y driv er o f mo derniza tion theor y? a.Indus trializa tion b.Aging c.Conflict d.Interactions 20.The Ag e Discrimina tion in Emplo yment A ct counteracts which theor y? a.Moderniza tion b.Conflict c.Diseng agement d.Age stratific ation Short Answer 13.1 Who Ar e the Elderly? Aging in Society 1.Baby Bo omers ha ve been c alled the “Me Genera tion .” Do y ou kno w an y baby Bo omers? In wha t way do the y exemplif y their g enera tion? 2.Wha t social is sues in volve age disa ggreg ation ( breakdowns into groups) o f a p opula tion? Wha t kind o f sociologic al studies w ould c onsider a ge an imp ortant factor? 3.Conduct a mini-c ensus b y counting the memb ers o f your e xtende d family , and emphasiz e age. Try to include three or f our g enera tions , if p ossible . Create a ta ble and include total p opula tion plus p ercenta ges of each g enera tion . Next, begin to analyz e age patterns in y our family . Wha t issues are imp ortant and specific to e ach group? Wha t trends c an y ou pre dict a bout y our o wn family o ver the ne xt ten y ears b ased on this c ensus? F or e xample , how will family memb ers’ nee ds and interes ts and rela tionships chang e the family dynamic? 13.2 The Pr ocess of Aging 4.Test Elisa beth K übler -Ross’s fiv e stages o f grief. Think o f someone or something y ou ha ve los t. You might consider the los s of a rela tionship , possession , or asp ect o f your self -identity . For e xample , perhaps y ou dissolv ed a childho od friendship , sold y our c ar, or g ot a b ad haircut . For ev en a small los s, did y ou experienc e all fiv e stages o f grief ? If so , how did the e xpres sion o f each s tage manif est? Did the pro cess happ en slo wly or rapidly? Did the s tages o ccur out o f order? Did y ou re ach ac ceptanc e? T ry to rec all the experienc e and analyz e your o wn resp onse to los s. Do es y our e xperienc e facilita te your emp athizing with the elderly? 5.Wha t do y ou think it will b e lik e to b e ten , twenty , and fifty y ears older than y ou are no w? Wha t facts are your as sumptions b ased on? Are an y of your as sumptions a bout g etting older false? Wha t kind o f sociologic al study c ould y ou es tablish to tes t your as sumptions? 6.Wha t is y our rela tionship to a ging and to time? Lo ok b ack on y our o wn lif e. Ho w much and in wha t ways did you chang e in ten y ears and in tw enty y ears? Do es a dec ade seem lik e a long time or a shor t time in a lif e span? N ow apply some o f your ide as to the ide a of aging . Do y ou think older p eople share similar experienc es as the y age? 13.3 Challenges F acing the Elderly 7.Mak e a lis t of all the biases , generaliza tions , and s tereotyp es a bout elderly p eople tha t you ha ve seen or heard. Include ev erything , no ma tter ho w small or seemingly trivial . Try to ra te the items on y our lis t. Which s tatements c an b e considere d m yths? Which fre quently turn into discrimina tion? 8.Have you kno wn an y person who e xperienc ed prejudic e or discrimina tion b ased on a ge? Think o f someone who has b een denie d an e xperienc e or opp ortunity simply f or b eing to o old . Write the s tory as a c ase s tudy .13 • Shor t Ans wer 401 9.Think o f an older p erson y ou kno w w ell, perhaps a grandp arent , other rela tive, or neighb or. Ho w do es this person def y certain s tereotyp es o f aging? 10.Older p eople suff er discrimina tion , and o ften , so do teena gers. Comp are the discrimina tion o f the elderly to tha t of teena gers. Wha t do the groups share in c ommon and ho w are the y diff erent? 13.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Aging 11.Rememb er Madame J eanne C alment o f Franc e was the w orld's oldes t living p erson until she die d at 122 years old? C onsider her lif e experienc es from all three so ciologic al points o f view . Analyz e her situa tion as if you w ere a functionalis t, a s ymb olic interactionis t, and a c onflict theoris t. 12.Which lif estyle do y ou think is he althies t for a ging p eople —activity , continuity , or diseng agement theories? Wha t are the pros and c ons o f each theor y? F ind e xamples o f real people who illus trate the theories , either from y our o wn e xperienc e or y our friends’ rela tionships with older p eople . Do y our e xamples sho w positiv e or neg ative asp ects o f the theor y the y illus trate? Further R esear ch 13.1 Who Ar e the Elderly? Aging in Society Greg ory Ba tor f ounde d the television sho wGrac eful Aging and then dev elop ed a w eb site o ffering shor t video clips from the sho w. The purp ose o fGrac eful Aging is to b oth inf orm and enter tain , with clips on topics such as sleep , driving , health , safety, and leg al is sues . Bator, a la wyer, works on c ounseling seniors a bout their legal nee ds. Log onto Grac eful Aging (http://openstax.org/l/grac eful_ aging )for a visual unders tanding o f aging . 13.2 The Pr ocess of Aging Read the ar ticle “A Study o f Sexuality and He alth among Older A dults in the Unite d Sta tes” (http://openstax.org/l/N ew_England_ journal_me dicine) . 13.3 Challenges F acing the Elderly Veterans who ser ved in the U .S. Arme d Forces during v arious c onflicts represent c ohor ts. Veterans share certain asp ects o f life in c ommon . To find inf orma tion on v eteran p opula tions and ho w the y are a ging , study the inf orma tion on the w eb site o f the U.S. Dep artment o f Veterans Affairs (http://openstax.org/l/ Dep _Veterans _Affairs) . Learn more a bout the Honor Flight N etwork (http://openstax.org/l/honor _flight) , the org aniza tion o ffering trips to na tional w ar memorials in W ashington , DC, at no c ost to the v eterans . 13.4 Theor etical P erspectives on Aging New Dynamics o f Aging is a w eb site pro duced by an interdisciplinar y team a t the Univ ersity o f Sheffield . It is supp osedly the larg est rese arch program on a ging in the Unite d King dom to da te. In s tudying the experienc es o f aging and factors tha t shap e aging , including b ehaviors , biolog y, health , culture , his tory, economics , and technolog y, rese archers are promoting he alth y aging and helping disp el stereotyp es.Learn more b y logging onto it 's website here (http://openstax.org/l/new _dynamics _aging ). 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📚 Aging and Family Dynamics
🧓 Aging demographics are shifting dramatically, with married households dropping from 66% to 45% between 1960-2010, fundamentally changing family structures and societal assumptions
👨👩👧 Family definitions have evolved beyond traditional structures to include various arrangements based on emotional connections and economic partnerships rather than strictly defined roles
👵 Elder care challenges include abuse, neglect, financial exploitation, and healthcare access issues that disproportionately affect vulnerable aging populations
🔄 Theoretical perspectives on aging include continuity theory, activity theory, disengagement theory, and exchange theory, each offering different frameworks for understanding the aging process
💑 Modern relationships increasingly form outside traditional marriage structures while still creating meaningful family bonds and support systems
🏛️ Institutional responses to aging populations, including prison systems, healthcare, and retirement programs, struggle to adapt to demographic shifts and changing needs
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Hob oken, NJ: W iley. 13.3 Challenges F acing the Elderly Acierno , R., Melb a A. Hernande z, Ananda B . Ams tadter , Heidi S. R esnick , Kenneth Stev e, Wendy Muzzy , and Dean G . Kilp atrick . 2010. “P revalenc e and C orrela tes o f Emotional , Physical, Sexual , Financial Abuse and Potential N eglect in the Unite d Sta tes.”Americ an J ournal o f Public He alth 100:292–7. Adminis tration on Aging . 2009. “Da ta Sourc es on the Imp act o f the 2008 F inancial C risis on the E conomic Well-b eing o f Older Americ ans Aging F orum R eport Issue #1. ” Retriev ed February 13, 2012 (http://www.agings tats.gov/Main_ Site/do cs/DSO A_Aging _Brief. pdf). Brownell , Patricia. 2010. “ Social Is sues and So cial P olicy R esponse to Abuse and N eglect o f Older A dults .” Pp . 1–16 in Aging , Ageism and Abuse: Mo ving from A warenes s to A ction , edite d by G. Gutman and C . Spencer. Ams terdam , the N etherlands: Elsevier . Glantz, Aaron . 2010. “ Suicide Ra tes So ar among W WII V ets, Records Sho w.”The Ba y Citiz en, Novemb er 11. Retriev ed February 27, 2012 ( http://www.baycitiz en.org/veterans /story/suicide -rates-soar-among-w wii- vets/comments /#comments). Honor Flight N etwork. 2011. R etriev ed Septemb er 22, 2011 ( http://www.honor flight .org/). Kohn , Robert, and W endy V erho ek-Ofte dahl . 2011. “ Caregiving and Elder Abuse .”Medicine & He alth Rho de Island 94(2):47–49. National C enter f or V eterans Analy sis and Sta tistics. 2011. “ VA Benefits and He alth C are Utiliza tion .” Novemb er 9. R etriev ed February 13, 2012 ( http://www.va.gov/Vetda ta/docs/Quickfacts / 4x6_ fall_11_ sharep oint _Final .pdf). National C enter o f Elder Abuse . 2011. “Major T ypes o f Elder Abuse .” Retriev ed Januar y 21, 2012 (http://ncea.ao a.gov/FAQ/Type_Abuse/). Stuar t, Spencer. 2008. “Le ading CEOs: A Sta tistical Snapshot o f S&P 500 Le aders .” Retriev ed February 13, 2012 (http://content .spencerstuar t.com/s swebsite/p df/lib/2005_ CEO _Study _JS.pdf). Urb an Ins titute and K aiser C ommis sion . 2010. “P overty Ra te by Ag e.” Retriev ed Januar y 21, 2012 (http://www.statehe althfacts .org/comp areb ar.jsp?ind=10&c at=1"). U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2009. “ Webinar on 2008 Inc ome , Poverty, and He alth Insuranc e Es tima tes from the Current P opula tion Sur vey.” Retriev ed February 13, 2012 ( http://www.census .gov/new sroom/rele ases / archiv es/new s_conferenc es/2009-09-10_remarks _johnson .html). U.S. Dep artment o f Veteran Affairs . 2010. “ Veteran P opula tion P rojections FY 2000 to FY2036. ” Dec emb er. 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Cumming , Elaine , and W illiam Earl Henr y. 1961. Growing Old .New Y ork: Basic . Dowd, James J . 1975. " Aging as Ex chang e: A P refac e to Theor y."Journal o f Gerontolog y30:584–594. Havinghurs t, R.J. 1961. "Suc cessful Aging ."The Gerontologis t1:8–13. Havinghurs t, Robert, Bernic e Neugarten, and Sheldon T obin . 1968. “P atterns o f Aging .” Pp . 161–172 in Middle Age and Aging , edite d by B. Neugarten. Chic ago, IL: Univ ersity o f Chic ago Press. Hothschild , Arlie . 1975. “Diseng agement Theor y: A C ritique and P roposal .”Americ an So ciologic al Review 40:563–569. Human Rights W atch. 2012. Old Behind Bars: The Aging P rison P opula tion in the Unite d Sta tes. Retriev ed February 2, 2012 ( http://www.hrw.org/rep orts/2012/01/27/old-b ehind-b ars). Leadership C onferenc e. N.d. “Chapter Three: Rac e, Sentencing and the “ Tough C rime ” Mo vement .” Retriev ed February 2, 2012 ( http://www.civilrights .org/public ations /jus tice-on-trial/sentencing .html). Lemon , B., V. Bengtson , and J . Petersen . 1972. “ An Explora tion o f the A ctivity Theor y of Aging: A ctivity T ypes and Lif e Exp ecta tion among In-Mo vers to a R etirement C ommunity .”Journal o f Gerontolog y27:511–23. Li, Wiehua and Lewis , Nic ole. 2020. “ This Char t Sho ws Wh y the P rison P opula tion Is So V ulnera ble to COVID-19. ” The Marshall P roject . (https:/ /www.themarshallproject .org/2020/03/19/this -char t-sho ws-wh y- the-prison-p opula tion-is -so-vulnera ble-to-covid-19) Reese , Hop e. 2019. “ Wha t Should W e Do Ab out Our Aging P rison P opula tion? ” JSTOR Daily . (https:/ /daily .jstor.org/wha t-should-w e-do-about-our -aging-prison-p opula tion/) Rile y, Ma tilda While , Marilyn J ohnson , and Anne F oner . 1972. Aging and So ciety . Volume III, A So ciolog y of Ag e Stra tific ation . New Y ork: R ussell Sa ge Founda tion . Rose, Arnold . 1960. “ The Sub culture o f the Aging: A T opic f or So ciologic al Research .”The Gerontologis t 2:123–127. Torns tam Lars . 2005. Gerotransc endenc e: A Dev elopmental Theor y of Positiv e Aging . New Y ork: S pring er Publishing C omp any. U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2011. Statistical Abs tract 2011: T able 147. R etriev ed February 13, 2012 (http://www.census .gov/comp endia /statab/cats/health_nutrition/me dicare_me dicaid.html). U.S. E qual Emplo yment Opp ortunity C ommis sion . 2012. “ The Ag e Discrimina tion in Emplo yment A ct 1967 (ADEA). ” Retriev ed Januar y 30, 2012 ( http://www.eeoc.gov/laws/statutes /ade a.cfm). Warren , Jenif er. 2002. “ The Gra ying o f the P risons .”Los Ang eles Times , June 9. R etriev ed February 2, 2012 (http://articles .latimes .com/2002/jun/09/lo cal/me -cons9).408 13 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 14.1 If we see a y oung c ouple in a park, what do w e as sume about them? Ar e our as sump tions based on what w e see , or what w e’ve experienc ed? (Cr edit: Jar osla v A. Polák/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 14.1 What Is Marriag e? What Is a F amil y? 14.2 Variations in F amil y Lif e 14.3 Chal leng es F amilies F ace Elena and C am met through friends when the y were in their e arly tw enties . Elena had b een out o f colleg e for tw o years and w orked in the city pro curement o ffice; she to ok gradua te clas ses in op erations mana gement , but she ’d nee d a f ew more y ears to finish her Mas ter’s. Cam had rec eived extensiv e computing training while in the N avy, and w as a da tabase architect a t an insuranc e comp any. In their firs t few y ears o f dating , the ide a of marria ge came up mos tly through other p eople . Friends’ w eddings seeme d lik e monthly ev ents , and “ who ’s ne xt?” small talk w as una voida ble. Elena ’s grandmother and a unts adde d to the chor us; the y talk ed about their home c ountr y, where w omen w ere marrie d with a c ouple o f children b y the time the y re ache d Elena ’s age. (Elena o ften p ointe d out tha t the y were wrong , and the a verage age of marria ge had b een climbing f or dec ades .) These pres sures w ere pret ty minor a t firs t. The y came in the form o f jok es, wedding dres s texts, and the o ccasional insult a bout C am’s salar y. But ev ery onc e in a while someone w ould sit Elena do wn f or a serious talk , or c orner C am while he w as a t a family g athering . Mos t of Elena ’s family pre dicte d tha t things w ould chang e when she e arne d her gradua te degree and c ould14Relationships, Marriage, and F amily “focus on her family .” Things did chang e; Elena b ecame c omplianc e officer for the o ffice of city ser vices, resulting in almos t a ten p ercent incre ase in her salar y. Cam b ecame a sup ervisor three months la ter. The y moved out o f their ap artment , which w as in C am’s mother ’s garage, and into their o wn plac e do wnto wn. The y were happ y. The y were c ommit ted to e ach other . The y didn ’t get marrie d. Five years la ter, Elena and C am w ere s till living do wnto wn, but the y’d trade d their rental f or a c ondo . Aside from w ork, the y co-founde d a nonpro fit where Elena ta ught financial literacy and C am ran c omputing b oot camps f or rec ent immigrants and refug ees. Ma ybe it w as the hundre ds o f children the y met through the organiza tion , or ma ybe it w as seeing their friends’ kids , or ma ybe it w as b eing in her thir ties, but Elena realized she w ante d to b e a mother . The y started the adoption pro cess, and eighteen months la ter w elcome d a young girl who had b een b orn in another c ountr y. When did Elena and C am b ecome a family? W as it when the y mo ved in tog ether? When the y adopte d the child? Does their not b eing marrie d ma tter? 14.1 What Is Marriage? What Is a F amily? LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe society ’s curr ent unders tanding o f famil y •Recogniz e chang es in marriag e and famil y pat terns •Differentiat e betw een lines o f desc ent and r esidenc e FIGURE 14.2 If you ask ed a smal l child who is in their famil y, their r esponse might depend mor e on their living arrangements than on their unders tanding o f formal famil y structur es. Marria ge and family are k ey structures in man y so cieties . Man y of us le arn from a y oung a ge tha t finding and joining the right p erson is a k ey to happines s and security . We’re told tha t children nee d tw o parents . Man y of the tax la ws, me dical la ws, retirement b enefit la ws, and b anking and lo an pro cesses seem to fa vor or as sume marria ge. Should those as sumptions b e chang ed? Is marria ge still the f ounda tion o f the family and our society? In 1960, 66 p ercent o f households in Americ a were he aded by a marrie d couple . Tha t me ant tha t mos t children grew up in such households , as did their friends and e xtende d families . Marria ge could c ertainly b e seen as the f ounda tion o f the culture . By 2010, tha t numb er o f households he aded by marrie d couples had dropp ed to 45 p ercent (L uscomb e 2014). The appro xima tely 20 p ercent drop is more than jus t a s tatistic; it has signific ant practic al eff ects . It me ans tha t ne arly ev ery child in mos t parts of Americ a is either in or is close to a family tha t is not he aded by a marrie d couple . It me ans tha t teachers and c ounselors and ev en p eople who meet children in a res taurant c an’t assume the y liv e with tw o marrie d parents . Some view this decline as a410 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. problem with outc omes rela ted to v alues , crime , financial s trength , and mental he alth . Sociologis ts ma y study that viewp oint to determine if it is actually tr ue. Wha t is marria ge? N ot ev en so ciologis ts are a ble to a gree on a single me aning . For our purp oses , we’ll define marria geas a leg ally rec ogniz ed so cial c ontract b etween tw o people , traditionally b ased on a se xual rela tionship and implying a p ermanenc e of the union . In practicing cultural rela tivism , we should also consider v aria tions , such as whether a leg al union is re quire d, whether more than tw o people c an b e involved, or whether the marria ge is a religious one or a civil one . Sociologis ts are interes ted in the rela tionship b etween the ins titution o f marria ge and the ins titution o f family because, his toric ally, marria ges are wha t cre ate a family , and families are the mos t basic so cial unit up on which so ciety is built . Both marria ge and family cre ate status roles tha t are sanctione d by so ciety . The ques tion o f wha t constitutes a family ma y be an ev en more difficult one to ans wer; it ’s a prime are a of deb ate in family so ciolog y, as w ell as in p olitics and religion . Social c onser vatives tend to define the family in terms o f structure with e ach family memb er filling a c ertain role ( like father , mother , or child). So ciologis ts, on the other hand , tend to define family more in terms o f the manner in which memb ers rela te to one another than on a s trict c onfigura tion o f status roles . Here , we’ll define family as a so cially rec ogniz ed group (usually joine d by blo od, marria ge, cohabita tion , or adoption) tha t forms an emotional c onnection and ser ves as an economic unit o f society . Sociologis ts identif y diff erent typ es o f families b ased on ho w one enters into them . A family of orientat ion refers to the family into which a p erson is b orn. Afamily of pro creation describ es one that is f orme d through marria ge. These dis tinctions ha ve cultural signific ance rela ted to is sues o f line age. Drawing on tw o so ciologic al paradigms , the so ciologic al unders tanding o f wha t constitutes a family c an b e explaine d by symb olic interactionism as w ell as functionalism . These tw o theories indic ate tha t families are groups in which p articip ants view themselv es as family memb ers and act ac cordingly . In other w ords , families are groups in which p eople c ome tog ether to f orm a s trong primar y group c onnection and maintain emotional ties to one another o ver a long p erio d of time . Such families ma y include groups o f close friends or te amma tes. In addition , the functionalis t persp ectiv e view s families as groups tha t perform vital roles f or so ciety —both internally (f or the family itself ) and e xternally (f or so ciety as a whole). F amilies pro vide f
🏠 Evolving Family Structures
📊 Family definitions vary widely, with 99.8% of Americans considering husband-wife-children arrangements as families, while acceptance drops significantly for unmarried couples (39.6%) and same-sex couples without children (33%)
👨👩👧👦 Traditional family patterns are shifting dramatically, with Millennials nearly split 50/50 between family/non-family living compared to the two-thirds/one-third split of Boomers and Gen X
🌍 Cultural variations in family structures include bilateral descent (60% of societies), unilateral descent (40%), and different residency patterns (patrilocal, matrilocal) that significantly impact gender dynamics
💍 Marriage practices continue evolving, with 39% of Americans believing marriage is becoming obsolete, while polygamy remains rare globally (practiced by only 11% of people in regions where it's accepted)
📺 Media representation of families has transformed over time, reflecting and sometimes influencing societal attitudes about what constitutes a "normal" family
🔄 Family life cycle theories have evolved from rigid stage-based models to more fluid approaches that better accommodate diverse family forms and changing social norms
or one another ’s physical, emotional , and so cial w ell-b eing . Parents c are f or and so cializ e children . Later in lif e, adult children often c are f or elderly p arents . While interactionism helps us unders tand the subjectiv e experienc e of belonging to a “family ,” functionalism illumina tes the man y purp oses o f families and their roles in the maintenanc e of a b alanc ed so ciety (P arsons and Bales 1956). W e will g o into more detail a bout ho w these theories apply to family in the f ollowing p ages. Challenges F amilies F ace People in the Unite d Sta tes as a whole are somewha t divide d when it c omes to determining wha t do es and wha t do es not c onstitute a family . In a 2010 sur vey conducte d by pro fessors a t the Univ ersity o f Indiana, ne arly all p articip ants (99.8 p ercent) a gree d tha t a husb and , wif e, and children c onstitute a family . Ninety -two percent s tated tha t a husb and and a wif e without children s till c onstitute a family . The numb ers drop f or les s traditional s tructures: unmarrie d couples with children (83 p ercent), unmarrie d couples without children (39.6 p ercent), g ay male c ouples with children (64 p ercent), and g ay male c ouples without children (33 percent) (P owell et al . 2010). This sur vey rev ealed tha t children tend to b e the k ey indic ator in es tablishing “family ” status: the p ercenta ge of individuals who a gree d tha t unmarrie d couples and g ay couples c onstitute a family ne arly double d when children w ere adde d. The s tudy also rev ealed tha t 60 p ercent o f U.S. resp ondents a gree d tha t if y ou c onsider y ourself a family , you are a family (a c oncept tha t reinf orces an interactionis t persp ectiv e) (P owell 2010). The g overnment , however, is not so fle xible in its definition o f “family .” The U .S. C ensus B ureau defines a family as “ a group o f two people or more (one o f whom is the householder) rela ted by bir th, marria ge, or adoption and residing tog ether ” (U.S. Census B ureau 2010). While this s tructure d definition c an b e use d as a me ans to c onsis tently track family -14.1 • Wha t Is Marriag e? Wha t Is a F amil y? 411 rela ted patterns o ver sev eral y ears, it e xcludes individuals such as c ohabita ting unmarrie d couples . Leg ality aside , sociologis ts w ould argue tha t the g eneral c oncept o f family is more div erse and les s structure d than in years p ast. Society has giv en more leew ay to the design o f a family making ro om f or wha t works f or its memb ers (J ayson 2010). Family is , indee d, a subjectiv e concept, but it is a fairly objectiv e fact tha t family ( wha tever one ’s concept o f it may be) is v ery imp ortant to p eople in the Unite d Sta tes. In a 2010 sur vey by Pew R esearch C enter in Washington , DC, 76 p ercent o f adults sur veyed stated tha t family is “ the mos t imp ortant ” element o f their life—jus t one p ercent said it w as “not imp ortant ” (Pew R esearch C enter 2010). It is also v ery imp ortant to society . President R onald R eagan nota bly s tated, “The family has alw ays been the c orners tone o f Americ an society . Our families nur ture , preser ve, and p ass on to e ach suc ceeding g enera tion the v alues w e share and cherish , values tha t are the f ounda tion o f our free doms” (Lee 2009). While the design o f the family ma y ha ve chang ed in rec ent y ears, the fundamentals o f emotional closenes s and supp ort are s till present . Mos t resp onders to the P ew sur vey stated tha t their family to day is a t least as close (45 p ercent) or closer (40 percent) than the family with which the y grew up (P ew R esearch C enter 2010). As y ou ma y ha ve seen in the chapter on Aging and the Elderly , diff erent g enera tions ha ve varying living situa tions and view s on a ging . The same g oes for living situa tions with family . The P ew R esearch C enter analyz ed living situa tion o f 40- year-olds from diff erent g enera tions . At tha t age, Millennials indic ated tha t 45 percent o f them w ere not living in a family o f their o wn. In c ontras t, when Gen X ers and Ba by Bo omers w ere about 40 y ears old (around 2003 and 1987, resp ectiv ely), an a verage of 33 p ercent o f them liv ed outside o f a family (Barroso 2020). The dynamic o f ne arly a 50-50 split b etween family /non-family f or Millennials is v ery different from a tw o-third/one third split o f Bo omers and Gen X . The da ta also sho w tha t women are ha ving children la ter in lif e and tha t men are much les s lik ely to liv e in a household with their o wn children . In 2019, 32 p ercent o f Millennial men w ere living in a household with their children , comp ared to 41 p ercent o f Gen X men in 2003 and 44 p ercent o f Bo omer men in 1987 (Barroso 2020). Ag ain, the signific ant drop o ff in p arenting roles lik ely has an imp act on a ttitudes to ward family . Alongside the deb ate surrounding wha t constitutes a family is the ques tion o f wha t people in the Unite d Sta tes believ e constitutes a marria ge. Man y religious and so cial c onser vatives b eliev e tha t marria ge can only e xist between a man and a w oman , citing religious scripture and the b asics o f human repro duction as supp ort. Social lib erals and progres sives, on the other hand , believ e tha t marria ge can e xist between tw o consenting adults —be the y a man and a w oman , or a w oman and a w oman—and tha t it w ould b e discrimina tory to den y such a c ouple the civil , social, and ec onomic b enefits o f marria ge. Marriage P atterns With single p arenting and cohabitat ion (when a c ouple shares a residenc e but not a marria ge) becoming more accepta ble in rec ent y ears, people ma y be les s motiv ated to g et marrie d. In a rec ent sur vey, 39 p ercent o f resp ondents ans wered “yes” when ask ed whether marria ge is b ecoming obsolete (P ew R esearch C enter 2010). The ins titution o f marria ge is lik ely to c ontinue , but some previous p atterns o f marria ge will b ecome outda ted as new p atterns emerg e. In this c onte xt, cohabita tion c ontributes to the phenomenon o f people g etting marrie d for the firs t time a t a la ter a ge than w as typic al in e arlier g enera tions (Gle zer 1991). F urthermore , marria ge will c ontinue to b e dela yed as more p eople plac e educ ation and c areer ahe ad o f “settling do wn.” One P artner or Many? People in the Unite d Sta tes typic ally e qua te marria ge with monog amy, when someone is marrie d to only one person a t a time . In man y countries and cultures around the w orld , however, having one sp ouse is not the only form o f accepte d marria ge, even if it is the mos t common .Polygamy, or b eing marrie d to more than one person a t a time , is ac cepte d to v arying degrees around the w orld , with mos t polygamous so cieties e xisting in northern Afric a and e ast Asia (OECD 2019). Ins tanc es o f polygamy are almos t exclusiv ely in the f orm o f a man being marrie d to more than one w oman a t the same time , rather than a w oman b eing marrie d to more than412 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. one man (A ltman and Gina t 1996). While the majority o f societies ac cept p olygamy, the majority o f people do not practic e it. Even in the regions where it is mos t common , only an a verage of 11 p ercent o f the p opula tion liv es in arrang ements tha t include more than one sp ouse (K ramer 2020). In these rela tionships , the husb ands are o ften older , wealth y, high- status men (A ltman and Gina t 1996). The a verage plural marria ge involves no more than three wiv es. Negev Bedouin men in Israel , for e xample , typic ally ha ve tw o wiv es, although it is ac cepta ble to ha ve up to f our (Griv er 2008). As urb aniza tion incre ases in these cultures , polygamy is lik ely to decre ase as a result o f gre ater access to mas s me dia, technolog y, and e ducation (A ltman and Gina t 1996). In the Unite d Sta tes, polygamy is illeg al. A rec ent G allup p oll sho wed tha t 21 p ercent o f people b eliev e polygamy is morally ac cepta ble, which is a major incre ase sinc e earlier v ersions o f the same p oll. But the p oll also f ound tha t polygamy was among the le ast accepta ble b ehaviors c onsidere d in the s tudy; f or e xample , polygamy was far les s ac cepta ble than c onsensual se x between teena gers, though it w as more ac cepta ble than a marrie d person ha ving an a ffair (Brenan 2020). The act o f entering into marria ge while s till marrie d to another p erson is ref erre d to as bigamyand is c onsidere d a f elon y in mos t states. Residency and Lines of Descent When c onsidering one ’s line age, mos t people in the Unite d Sta tes lo ok to b oth their fa ther ’s and mother ’s sides . Both p aternal and ma ternal anc estors are c onsidere d part of one ’s family . This p attern o f tracing kinship is calledbilateral desc ent. Note tha tkinship , or one ’s trac eable anc estry, can b e based on blo od or marria ge or adoption . Sixty p ercent o f societies , mos tly mo derniz ed na tions , follow a bila teral desc ent p attern . Unilateral desc ent (the tracing o f kinship through one p arent only ) is practic ed in the other 40 p ercent o f the world ’s so cieties , with high c oncentra tion in p astoral cultures (O ’Neal 2006). There are three typ es o f unila teral desc ent: patriline al, which f ollows the fa ther ’s line only; matriline al, which follows the mother ’s side only; and ambiline al, which f ollows either the fa ther ’s only or the mother ’s side only , dep ending on the situa tion . In p atriline al so cieties , such as those in r ural China and India, only males c arry on the family surname . This giv es males the pres tige of permanent family memb ership while f emales are seen as only temp orar y memb ers (Harrell 2001). U .S. so ciety as sumes some asp ects o f patriline al dec ent. For ins tanc e, mos t children as sume their fa ther ’s las t name ev en if the mother retains her bir th name . In ma triline al so cieties , inheritanc e and family ties are trac ed to w omen . Ma triline al desc ent is c ommon in Native Americ an so cieties , nota bly the C row and Cherok ee trib es. In these so cieties , children are seen as belonging to the w omen and , theref ore, one ’s kinship is trac ed to one ’s mother , grandmother , gre at grandmother , and so on (Mails 1996). In ambiline al so cieties , which are mos t common in Southe ast Asian countries , parents ma y cho ose to as sociate their children with the kinship o f either the mother or the fa ther . This choic e ma y be based on the desire to f ollow strong er or more pres tigious kinship lines or on cultural customs such as men f ollowing their fa ther ’s side and w omen f ollowing their mother ’s side (Lamb ert 2009). Tracing one ’s line o f desc ent to one p arent ra ther than the other c an b e relev ant to the is sue o f residenc e. In man y cultures , newly marrie d couples mo ve in with , or ne ar to , family memb ers. In a patrilo cal residenc e system it is cus tomar y for the wif e to liv e with (or ne ar) her husb and ’s blo od rela tives (or family o f orienta tion). Patrilo cal systems c an b e trac ed back thousands o f years. In a DN A analy sis o f 4,600- year-old b ones f ound in German y, scientis ts found indic ators o f patrilo cal living arrang ements (Haak et al 2008). P atrilo cal residenc e is thought to b e disadv anta geous to w omen b ecause it mak es them outsiders in the home and c ommunity; it also keeps them disc onnecte d from their o wn blo od rela tives. In China, where p atrilo cal and p atriline al cus toms are c ommon , the writ ten s ymb ols f or ma ternal grandmother ( wáipá) are sep arately transla ted to me an “outsider ” and “ women ” (Cohen 2011). Similarly , inmatrilo cal residenc esystems , where it is cus tomar y for the husb and to liv e with his wif e’s blo od rela tives (or her family o f orienta tion), the husb and c an f eel disc onnecte d and c an b e labeled as an outsider . The Minangka bau people , a ma trilo cal so ciety tha t is indig enous to the highlands o f West Suma tra in14.1 • Wha t Is Marriag e? Wha t Is a F amil y? 413 Indonesia, b eliev e tha t home is the plac e of women and the y giv e men lit tle p ower in is sues rela ting to the home or family (J oseph and N ajma badi 2003). Mos t societies tha t use p atrilo cal and p atriline al systems are patriarchal , but v ery few so cieties tha t use ma trilo cal and ma triline al systems are ma triarchal , as family lif e is often c onsidere d an imp ortant p art of the culture f or w omen , reg ardles s of their p ower rela tive to men . Stages of F amily Lif e FIGURE 14.3 The ability f or par ents t o socializ e and the types o f events the y can at tend is o ften influenc ed b y the ages and char acteristics o f their childr en. P reparing t o go out with a f our-year-old is usual ly much easier than doing so with a f our-month-old, but the f our-year-old needs t o be w atched mor e car efully. As childr en gr ow and families have mor e childr en, and perhaps include e xtended families , members’ liv es and perspectiv e chang e. (Cr edit: El vert Barnes/flickr) As w e’ve es tablishe d, the c oncept o f family has chang ed gre atly in rec ent dec ades . His toric ally, it w as o ften thought tha t man y families ev olved through a series o f pre dicta ble s tages. Dev elopmental or “ stage” theories used to pla y a prominent role in family so ciolog y (Strong and De Vault 1992). T oday, however, these mo dels have been criticiz ed for their line ar and c onventional as sumptions as w ell as f or their failure to c apture the diversity o f family f orms . While reviewing some o f these onc e-popular theories , it is imp ortant to identif y their strengths and w eaknes ses. The set o f pre dicta ble s teps and p atterns families e xperienc e over time is ref erre d to as the family lif e cy cle. One o f the firs t designs o f the family lif e cy cle w as dev elop ed by Paul Glick in 1955. In Glick ’s original design , he as serted tha t mos t people will gro w up , establish families , rear and la unch their children , experienc e an “empty nes t” perio d, and c ome to the end o f their liv es. This cy cle will then c ontinue with e ach subse quent genera tion (Glick 1989). Glick ’s colleague, Evelyn Duv all, ela borated on the family lif e cy cle b y dev eloping these clas sic s tages o f family (Strong and De Vault 1992):414 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Stage Theor y Stage Famil y Type Childr en 1 Marriag e Famil y Childles s 2 Procreation F amil y Childr en ag es 0 t o 2.5 3 Preschooler F amil y Childr en ag es 2.5 t o 6 4 School -age Famil y Childr en ag es 6–13 5 Teenag e Famil y Childr en ag es 13–20 6 Launching F amil y Childr en begin t o lea ve home 7 Emp ty Nes t Famil y “Emp ty nes t”; adul t childr en ha ve left home TABLE 14.1 This table sho ws one e xample o f how a “ stage” theor y might categorize the phases a famil y goes thr ough. The family lif e cy cle w as use d to e xplain the diff erent pro cesses tha t occur in families o ver time . Sociologis ts view e ach s tage as ha ving its o wn s tructure with diff erent challeng es, achiev ements , and ac complishments that transition the family from one s tage to the ne xt. For e xample , the problems and challeng es tha t a family experienc es in Sta ge 1 as a marrie d couple with no children are lik ely much diff erent than those e xperienc ed in Sta ge 5 as a marrie d couple with teena gers. The suc cess of a family c an b e me asure d by ho w w ell the y adapt to these challeng es and transition into e ach s tage. While so ciologis ts use the family lif e cy cle to s tudy the dynamics o f family o ver time , consumer and mark eting rese archers ha ve use d it to determine wha t goods and services families nee d as the y progres s through e ach s tage (Murph y and Staples 1979). As e arly “ stage” theories ha ve been criticiz ed for g eneralizing family lif e and not ac counting f or diff erenc es in gender , ethnicity , culture , and lif estyle, les s rigid mo dels o f the family lif e cy cle ha ve been dev elop ed. One example is the family lif e course , which rec ogniz es the ev ents tha t occur in the liv es o f families but view s them as p arting terms o f a fluid c ourse ra ther than in c onsecutiv e stages (Strong and De Vault 1992). This typ e of mo del ac counts f or chang es in family dev elopment , such as the fact tha t in to day’s so ciety , childb earing does not alw ays occur with marria ge. It also she ds light on other shifts in the w ay family lif e is practic ed. Society ’s mo dern unders tanding o f family rejects rigid “ stage” theories and is more ac cepting o f new , fluid models . The Ev olution of T elevision F amilies Whether y ou gr ew up w atching the Huxtables , the Simpsons , the K ardashians , or the Johnsons , mos t of the dr ama or comedy y ou sa w in volved the r elationships , tensions , chal leng es, and sometimes ridiculousnes s of famil y life. You may ha ve also seen a gr eat deal o f chang e. The 1960s w as the height o f the suburban U .S. nuclear famil y on television with sho ws such as The Donna R eed Sho wand Father K nows Bes t. While some sho ws of this er a portrayed single par ents ( My Thr ee Sons and Bonanza , for ins tanc e), the single s tatus almos t always resul ted fr om being wido wed—not div orced or un wed. Although famil y dynamics in r eal U .S. homes w ere changing , the e xpectations f or families por trayed on t elevisionSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD14.1 • Wha t Is Marriag e? Wha t Is a
🏠 Evolving Family Structures
📺 Television portrayals of families have shifted dramatically from idealized nuclear families in the 1950s to today's diverse representations including single parents, blended families, same-sex couples, and multigenerational households
🧩 Non-traditional families now dominate American households, with only 66% of children living with two married parents—down from 77% in 1980—while single-parent households (32%), blended families (16%), and foster arrangements continue to rise
👫 Cohabitation has surged as social stigma decreases, with 15% of young adults living with unmarried partners—many viewing it as a trial run for marriage or a practical financial arrangement
🌈 Same-sex couples have increased by 50% since 2000, comprising 1.5% of partner-headed households, with research showing no quantifiable differences in parenting outcomes compared to opposite-sex parents
💍 Single living represents a growing lifestyle choice rather than a rejection of marriage, with approximately 30% of American adults neither married nor in committed relationships—a status influenced by age, gender, race, and geography
💔 The commonly cited "50% divorce rate" is misleading; more accurate cohort studies suggest the highest U.S. divorce rate has been around 41%, highlighting how statistical methods can produce contradictory conclusions
F amil y? 415 were not. The Unit ed Stat es’ firs t reality sho w,An American F amil yaired on PBS in 1973. The sho w chr onicled Bil l and P at Loud and their childr en. During the series , the oldes t son, L ance, announc ed to the famil y that he w as g ay, and at the series’ c onclusion, Bil l and P at decided t o div orce. Although the L oud’ s union w as among the 30 per cent of marriag es that ended in div orce in 1973, the famil y was featur ed on the c over of the Mar ch 12 is sue o fNewsweek with the title “ The Br oken F amil y” (Ruo ff 2002). Less traditional famil y structur es in sit coms g ained popularity in the 1980s with sho ws such as Diff’rent Str okes(a wido wed man with tw o adop ted African American sons) and One Da y at a Time (a div orced w oman with tw o teenag e daught ers). Stil l, traditional families such as those in Famil y Ties and The Cosb y Sho wdominat ed the r atings . The late 1980s and the 1990s sa w the intr oduction o f the dy sfunctional famil y. Sho ws such as Roseanne ,Married with Childr en, and The Simpsons portrayed tr aditional nuclear families , but in a much les s flat tering light than those fr om the 1960s did (Museum o f Broadcas t Communications 2011). In the earl y 2000s , the nontr aditional famil y has bec ome some what o f a tr adition in t elevision. While man y situation comedies f ocus on single men and w omen without childr en, those that do por tray families o ften s tray from the clas sic s tructur e: the y include unmarried and div orced par ents , adop ted childr en, g ay or lesbian c ouples , and multigener ational households . In 2009, ABC emphasiz ed the chang es in famil y dynamics with their choic e of title f orModern F amil y. The sho w follows an e xtended famil y that includes a div orced and r emarried father with one s tepchild and his biological adul t childr en— one o f whom is in a tr aditional tw o-par ent household, and the other who is a g ay man in a c ommit ted relationship r aising an adop ted daught er.Black -ish, which por trays an e xtended famil y of African Americans , has at man y times deal t with the is sue implied b y its name: That sometimes what it means t o be Black can bring is sues o f interpr etation c onflict, especial ly acr oss gener ations . For example , the childr en o f the c entr al famil y ha ve sho wn interest in “blending in ” with their Whit e friends , which brings neg ative reactions fr om their gr andpar ents . Other sho ws, such as Shameles s, interweave famil y div ersity with c omple x and painful is sues such as addiction. The series has a lar ge cas t of char acters r epresenting diff erent gr oups , and c entr al to the series ar e the r oles o f childr en, rather than par ents , as famil y leaders . “The families on sho ws like this one ar en’t as idealis tic, but the y remain relatable ,” states television critic Maur een R yan. “ The mos t suc cessful sho ws, comedies especial ly, have families that y ou can look at and see par ts of your famil y in them ” (Respers F rance 2010). 14.2 Variations in F amily Lif e LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Recogniz e variations in famil y life •Explain the pr evalenc e and unique char acteristics o f single par ents , blended families , foster car e, cohabitation, same -sex couples , and unmarried individuals •Discus s the social impact o f changing famil y structur es The c ombina tion o f husb and , wif e, and children tha t 99.8 p ercent o f people in the Unite d Sta tes b eliev e constitutes a family is not representa tive of 99.8 p ercent o f U.S. families . According to 2010 c ensus da ta, only 66 p ercent o f children under sev enteen y ears old liv e in a household with tw o marrie d parents . This is a decre ase from 77 p ercent in 1980 (U .S. C ensus 2011). This tw o-parent family s tructure is kno wn as a nucle ar family , ref erring to marrie d parents and children as the nucleus , or c ore, of the group . Recent y ears ha ve seen a rise in v aria tions o f the nucle ar family with the p arents not b eing marrie d. Three p ercent o f children liv e with tw o cohabiting p arents (U .S. C ensus 2011).416 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 14.4 Military families sometimes have to endure long parental absences. The other parent or other family members, including older siblings, often take on more responsibility during deployments. The serving parent faces stress and detachment when they are away. (Credit: The National Guard.) Single Parents, Blended Families, and Foster Families Single-parent households are on the rise. In 2017, 32 percent of children lived with a single parent only, up from 25 percent in 2008. Of that 32 percent, 21 percent live with their mother. Four percent live with their father, which is a percentage that is growing in share; in 1968, for example, only one percent of children lived with a solo father, and three percent lived with a solo father in 2008 (Livingston 2018). About 16 percent of children are living in blended families, those with step parents and/or step-siblings. This number has remained relatively stable since the 1980s when the Census Bureau began reliably measuring it. Four percent of children live in families with couples who are not married. (That number is partially composed of parents in same-sex relationships who were previously prohibited from getting married.) In some cases, parents can no longer care for their children. In 2018, three million children lived with a guardian who was neither their biological nor adoptive parent. The causes range from parental mental health issues, drug use, or incarceration, as well as physical or sexual abuse of the children by the parent, or abandonment by the parent. The wide array of causes leads to a similarly wide array of arrangements and types of people and organizations involved. About half of these children live with grandparents, and about 20 percent live with other relatives (ChildStats 2019). Sometimes a grandparent or other relative temporarily assumes care of children, perhaps informally, while other times the arrangement is longer term and the state or city child welfare or similar department is involved. 25 percent of children who do not live with an adoptive or biological parent live with nonrelatives, including foster parents, temporary guardians, or people in other types of relationships with the child or the child's parents. Non-relative foster parents are state-certified adults, who care for children under the guidance and supervision of a relevant agency. Foster parents comply with guideline and are provided with financial support for the children they care for. (Sometimes the term foster parent refers to a relative who cares for the children under agency guidelines, and sometimes these "kinship" foster parents are also provided financial support.) When children are placed into foster care or other non-parental care, agencies and families usually do their best to keep siblings together. Brothers and sisters usually provide each other with someone to navigate social14.2 • Variations in Family Life 417 challeng es and pro vide c ontinuity o ver time . Studies ha ve sho wn tha t siblings plac ed tog ether sho w more closenes s to their f oster c aregiv ers and lik e living in the f oster home more than those not plac ed with a sibling (Heg ar and R osenthal , 2011). Sep arating siblings c an c ause them to w orry about e ach other or their bir th families , and slo ws ac ceptanc e of their new home (Affronti , Rit tner , & Semanchin J ones , 2015). Siblings sometimes pla y more o f a p arental role themselv es, esp ecially when there are larg e age gaps or if there are v ery young children in volved. These older siblings ma y tak e on some p arental resp onsibilities during a div orce or when children are sent to liv e with others . "Parentifie d" siblings ma y ha ve trouble na vigating the comple xities o f parental roles when the y themselv es are o ften s till v ery young . These e xperienc es c an actually be tra uma tic and le ad to c ompulsiv e disorders as w ell as lif elong is sues with rela tionships and self -care (Lamothe 2017) Chang es in the traditional family s tructure raise ques tions a bout ho w such so cietal shifts a ffect children . U.S. Census s tatistics ha ve long sho wn tha t children living in homes with b oth p arents gro w up with more financial and e ducational adv anta ges than children who are raise d in single -parent homes (U .S. C ensus 1997). P arental marital s tatus seems to b e a signific ant indic ator o f adv ancement in a child ’s life. Children living with a divorced parent typic ally ha ve more adv anta ges than children living with a p arent who nev er marrie d; this is particularly tr ue o f children who liv e with div orced fathers . This c orrela tes with the s tatistic tha t nev er- marrie d parents are typic ally y oung er, have fewer years o f scho oling , and ha ve lower inc omes (U .S. C ensus 1997). Six in ten children living with only their mother liv e ne ar or b elow the p overty lev el. Of those b eing raise d by single mothers , 69 p ercent liv e in or ne ar p overty comp ared to 45 p ercent f or div orced mothers (U .S. Census 1997). Though other factors such as a ge and e duc ation pla y a role in these diff erenc es, it c an b e inferre d tha t marria ge between p arents is g enerally b eneficial f or children . Cohabitation Living tog ether b efore or in lieu o f marria ge is a gro wing option f or man y couples . Cohabita tion is when a man and w oman liv e tog ether in a se xual rela tionship without b eing marrie d. In 2018, 15 p ercent o f young adults ages 25-34 liv e with an unmarrie d partner , up from 12 p ercent 10 y ears a go (Gurrentz 2018). This surg e in cohabita tion is lik ely due to the decre ase in so cial s tigma p ertaining to the practic e. 69 p ercent o f sur veyed Americ ans b eliev e it is ac cepta ble f or adults to liv e tog ether if the y are not currently marrie d or do not plan to get marrie d, while 16 p ercent sa y it is ac cepta ble only if the y plan to g et marrie d. (Horo witz 2019). Cohabita ting c ouples ma y cho ose to liv e tog ether in an eff ort to sp end more time tog ether or to sa ve mone y on living c osts. Man y couples view c ohabita tion as a “ trial r un” for marria ge. 66 p ercent o f marrie d couples who cohabite d but w ere not eng aged sa w cohabita tion as a s tep to ward marria ge. And 44 p ercent o f cohabiting adults who are not y et eng aged or marrie d see mo ving in with their p artner as a s tep to ward marria ge (Horo witz 2019). While c ouples ma y use this time to “ work out the kinks” o f a rela tionship b efore the y wed, the mos t rec ent rese arch has f ound tha t cohabita tion has lit tle eff ect on the suc cess of a marria ge. In fact , those who do not cohabita te before marria ge ha ve slightly b etter ra tes o f remaining marrie d for more than ten y ears (J ayson 2010). C ohabita tion ma y contribute to the incre ase in the numb er o f men and w omen who dela y marria ge. The median a ge for marria ge is the highes t it has ev er b een sinc e the U .S. C ensus k ept rec ords —age tw enty -six f or women and a ge tw enty -eight f or men (U .S. C ensus 2010).418 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 14.5 As sho wn b y this gr aph o f marital s tatus per centag es among y oung adul ts, mor e young people ar e choosing t o dela y or op t out o f marriag e, while the number o f people living with a par tner has incr eased. The o verall number o f people living with either a spouse or a par tner has also declined. (Cr edit: U .S. Census Bur eau) Same-Se x Couples FIGURE 14.6 After being t ogether f or 23 y ears , Phyllis Sieg el (s tanding ) and Connie K opole v were the firs t same - sex couple t o marr y in Ne w York City . (Cr edit: T J Seng al/flickr) The numb er o f same -sex couples has gro wn signific antly in the p ast dec ade. The U .S. C ensus B ureau rep orted 594,000 same -sex couple households in the Unite d Sta tes, a 50 p ercent incre ase from 2000. This incre ase is a result o f more c oupling , the gro wing so cial ac ceptanc e of LGBTQ people , and a subse quent incre ase in p eople ’s willingnes s to share more a bout their identity . Nationally , same -sex couple households mak e up 1.5 p ercent o f the total p artner -headed households in the Unite d Sta tes (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2020). When the 2015 Ob ergefell vs. Ho dges Supreme C ourt decision leg alized same -sex marria ge throughout the Unite d Sta tes, all f ederally14.2 • V aria tions in F amil y Lif e419 manda ted sp ousal rights and b enefits b egan apply to same -sex marrie d couples . These ha ve imp acts on So cial Security and v eterans b enefits , family le ave, and so on . For e xample , when same -sex marria ge was not leg al, an L GBTQ person c ouldn 't tak e the same typ e of family le ave as an opp osite se x sp ouse c ould if their p artner became ill , and c ould ev en b e prohibite d from visiting their p artner in the hospital . In terms o f demographics , same -sex couples are not v ery diff erent from opp osite -sex couples . Same -sex couple households ha ve an a verage age of 52 and an a verage annual household inc ome o f about $107,000; opp osite -sex couple households ha ve an a verage age of 59 and an a verage household inc ome o f $97,000. Same -sex couples are les s lik ely to ha ve children under 18- years-old , with a ra te of 14 p ercent c omp ared to 38 percent o f opp osite -sex couples; note these include b oth marrie d and unmarrie d couples (C ensus B ureau 2020). In an analy sis o f 81 p arenting s tudies , sociologis ts found no quantifia ble da ta to supp ort the notion tha t opp osite -sex parenting is an y better than same -sex parenting . Children o f lesbian c ouples , however, were shown to ha ve slightly lo wer ra tes o f behavioral problems and higher ra tes o f self -esteem (Biblarz and Stac ey 2010). P rior to the na tion wide leg aliza tion , studies also sho wed tha t the ra te of suicide among high scho ol students decline d in s tates where same -sex marria ge was leg al. Suicide is the sec ond-highes t cause o f death among high scho ol students , and it is a tra gic outc ome f or L GBTQ teena gers who f eel unac cepte d or vulnera ble. The evidenc e indic ates tha t the leg aliza tion o f same -sex marria ge had p ositiv e outc omes f or the emotional and mental w ellb eing o f LGBTQ people (J ohns Hopkins Univ ersity 2017). Staying Single About three -in-ten Americ an adults rep ort tha t the y are single , me aning tha t the y are neither marrie d nor in a commit ted rela tionship . Tha t group v aries gre atly b y age and g ender . Half o f men b elow age 30 are single , comp ared with a bout a quar ter o f men b etween a ges 30-64. Ab out 30 p ercent o f women under 30 are single , and tha t drops to 19 p ercent f or w omen b etween 30 and 60 y ears-old . There are also diff erenc es among racial lines , with White and Hisp anic adults les s lik ely to b e single than are Black p eople . Single individuals are f ound in higher c oncentra tions in larg e cities or metrop olitan are as, with N ew Y ork City b eing one o f the highes t. Although b oth single men and single w omen rep ort social pres sure to g et marrie d, women are subject to greater scr utin y. Single w omen are o ften p ortrayed as unhapp y or in some w ay lacking something the y should have. Single men , on the other hand , are typic ally p ortrayed as lif etime b achelors who c annot set tle do wn or simply “ha ve not f ound the right girl .” Single w omen rep ort feeling insecure and displac ed in their families when their single s tatus is disp araged (R oberts 2007). Ho wever, single w omen older than thir ty-five years old report feeling secure and happ y with their unmarrie d status, as man y women in this c ategory ha ve found success in their e ducation and c areers . In g eneral , women f eel more indep endent and more prep ared to liv e a larg e portion o f their adult liv es without a sp ouse or domes tic p artner than the y did in the 1960s (R oberts 2007). The decision to marr y or not to marr y can b e based on a v ariety o f factors including religion and cultural expecta tions . Asian individuals are the mos t lik ely to marr y, while Afric an Americ ans are the le ast lik ely to marr y (Venug opal 2011). A dditionally , individuals who plac e no v alue on religion are more lik ely to b e unmarrie d than those who plac e a high v alue on religion . For Black w omen , however, the imp ortanc e of religion made no diff erenc e in marital s tatus (Bakalar 2010). In g eneral , being single is not a rejection o f marria ge; ra ther , it is a lif estyle tha t do es not nec essarily include marria ge. Deceptiv e Div orce R ates It is o ften cit ed that half o f all marriag es end in div orce. This s tatis tic has made man y people cynical when it comes t o marriag e, but it is misleading . Let’s tak e a closer look at the data .SOCIOL OGICAL RESEAR CH420 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Using National Cent er for Heal th Statis tics data fr om 2003 that sho w a marriag e rate of 7.5 (per 1000 people) and a div orce rate of 3.8, it w ould appear that e xactl y one half o f all marriag es failed (Hurle y 2005). This reasoning is dec eptive, however, because ins tead o f tracing actual marriag es to see their long evity (or lack ther eof), this c ompar es what ar e unr elated s tatis tics: that is , the number o f marriag es in a giv en y ear does not have a dir ect c orrelation t o the div orces oc curring that same y ear. Resear ch published in the New York Times took a diff erent appr oach— determining ho w man y people had e ver been married, and o f those , how man y lat er divorced. The r esul t? Ac cording t o this anal ysis, U.S. div orce rates ha ve onl y gone as high as 41 per cent (Hurle y 2005). Another w ay to calculat e div orce rates w ould be thr ough a c ohor t study . For ins tanc e, we could det ermine the per centag e of marriag es that ar e intact aft er, say, five or se ven y ears , compar ed to marriag es that ha ve ended in div orce aft er fiv e or se ven y ears . Sociological r esear chers mus t remain a ware of resear ch methods and ho w statis tical r esul ts ar e applied. As il lustrated, diff erent methodologies and diff erent int erpr etations can lead t o contr adict ory, and e ven misleading , resul ts. Theor etical P erspectives on Marriage and F amily Sociologis ts study families on b oth the macro and micro lev el to determine ho w families function . Sociologis ts may use a v ariety o f theoretic al
🏠 Family Dynamics & Challenges
🔍 Sociological perspectives interpret family through different lenses: functionalism views families as stabilizing institutions with universal functions, conflict theory examines power struggles within families, and symbolic interactionism sees family as a socially constructed concept with evolving meanings and roles
📊 Divorce patterns reveal significant social trends—rates peaked in 1980 before declining, with variations based on geography, financial stability, and previous family history, while remarriage creates complex blended family structures affecting all members
👶 Children experience unique challenges during family transitions, with divorce impact varying by age, parental proximity, and conflict levels—contrary to expectations, children from low-conflict homes often suffer more from divorce than those from high-conflict situations
🚩 Domestic violence represents a serious challenge facing families, with intimate partner violence affecting family stability and creating lasting trauma for all members involved
🔄 Family roles have evolved significantly over time, with traditional gender-based divisions of instrumental (typically male) and expressive (typically female) responsibilities becoming more fluid as social expectations change
persp ectiv es to e xplain ev ents tha t occur within and outside o f the family . Functionalism When c onsidering the role o f family in so ciety , functionalis ts uphold the notion tha t families are an imp ortant social ins titution and tha t the y pla y a k ey role in s tabilizing so ciety . The y also note tha t family memb ers tak e on s tatus roles in a marria ge or family . The family —and its memb ers—perform c ertain functions tha t facilita te the prosp erity and dev elopment o f society . Sociologis t Georg e Murdo ck c onducte d a sur vey of 250 so cieties and determine d tha t there are f our univ ersal residual functions o f the family: se xual , repro ductiv e, educ ational , and ec onomic (Lee 1985). A ccording to Murdo ck, the family ( which f or him includes the s tate of marria ge) regula tes se xual rela tions b etween individuals . He do es not den y the e xistenc e or imp act o f premarital or e xtramarital se x, but s tates tha t the family o ffers a so cially legitima te se xual outlet f or adults (Lee 1985). This outlet giv es w ay to repro duction , which is a nec essary part of ensuring the sur vival of society . Onc e children are pro duced, the family pla ys a vital role in training them f or adult lif e. As the primar y agent o f socializa tion and encultura tion , the family te aches y oung children the w ays of thinking and b ehaving tha t follow so cial and cultural norms , values , beliefs , and a ttitudes . Parents te ach their children manners and civility . A w ell-mannere d child reflects a w ell-mannere d parent . Parents also te ach children g ender roles . Gender roles are an imp ortant p art of the ec onomic function o f a family . In e ach family , there is a division o f labor tha t consis ts of ins trumental and e xpres sive roles . Men tend to as sume the ins trumental roles in the family , which typic ally in volve work outside o f the family tha t pro vides financial supp ort and es tablishes family s tatus. Women tend to as sume the e xpres sive roles , which typic ally involve work inside o f the family which pro vides emotional supp ort and ph ysical care f or children (C rano and Arono ff 1978). A ccording to functionalis ts, the diff erentia tion o f the roles on the b asis o f sex ensures tha t families are w ell b alanc ed and c oordina ted. When family memb ers mo ve outside o f these roles , the family is thro wn out o f balanc e and mus t rec alibra te in order to function prop erly . For e xample , if the fa ther as sumes an expres sive role such as pro viding da ytime c are f or the children , the mother mus t tak e on an ins trumental role such as g aining p aid emplo yment outside o f the home in order f or the family to maintain b alanc e and function . Conflict Theory Conflict theoris ts are quick to p oint out tha t U.S. families ha ve been define d as priv ate entities , the conse quenc e of which has b een to le ave family ma tters to only those within the family . Man y people in the Unite d Sta tes are resis tant to g overnment inter vention in the family: p arents do not w ant the g overnment to14.2 • V aria tions in F amil y Lif e421 tell them ho w to raise their children or to b ecome in volved in domes tic is sues . Conflict theor y highlights the role o f power in family lif e and c ontends tha t the family is o ften not a ha ven but ra ther an arena where p ower struggles c an o ccur. This e xercise o f power o ften entails the p erformanc e of family s tatus roles . Conflict theoris ts ma y study c onflicts as simple as the enf orcement o f rules from p arent to child , or the y ma y examine more serious is sues such as domes tic violenc e (sp ousal and child), se xual as sault, marital rap e, and inc est. The firs t study o f marital p ower w as p erforme d in 1960. R esearchers f ound tha t the p erson with the mos t access to v alue resourc es held the mos t power. As mone y is one o f the mos t valua ble resourc es, men who worked in p aid la bor outside o f the home held more p ower than w omen who w orked inside the home (Blo od and W olfe 1960). C onflict theoris ts find disputes o ver the division o f household la bor to b e a c ommon sourc e of marital disc ord. Household la bor o ffers no w ages and , theref ore, no p ower. Studies indic ate tha t when men do more housew ork, women e xperienc e more sa tisfaction in their marria ges, reducing the incidenc e of conflict (Coltrane 2000). In g eneral , conflict theoris ts tend to s tudy are as o f marria ge and lif e tha t involve ine qualities or discrep ancies in p ower and a uthority , as the y are reflectiv e of the larg er so cial s tructure . Symbolic Inter actionism Interactionis ts view the w orld in terms o f symb ols and the me anings as signe d to them (LaR ossa and R eitzes 1993). The family itself is a s ymb ol. To some , it is a fa ther , mother , and children; to others , it is an y union tha t involves resp ect and c omp assion . Interactionis ts stres s tha t family is not an objectiv e, concrete re ality . Lik e other so cial phenomena, it is a so cial c onstruct tha t is subject to the ebb and flo w of social norms and ev er- changing me anings . Consider the me aning o f other elements o f family: “p arent ” was a s ymb ol of a biologic al and emotional connection to a child; with more p arent -child rela tionships dev eloping through adoption , remarria ge, or chang e in guardianship , the w ord “p arent ” today is les s lik ely to b e as sociated with a biologic al connection than with who ever is so cially rec ogniz ed as ha ving the resp onsibility f or a child ’s upbringing . Similarly , the terms “mother ” and “fa ther ” are no long er rigidly as sociated with the me anings o f caregiv er and bre adwinner . These me anings are more free -flowing through changing family roles . Interactionis ts also rec ogniz e ho w the family s tatus roles o f each memb er are so cially c onstructe d, pla ying an imp ortant p art in ho w people p erceive and interpret so cial b ehavior . Interactionis ts view the family as a group of role pla yers or “ actors” tha t come tog ether to act out their p arts in an eff ort to c onstruct a family . These roles are up f or interpreta tion . In the la te nineteenth and e arly tw entieth c entur y, a “good father ,” for e xample , was one who w orked hard to pro vide financial security f or his children . Today, a “good father ” is one who tak es the time outside o f work to promote his children ’s emotional w ell-b eing , social skills , and intellectual gro wth—in some w ays, a much more da unting task . 14.3 Challenges F amilies F ace LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the social and int erpersonal impact o f div orce •Describe the social and int erpersonal impact o f famil y abuse As the s tructure o f family chang es o ver time , so do the challeng es families fac e. Events lik e div orce and remarria ge present new difficulties f or families and individuals . Other long-s tanding domes tic is sues such as abuse c ontinue to s train the he alth and s tability o f today’s families . Divor ce and R emarriage Divorce, while fairly c ommon and ac cepte d in mo dern U .S. so ciety , was onc e a w ord tha t would only b e whisp ered and w as ac comp anie d by gestures o f disappro val. In 1960, div orce was g enerally unc ommon , affecting only 9.1 out o f every 1,000 marrie d persons . Tha t numb er more than double d (to 20.3) b y 1975 and peaked in 1980 a t 22.6. O ver the las t quar ter c entur y, div orce ra tes ha ve dropp ed steadily and are no w similar422 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. to those in 1970 ( Wang 2020). The drama tic incre ase in div orce ra tes a fter the 1960s has b een as sociated with the lib eraliza tion o f div orce laws, as w ell as the shift in so cietal mak eup due to w omen incre asingly entering the w orkf orce (Michael 1978). The decre ase in div orce ra tes c an b e attribute d to three prob able factors: F irst, an incre ase in the a ge at which p eople g et marrie d, and sec ond , an incre ased lev el of educ ation among those who marr y—both o f which ha ve been f ound to promote gre ater marital s tability . The third factor is tha t the marria ge ra te itself is g oing do wn, and with it the div orce ra te. In 2019, there w ere 16.3 new marria ges for every 1,000 w omen a ge 15 and o ver in the Unite d Sta tes, down from 17.6 in 2009 (Anderson 2020). Divorce do es not o ccur e qually among all p eople in the Unite d Sta tes; some segments o f the U .S. p opula tion are more lik ely to div orce than others . According to the Americ an C ommunity Sur vey (A CS), men and w omen in the N ortheast and Midw est ha ve the lo west rates o f div orce. The South g enerally has the highes t rate of div orce. Divorce ra tes are lik ely higher in the South b ecause marria ge ra tes are higher and marria ge occurs a t young er- than-a verage ages in this region . In the N ortheast, the marria ge ra te is lo wer and firs t marria ges tend to b e dela yed; theref ore, the div orce ra te is lo wer (R eynolds 2020). N ote tha t these are g eneraliza tions . For e xample , the Dis trict o f Columbia has a high marria ge ra te but among the lo west div orce ra te (Anderson 2020). So wha t causes div orce? While more y oung p eople are cho osing to p ostpone or opt out o f marria ge, those who enter into the union do so with the e xpecta tion tha t it will las t. A gre at deal of marital problems c an b e rela ted to stres s, esp ecially financial s tres s. According to rese archers p articip ating in the Univ ersity o f Virginia ’s National Marria ge Project , couples who enter marria ge without a s trong as set b ase ( like a home , savings , and a retirement plan) are 70 p ercent more lik ely to b e div orced after three y ears than are c ouples with a t least $10,000 in as sets . This is c onnecte d to factors such as a ge and e duc ation lev el tha t correla te with lo w inc omes . The addition o f children to a marria ge cre ates adde d financial and emotional s tres s. Research has es tablishe d that marria ges enter their mos t stres sful phase up on the bir th o f the firs t child (P openo e and Whitehe ad 2007). This is p articularly tr ue for c ouples who ha ve multiples (twins , triplets , and so on). Marrie d couples with twins or triplets are 17 p ercent more lik ely to div orce than those with children from single bir ths (McK ay 2010). Another c ontributor to the lik eliho od of div orce is a g eneral decline in marital sa tisfaction o ver time . As p eople get older , the y ma y find tha t their v alues and lif e goals no long er ma tch up with those o f their sp ouse (P openo e and Whitehe ad 2004). Divorce is thought to ha ve a cy clical pattern . Children o f div orced parents are 40 p ercent more lik ely to div orce than children o f marrie d parents . And when w e consider children whose p arents div orced and then remarrie d, the lik eliho od of their o wn div orce rises to 91 p ercent ( Wolfing er 2005). This might result from b eing socializ ed to a mindset tha t a brok en marria ge can b e replac ed ra ther than rep aire d (Wolfing er 2005). Tha t sentiment is also reflecte d in the finding tha t when b oth p artners o f a marrie d couple ha ve been previously divorced, their marria ge is 90 p ercent more lik ely to end in div orce (Wolfing er 2005).14.3 • Chal leng es F amilies F ace423 FIGURE 14.7 A study fr om R adford Univ ersity indicat ed that bar tenders ar e among the pr ofessions with the highes t divorce rates (38.4 per cent). Other tr aditional ly low-wage indus tries (lik e restaur ant ser vice, cus todial emplo yment, and fact ory work) ar e also as sociat ed with higher div orce rates. (Aamodt and McCo y 2010). (Cr edit: Daniel L obo/ flickr) About 15 p ercent o f all marrie d couples in volve one p artner who is in their sec ond marria ge while the other partner is in their firs t marria ge. Ab out 9 p ercent o f marrie d couples are b oth in their sec ond marria ge. (U.S. Census B ureau 2015). The v ast majority (91 p ercent) o f remarria ges o ccur a fter div orce; only 9 p ercent o ccur after de ath o f a sp ouse (K reider 2006). Mos t men and w omen remarr y within fiv e years o f a div orce, with the median length f or men (three y ears) b eing lo wer than f or w omen (4.4 y ears). This length o f time has b een fairly consis tent sinc e the 1950s . The majority o f those who remarr y are b etween the a ges o f twenty -five and f orty- four (K reider 2006). The g eneral p attern o f remarria ge also sho ws tha t White p eople are more lik ely to remarr y than Black p eople . Marria ge the sec ond time around (or third or f ourth) c an b e a v ery diff erent pro cess than the firs t. Remarria ge lacks man y of the clas sic c ourtship rituals o f a firs t marria ge. In a sec ond marria ge, individuals are les s lik ely to de al with is sues lik e parental appro val, premarital se x, or desire d family siz e (Elliot 2010). In a sur vey of households f orme d by remarria ge, a mere 8 p ercent include d only biologic al children o f the remarrie d couple . Of the 49 p ercent o f homes tha t include children , 24 p ercent include d only the w oman ’s biologic al children , 3 percent include d only the man ’s biologic al children , and 9 p ercent include d a c ombina tion o f both sp ouse ’s children (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2006). Childr en of Divor ce and R emarriage Divorce and remarria ge can b e stres sful on p artners and children alik e. Div orce is o ften jus tifie d by the notion that children are b etter o ff in a div orced family than in a family with p arents who do not g et along . Ho wever, long-term s tudies determine tha t to b e generally untr ue. Research sugg ests tha t while marital c onflict do es not provide an ide al childre aring en vironment , going through a div orce can b e dama ging . Children are o ften confuse d and frightene d by the thre at to their family security . The y ma y feel resp onsible f or the div orce and attempt to bring their p arents b ack tog ether , often b y sacrificing their o wn w ell-b eing (Ama to 2000). Only in high-c onflict homes do children b enefit from div orce and the subse quent decre ase in c onflict . The majority o f divorces c ome out o f lower-conflict homes , and children from those homes are more neg atively imp acte d by the s tres s of the div orce than the s tres s of unhappines s in the marria ge (Ama to 2000). Studies also sugg est tha t stres s lev els f or children are not impro ved when a child ac quires a s tepfamily through marria ge. Although there ma y be incre ased ec onomic s tability , stepfamilies typic ally ha ve a high lev el of interp ersonal c onflict424 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. (McLanahan and Sandefur 1994). Children ’s ability to de al with a div orce ma y dep end on their a ge. Research has f ound tha t div orce ma y be mos t difficult f or scho ol-a ged children , as the y are old enough to unders tand the sep aration but not old enough to unders tand the re asoning b ehind it . Older teena gers are more lik ely to rec ogniz e the c onflict tha t led to the divorce but ma y still f eel f ear, lonelines s, guilt , and pres sure to cho ose sides . Infants and prescho ol-a ge children ma y suff er the he avies t imp act from the los s of routine tha t the marria ge offered (Temk e 2006). Proximity to p arents also mak es a diff erenc e in a child ’s well-b eing a fter div orce. Boys who liv e or ha ve joint arrang ements with their fa thers sho w les s aggres sion than those who are raise d by their mothers only . Similarly , girls who liv e or ha ve joint arrang ements with their mothers tend to b e more resp onsible and ma ture than those who are raise d by their fa thers only . Nearly three -fourths o f the children o f parents who are divorced liv e in a household he aded by their mother , leaving man y boys without a fa ther figure residing in the home (U .S. C ensus B ureau 2011b). Still , rese archers sugg est tha t a s trong p arent -child rela tionship c an gre atly impro ve a child ’s adjus tment to div orce (Temk e 2006). There is empiric al evidenc e tha t div orce has not disc oura ged children in terms o f ho w the y view marria ge and family . A blende d family has additional s tres s resulting from c ombining children from the current and previous rela tionships . The blende d family ma y also ha ve a p arent tha t has diff erent discipline techniques . In a sur vey conducte d by rese archers from the Univ ersity o f Michig an, about three -quar ters o f high scho ol seniors said it w as “extremely imp ortant ” to ha ve a s trong marria ge and family lif e. And o ver half b eliev ed it was “ very lik ely” tha t the y would b e in a lif elong marria ge (Popeno e and Whitehe ad 2007). These numb ers have continue d to climb o ver the las t twenty -five years. Violence and Abuse Violenc e and a buse are among the mos t disc oncerting o f the challeng es tha t today’s families fac e. Abuse c an occur b etween sp ouses , between p arent and child , as w ell as b etween other family memb ers. The fre quency o f violenc e among families is a difficult to determine b ecause man y cases o f spousal a buse and child a buse g o unrep orted. In an y case, studies ha ve sho wn tha t abuse (rep orted or not) has a major imp act on families and society as a whole . Domestic Violence Domes tic violenc e is a signific ant so cial problem in the Unite d Sta tes. It is o ften characteriz ed as violenc e between household or family memb ers, specific ally sp ouses . To include unmarrie d, cohabita ting , and same - sex couples , family so ciologis ts ha ve cre ated the term intimate p artner violenc e (IPV ). (Note tha t he althc are and supp ort personnel , rese archers , or victims ma y use these terms or rela ted ones interchang eably to ref er to the same g eneral
🚨 Intimate Partner Violence Epidemic
🔍 Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) affects millions, with 1 in 5 women and 1 in 7 men experiencing some form during their lifetime, often beginning as emotional abuse before escalating to physical, sexual, technological, or stalking behaviors
📊 Demographic disparities reveal higher IPV rates among Native American/Alaskan Native women, Black women (4.6 per 1,000) compared to White women (3.1), and LGBTQ+ individuals—particularly bisexual women (61%) and transgender people (1.7x more likely than cisgender individuals)
🤐 Underreporting plagues accurate measurement, with over half of IPV cases never reported due to privacy concerns (22% women, 39% men), fear of retaliation (12% women, 5% men), or desire to protect abusers (14% women, 16% men)
👶 Child abuse often intersects with IPV, with 3.3 million reports involving 5.9 million children in 2010 alone—primarily neglect (78.3%), physical abuse (10.8%), and sexual abuse (7.6%)—with infants being most vulnerable
🔄 Intergenerational cycles perpetuate violence, as approximately 30% of abused children later abuse their own children, while victims face increased risks of psychiatric disorders, cognitive difficulties, and risky behaviors that affect society as a whole
is sue o f violenc e, aggres sion , and a buse .) W omen are the primar y victims o f intima te p artner violenc e. It is es tima ted tha t one in fiv e women has e xperienc ed some f orm o f IPV in her lif etime (c omp ared to one in sev en men) (C atalano 2007). IPV ma y include ph ysical violenc e, such as punching , kicking , or other metho ds o f inflicting ph ysical pain; se xual violenc e, such as rap e or other f orced se xual acts; thre ats and intimida tion tha t imply either ph ysical or se xual a buse; and emotional a buse , such as harming another ’s sense of self -worth through w ords or c ontrolling another ’s behavior . IPV o ften s tarts as emotional a buse and then escalates to other f orms or c ombina tions o f abuse (C enters f or Dise ase C ontrol 2012). IPV includes s talking as well as technologic al violenc e (sometimes c alled cyb er a ggres sion), which is c ommit ted through communic ations /social netw orks or which uses c ameras or other technologies to harm victims or c ontrol their behavior ( Watkins 2016).14.3 • Chal leng es F amilies F ace425 FIGURE 14.8 Man y people ha ve experienc ed intimat e par tner violenc e. Not e that while data lik e this ar e impor tant to consider and hopeful ly build a warenes s around IPV , ther e are gaps in both r epor ting and inf ormation g athering . For example , les s inf ormation is kno wn about IPV ag ains t transgender people , but anal ysis o f various sour ces indicat e that it is 1.7 times mor e lik ely to be c ommit ted ag ains t transgender people than ag ains t cis gender people , as described belo w. (Cr edit: Cent ers f or Disease Contr ol) Beyond its tra gic outc omes and dama ging long-term eff ects , sociologis ts and other rese archers seeking to unders tand and prev ent IPV and supp ort victims ma y find a wide v arianc e in the da ta. On a glob al sc ale, intima te p artners kill o ver 130 w omen e ach da y. The UN Offic e of Dr ugs and C rime rep orted that, “women c ontinue to p ay the highes t pric e as a result o f gender ine quality , discrimina tion and neg ative stereotyp es... The y are also the mos t lik ely to b e kille d by intima te p artners and family ” (Do om 2018). The typ es o f violenc e can v ary signific antly ac cording to g ender . In 2010, o f IPV acts tha t involved ph ysical actions a gains t women , 57 p ercent in volved ph ysical violenc e only; 9 p ercent in volved rap e and ph ysical violenc e; 14 p ercent in volved ph ysical violenc e and s talking; 12 p ercent in volved rap e, physical violenc e, and stalking; and 4 p ercent in volved rap e only (CD C 2011). This is v astly diff erent than IPV a buse p atterns f or men , which sho w tha t ne arly all (92 p ercent) ph ysical acts o f IVP tak e the f orm o f ph ysical violenc e and f ewer than 1 percent in volve rap e alone or in c ombina tion (C atalano 2007). P erpetra tors o f IPV w ork to es tablish and maintain dep endenc e in order to hold p ower and c ontrol o ver their victims , making them f eel s tupid , crazy , or ugly —in some w ay worthles s. IPV a ffects diff erent segments o f the p opula tion a t diff erent ra tes. The ra te of IPV f or N ative Americ an and Alaskan N ative women is higher than an y other rac e (B ureau of Justice Sta tistics 2017). The ra te of IPV f or Black w omen (4.6 p er 1,000 p ersons o ver the a ge of twelve) is higher than tha t for White w omen (3.1). These numb ers ha ve been fairly s table f or b oth racial groups o ver the las t ten y ears. Accura te statistics on IPV are difficult to determine , as it is es tima ted tha t more than half o f nonfa tal IPV g oes unrep orted. It is not until victims cho ose to rep ort crimes tha t patterns o f abuse are e xposed. Mos t victims studie d stated tha t abuse had o ccurre d for a t least two years prior to their firs t rep ort (Carlson , Harris , and Holden 1999). A lso, studies and rese arch metho ds apply a rang e of categories , which mak es c omp arative or reinf orcing da ta difficult to obtain . For e xample , some s tudies ma y only ask a bout IPV in tw o categories (f or example , physical and se xual violenc e only ) and ma y find f ewer resp ondents rep orting IPV than do s tudies tha t add ps ychologic al abuse , stalking , and technologic al violenc e. Sometimes a buse is rep orted to p olice by a third p arty, but it s till ma y not b e confirme d by victims . A s tudy o f domes tic violenc e incident rep orts found tha t even when c onfronte d by police about a buse , 29 p ercent o f victims denie d tha t abuse o ccurre d. Surprisingly , 19 p ercent o f their as sailants w ere lik ely to admit to a buse (Felson , Ackerman , and G allagher 2005). A ccording to the N ational C riminal V ictims Sur vey, victims cite varie d re asons wh y the y are reluctant to rep ort abuse , as sho wn in the ta ble b elow.426 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Reason Abuse I s Unr epor ted % Females % Males Consider ed a P rivate Mat ter 22 39 Fear o f Retaliation 12 5 To Protect the Abuser 14 16 Belief That P olice Won’t Do An ything 8 8 TABLE 14.2 This char t sho ws reasons that victims giv e for wh y they fail t o repor t abuse t o polic e authorities (Catalano 2007). IPV a gains t LGBTQ people is g enerally higher than it is a gains t non-L GBTQ people . Gay men rep ort experiencing IPV in their lif etimes les s often (26 p ercent) than s traight men (29 p ercent) or bise xual men (37 percent). 44 p ercent o f lesbian w omen rep ort experiencing some typ e of IPV in their lif etime , comp ared to 35 percent o f straight w omen . 61 p ercent o f bise xual w omen rep ort experiencing IPV , a much higher ra te than any other se xual orienta tion fre quently s tudie d. Studies reg arding intima te p artner violenc e agains t trans gender p eople are rela tively limite d, but sev eral are ong oing . A meta-analy sis o f available inf orma tion indic ated tha t ph ysical IPV had o ccurre d in the lif etimes o f 38 p ercent o f trans gender p eople , and 25 p ercent o f trans gender p eople had e xperienc ed se xual IPV in their lifetimes . Comp ared with cis gender individuals , trans gender individuals w ere 1.7 times more lik ely to experienc e an y IPV (P eitzmeier 2020). Man y colleg e students enc ounter IPV , as w ell. Overall , psychologic al violenc e seems to b e the typ e of IPV colleg e students fac e mos t fre quently , followed by ph ysical and/or se xual violenc e (Cho & Huang , 2017). Of high scho olers who rep ort being in a da ting rela tionship , 10% e xperienc e ph ysical violenc e by a b oyfriend or girlfriend , 7% e xperienc e forced se xual interc ourse , and 11% e xperienc e se xual da ting violenc e. Sev en percent o f women and f our p ercent o f men who e xperienc e IPV are victimiz ed before a ge 18 (NCJRS 2017). IPV victimiza tion during y oung adultho od, including the c olleg e years, is lik ely to le ad to c ontinuous victimiza tion in adultho od, possibly throughout a lif etime (Greenman & Ma tsuda, 2016) Child Abuse Children are among the mos t helples s victims o f abuse . In 2010, there w ere more than 3.3 million rep orts of child a buse in volving an es tima ted 5.9 million children (Child Help 2011). Three -fifths o f child a buse rep orts are made b y pro fessionals , including te achers , law enf orcement p ersonnel , and so cial ser vices staff. The res t are made b y anon ymous sourc es, other rela tives, parents , friends , and neighb ors. Child a buse ma y come in sev eral f orms , the mos t common b eing neglect (78.3 p ercent), f ollowed by ph ysical abuse (10.8 p ercent), se xual a buse (7.6 p ercent), ps ychologic al maltre atment (7.6 p ercent), and me dical neglect (2.4 p ercent) (Child Help 2011). Some children suff er from a c ombina tion o f these f orms o f abuse . The majority (81.2 p ercent) o f perpetra tors are p arents; 6.2 p ercent are other rela tives. Infants (children les s than one y ear old) w ere the mos t victimiz ed popula tion with an incident ra te of 20.6 p er 1,000 infants . This a ge group is p articularly vulnera ble to neglect b ecause the y are entirely dep endent on parents f or c are. Some p arents do not purp osely neglect their children; factors such as cultural v alues , standard o f care in a c ommunity , and p overty can le ad to hazardous lev el of neglect . If inf orma tion or assistanc e from public or priv ate ser vices are a vailable and a p arent fails to use those ser vices, child w elfare services ma y inter vene (U .S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Ser vices).14.3 • Chal leng es F amilies F ace427 FIGURE 14.9 Dr. Michael C. Ir ving ’s monument f or child abuse sur vivors is c omposed o f handprints and mes sages of people who ha ve been victims o f abuse . (Cr edit: Har vey K/flickr) Infants are also o ften victims o f ph ysical abuse , particularly in the f orm o f violent shaking . This typ e of physical abuse is ref erre d to as shak en-b aby syndrome , which describ es a group o f me dical symptoms such as brain s welling and retinal hemorrha ge resulting from f orcefully shaking or c ausing imp act to an infant ’s head. A b aby’s cry is the numb er one trigg er for shaking . Parents ma y find themselv es una ble to so othe a baby’s concerns and ma y tak e their fr ustration out on the child b y shaking him or her violently . Other s tres s factors , such as a p oor ec onom y, unemplo yment , and g eneral dis satisfaction with p arental lif e, ma y contribute this typ e of abuse . While there is no o fficial c entral regis try of shak en-b aby syndrome s tatistics, it is es tima ted that each y ear 1,400 b abies die or suff er serious injur y from b eing shak en (Barr 2007). Corpor al Punishment Physical abuse in childr en ma y come in the f orm o f beating , kicking , thr owing , choking , hitting with objects , burning , or other methods . Injur y inflict ed b y such beha vior is c onsider ed abuse e ven if the par ent or car egiv er did not int end to harm the child. Other types o f physical c ontact that ar e char acterized as discipline (spanking , for example) ar e not c onsider ed abuse as long as no injur y resul ts (Child W elfar e Inf ormation Gat eway 2008). This is sue is r ather c ontr oversial among modern-da y people in the Unit ed Stat es. While some par ents f eel that physical discipline , or c orpor al punishment, is an eff ectiv e way to respond t o bad beha vior, others f eel that it is a form o f abuse . According t o a pol l conduct ed b y ABC Ne ws, 65 per cent o f respondents appr ove of spanking and 50 percent said that the y sometimes spank their child. Tendency t oward ph ysical punishment ma y be aff ected b y cul ture and education. Those who liv e in the South ar e mor e lik ely than those who liv e in other r egions t o spank their child. Those who do not ha ve a c ollege education ar e also mor e lik ely to spank their child (Cr andal l 2011). Curr ently, 23 s tates o fficial ly allow spanking in the school system; ho wever, man y par ents ma y object and school o fficials mus t follow a set o f clear g uidelines when adminis tering this type o f punishment (Cr andal l 2011). Studies ha ve sho wn that spanking is not an eff ectiv e form o f punishment and ma y lead t o ag gression b y the victim, par ticularl y in those who ar e spank ed at a y oung ag e (Berlin 2009). Child a buse o ccurs a t all so cioeconomic and e duc ation lev els and cros ses ethnic and cultural lines . Just as child a buse is o ften as sociated with s tres ses f elt b y parents , including financial s tres s, parents who demons trate resilienc e to these s tres ses are les s lik ely to a buse (Samuels 2011). Y oung p arents are typic allySOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE428 14 • R elationships , Marriag e, and F amil y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. less capable o f coping with s tres ses, particularly the s tres s of becoming a new p arent . Teena ge mothers are more lik ely to a buse their children than their older c ounterp arts. As a p arent ’s age incre ases , the risk o f abuse decre ases . Children b orn to mothers who are fifteen y ears old or y oung er are twic e as lik ely to b e abuse d or neglecte d by age fiv e than are children b orn to mothers a ges tw enty to tw enty -one (Georg e and Lee 1997). Drug and alc ohol use is also a kno wn c ontributor to child a buse . Children raise d by subs tanc e abusers ha ve a risk o f ph ysical abuse three times gre ater than other kids , and neglect is f our times as prev alent in these families (Child W elfare Inf orma tion G ateway 2011). Other risk factors include so cial isola tion , depres sion , low parental e ducation , and a his tory of being mis treated as a child . Appro xima tely 30 p ercent o f abuse d children will la ter a buse their o wn children (Child W elfare Inf orma tion G ateway 2006). The long-term eff ects o f child a buse imp act the ph ysical, mental , and emotional w ellb eing o f a child . Injur y, poor he alth , and mental ins tability o ccur a t a high ra te in this group , with 80 p ercent meeting the criteria o f one or more ps ychia tric disorders , such as depres sion , anxiety , or suicidal b ehavior , by age tw enty -one . Abuse d children ma y also suff er from c ognitiv e and so cial difficulties . Beha vioral c onse quenc es will a ffect mos t, but not all , of child a buse victims . Children o f abuse are 25 p ercent more lik ely, as adolesc ents , to suff er from difficulties lik e poor ac ademic p erformanc e and teen pregnancy , or to eng age in b ehaviors lik e dr ug abuse and g eneral delinquency . The y are also more lik ely to p articip ate in risky se xual acts tha t incre ase their chanc es o f contracting a se xually transmit ted dise ase (Child W elfare Inf orma tion G ateway 2006). Other risky behaviors include dr ug and alc ohol a buse . As these c onse quenc es c an a ffect the he alth c are, educ ation , and criminal s ystems , the problems resulting from child a buse do not jus t belong to the child and family , but to society as a whole .14.3 • Chal leng es F amilies F ace429 Key T erms ambiline al a typ e of unila teral desc ent tha t follows either the fa ther ’s or the mother ’s side e xclusiv ely bigamy the act o f entering into marria ge while s till marrie d to another p erson bilateral desc ent the tracing o f kinship through b oth p arents’ anc estral lines cohabitat ion the act o f a c ouple sharing a residenc e while the y are not marrie d extende d family a household tha t includes a t least one p arent and child as w ell as other rela tives lik e grandp arents , aunts , uncles , and c ousins family socially rec ogniz ed groups o f individuals who ma y be joine d by blo od, marria ge, or adoption and who f orm an emotional c onnection and an ec onomic unit o f society family lif e course a so ciologic al mo del o f family tha t sees the progres sion o f events as fluid ra ther than as occurring in s trict s tages family lif e cy cle a set o f pre dicta ble s teps and p atterns families e xperienc e over time family of orientat ion the family into which one is b orn family of pro creation a family tha t is f orme d through marria ge intimate p artner violenc e (IPV ) violenc e tha t occurs b etween individuals who maintain a romantic or sexual rela tionship kinship a person ’s trac eable anc estry (by blo od, marria ge, and/or adoption) marria ge a leg ally rec ogniz ed contract b etween tw o or more p eople in a se xual rela tionship who ha ve an expecta tion o f permanenc e about their rela tionship matriline al desc ent a typ e of unila teral desc ent tha t follows the mother ’s side only matrilo cal residenc e a system in which it is cus tomar y for a husb and to liv e with the his wif e’s family monog amy the act o f being marrie d to only one p erson a t a time nucle ar family two parents (traditionally a marrie d husb and and wif e) and children living in the same household patriline al desc ent a typ e of unila teral desc ent tha t follows the fa ther ’s line only patrilo cal residenc e a system in which it is cus tomar y for the a wif e to liv e with (or ne ar) the her husb and ’s family polyandr y a form o f marria ge in which one w oman is marrie d to more than one man a t one time polygamy the s tate of being c ommit ted or marrie d to more than one p erson a t a time polygyny a form o f marria ge in which one man is marrie d to more than one w oman a t one time shak en-b aby syndrome a group o f me dical symptoms such as brain s welling and retinal hemorrha ge resulting from f orcefully shaking or imp acting an infant ’s he ad unilateral desc ent the tracing o f kinship through one p arent only . Section Summary 14.1 What Is Marriage? What Is a F amily? Sociologis ts view marria ge and families as so cietal ins titutions tha t help cre ate the b asic unit o f social structure . Both marria ge and a family ma y be define d diff erently —and practic ed diff erently —in cultures acros s the w orld . Families and marria ges, like other ins titutions , adapt to so cial chang e. 14.2 Variations in F amily Lif e People 's concepts o f marria ge and family in the Unite d Sta tes are changing . Incre ases in c ohabita tion , same - sex partners , and singleho od are altering o f our ide as o f marria ge. Similarly , single p arents , same -sex parents , cohabita ting p arents , and un wed parents are changing our notion o f wha t it me ans to b e a family . While mos t children s till liv e in opp osite -sex, two-parent , marrie d households , tha t is no long er view ed as the only typ e of nucle ar family .430 14 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 14.3 Challenges F amilies F ace Today’s families fac e a v ariety o f challeng es, specific ally to marital s tability . While div orce ra tes ha ve decre ased in the las t twenty -five years, man y family memb ers, esp ecially children , still e xperienc e the negative eff ects o f div orce. Children are also neg atively imp acte d by violenc e and a buse within the home , with
📊 Family Structures & Challenges
🏠 Family definitions vary across societies, with sociologists focusing on relationships sanctioned through blood, marriage, or adoption rather than traditional nuclear family models
👨👩👧👦 Family diversity has increased dramatically, with cohabitation, same-sex households, single-parent families, and multigenerational living arrangements becoming more common alternatives to traditional marriage
💍 Marriage patterns show significant shifts, including increased median age at first marriage, declining marriage rates, and varying cultural practices around descent and kinship
💔 Family challenges include divorce (affecting children differently based on family conflict levels), intimate partner violence (IPV), and child abuse (with nearly 6 million children affected annually)
📉 Economic factors significantly impact family stability, with financial stress contributing to relationship strain and divorce rates
🌈 Same-sex couples are more likely to adopt or foster children, while legal recognition of same-sex marriage has been linked to reduced suicide attempts among LGBTQ+ youth
nearly 6 million children a buse d each y ear. Section Quiz 14.1 What Is Marriage? What Is a F amily? 1.Sociologis ts tend to define family in terms o f a.how a giv en so ciety sanctions the rela tionships o f people who are c onnecte d through blo od, marria ge, or adoption b.the c onnection o f blo odlines c.the s tatus roles tha t exist in a family s tructure d.how closely memb ers adhere to so cial norms 2.Research sugg ests tha t people g enerally f eel tha t their current family is _______ than the family the y grew up with . a.less close b.more close c.at least as close d.none o f the a bove 3.A woman b eing marrie d to tw o men w ould b e an e xample o f: a.monog amy b.polygyny c.polyandr y d.cohabita tion 4.A child who as sociates his line o f desc ent with his fa ther ’s side only is p art of a _____ so ciety . a.matrilo cal b.bila teral c.matriline al d.patriline al 5.Which o f the f ollowing is a criticism o f the family lif e cy cle mo del? a.It is to o bro ad and ac counts f or to o man y asp ects o f family . b.It is to o narro wly f ocuse d on a se quenc e of stages. c.It do es not ser ve a practic al purp ose f or studying family b ehavior . d.It is not b ased on c omprehensiv e rese arch . 14.2 Variations in F amily Lif e 6.The majority o f U.S. children liv e in: a.two-parent households b.one -parent households c.no-parent households d.multig enera tional households14 • Section Quiz 431 7.According to the s tudy cite d by the U .S. C ensus B ureau, children who liv e with marrie d parents gro w up with more adv anta ges than children who liv e with: a.a div orced parent b.a single p arent c.a grandp arent d.all o f the a bove 8.Couples who c ohabita te before marria ge are ______ c ouples who did not c ohabita te before marria ge to b e marrie d at least ten y ears. a.far more lik ely than b.far les s lik ely than c.slightly les s lik ely than d.equally as lik ely as 9.Same -sex couple households ac count f or _____ p ercent o f U.S. households . a.1 b.10 c.15 d.30 10.The me dian a ge of firs t marria ge has ______ in the las t fifty y ears. a.incre ased for men but not w omen b.decre ased for men but not w omen c.incre ased for b oth men and w omen d.decre ased for b oth men and w omen 14.3 Challenges F amilies F ace 11.Current div orce ra tes are: a.at an all-time high b.at an all-time lo w c.steadily incre asing d.steadily declining 12.Children o f div orced parents are _______ to div orce in their o wn marria ge than children o f parents who stayed marrie d. a.more lik ely b.less lik ely c.equally lik ely 13.In g eneral , children in ______ households b enefit from div orce. a.stepfamily b.multig enera tional c.high-c onflict d.low-conflict432 14 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 14.Which o f the f ollowing is tr ue o f intima te p artner violenc e (IPV )? a.IPV victims are more fre quently men than w omen . b.One in ten w omen is a victim o f IPV . c.Nearly half o f ins tanc es o f IPV in volve dr ugs or alc ohol . d.Rap e is the mos t common f orm o f IPV . 15.Which typ e of child a buse is mos t prev alent in the Unite d Sta tes? a.Physical abuse b.Neglect c.Shak en-b aby syndrome d.Verbal mis treatment Short Answer 14.1 What Is Marriage? What Is a F amily? 1.According to rese arch , wha t are p eople ’s general thoughts on family in the Unite d Sta tes? Ho w do the y view nontraditional family s tructures? Ho w do y ou think these view s might chang e in tw enty y ears? 2.Explain the diff erenc e between bila teral and unila teral desc ent. Using y our o wn as sociation with kinship , explain which typ e of desc ent applies to y ou? 14.2 Variations in F amily Lif e 3.Explain the diff erent v aria tions o f the nucle ar family and the trends tha t occur in e ach. 4.Why are some c ouples cho osing to c ohabita te before marria ge? Wha t eff ect do es c ohabita tion ha ve on marria ge? 14.3 Challenges F amilies F ace 5.Explain ho w financial s tatus imp acts marital s tability . Wha t other factors are as sociated with a c ouple ’s financial s tatus? 6.Explain wh y more than half o f IPV g oes unrep orted? Wh y are those who are a buse d unlik ely to rep ort the abuse? Further R esear ch 14.1 What Is Marriage? What Is a F amily? For more inf orma tion on family dev elopment and lines o f desc ent, visit the New England His toric al Gene alogic al So ciety ’s web site (http://openstax.org/l/Americ an_ Anc estors) , Americ an Anc estors , and find out ho w genealogies ha ve been es tablishe d and rec orde d sinc e 1845. 14.2 Variations in F amily Lif e For more s tatistics on marria ge and family , see the F orum on Child and F amily Sta tistics a t http://openstax.org/ l/child_ family _statistics, as w ell as the Americ an C ommunity Sur vey, the Current P opula tion Sur vey, and the U .S. C ensus dec ennial sur vey atthe U .S. C ensus B ureau's web site (http://openstax.org/l/ Dep _Veterans _Affairs) . 14.3 Challenges F amilies F ace To find more inf orma tion on child a buse , visit the U.S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Ser vices w eb site (http://openstax.org/l/child_ welfare) to review do cuments pro vide d by the Child W elfare Inf orma tion Gateway.14 • Shor t Ans wer 433 References Intr oduction Gardner , Amanda. 2013. “More U .S. C ouples Living T ogether Ins tead o f Marr ying , CD C Finds .” He althDa y.com. Retriev ed Dec emb er 29, 2014 ( http://consumer .healthda y.com/public -health-inf orma tion-30/c enters -for- dise ase-control-new s-120/more -u-s -couples -living-tog ether -ins tead-o f-marr ying-c dc-finds -675096.html). Rettner , Rachel . 2013. “More C ouples Living T ogether Outside o f Marria ge.” MyHe althN ewsDaily /Purch . Retriev ed Dec emb er 29, 2014 ( http://www.livescienc e.com/28420- cohabiting-marria ge-cdc-rep ort.html). 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Centers f or Dise ase C ontrol . 2011. “N ational Intima te Partner and Se xual V iolenc e Sur vey.” Retriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 ( http://www.cdc.gov/Violenc ePrevention/p df/NIS VS_FactSheet -a.pdf). Centers f or Dise ase C ontrol . 2012. “Unders tanding Intima te Partner V iolenc e.” Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 (http://www.cdc.gov/violenc eprev ention/p df/ipv_factsheet -a.pdf). Child W elfare Inf orma tion G ateway. 2006. “Long-T erm C onse quenc es o f Child Abuse and N eglect .” U.S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Ser vices. Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://www.childw elfare .gov/pubs / factsheets /long _term_ conse quenc es.cfm). Child W elfare Inf orma tion G ateway. 2008. “ Wha t Is Child Abuse and N eglect .” U.S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Ser vices. Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://www.childw elfare .gov/pubs /factsheets /wha tiscan.cfm). Child W elfare Inf orma tion G ateway. 2011. “P arental Subs tanc e Abuse .” U.S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Services. Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://www.childw elfare .gov/can/factors /parentc aregiv er/ subs tanc e.cfm). Crandall , Julie . 2011. “ Supp ort for S panking: Mos t Americ ans Think C orporal Punishment is OK .” ABCN ews.com, Novemb er 8. R etriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://abcnew s.go.com/sections /us/dailynew s/ spanking _poll021108.html). Elliot , Diana. 2010. “Embracing the Ins titution o f Marria ge: The Characteris tics o f Remarrie d Americ ans.” U.S. Census B ureau. Felson , R., J. Ackerman , and C . Gallagher . 2005. "P olice Inter vention and the R epeat of Domes tic As sault." Final report for N ational Ins titute o f Justice. Washington , DC: U .S. Dep artment o f Justice, National Ins titute o f14 • R eferences 437 Justice. Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://www.ncjrs .gov/App/Public ations /abstract .asp x?ID=210301). Georg e, R. M., and B . J. Lee . 1997. “ Abuse and N eglect o f the Children .” Pp . 205–230 in Kids Ha ving Kids , edite d by R. Ma ynard . Washington , DC: The Urb an Ins titute P ress. Goodwin , S.N ., S. Chandler , and J . Meisel . 2003. “ Violenc e Ag ains t Women: The R ole o f Welfare R eform ." Final Report to the N ational Ins titute o f Justice. Greenman , Sarah & Ma tsuda, Ma uri. 2016. “F rom e arly da ting violenc e to adult intima te p artner violenc e: Continuity and sourc es o f resilienc e in adultho od.”Criminal Beha viour and Mental He alth . 26. 293-303. 10.1002/cbm .2012. Hanson , David. 2011. “ Alcohol and Domes tic V iolenc e.” Sta te Univ ersity o f New Y ork. Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://www2.potsdam .edu/hansondj /Contro versies /1090863351.html). Kreider , Rose. 2006. “R emarria ge in the Unite d Sta tes.” U.S. C ensus B ureau. McK ay, Stephen . 2010. “ The Eff ects o f Twins and Multiple Bir ths on F amilies and Their Living Standards .” Univ ersity o f Birmingham . Retriev ed February 24, 2012 ( http://www.tamb a.org.uk/document .doc?id=268). McLanahan , Sara, and G ary Sandefur . 1997. Growing Up W ith a Single P arent: Wha t Hur ts, Wha t Helps . Cambridg e, MA: Har vard Univ ersity P ress. Michael , Robert. 1978. “ The Rise in Div orce Ra tes, 1960–1974: Ag e-Specific C omp onents .”Demograph y 15(2):177–182. Peitzmeier , Sarah M. and Malik , Manna t and Shanna K . Kattari, Elliot Marro w, Rob Stephenson , Madina Ag énor , and Sari L. R eisner
📚 Marriage and Religion References
📊 Divorce rates show significant geographic variation across the United States, with highest rates in the South and lowest in the Northeast, while reaching a 50-year low nationally by 2020
💔 Intimate partner violence appears in various relationship contexts (dating, cohabiting, married), with research examining prevalence across different populations including transgender individuals
🏛️ Family structure research extensively documents effects of divorce on children, remarriage patterns, and factors that strengthen family bonds
🙏 Religious practices serve as powerful social institutions that create community cohesion, establish moral frameworks, and help people understand their place in the universe
🔍 Sociological perspectives on religion (from Durkheim, Weber, and Marx) examine how faith systems function as social forces that bind communities, drive economic behavior, or maintain social stratification
🌐 Modern religious study applies functionalist, symbolic interactionist, and conflict theory approaches to understand religion's role in contemporary society
. 2020. “Intima te Partner V iolenc e in T rans gender P opula tions: Sy stema tic R eview and Meta-analy sis o f Prevalenc e and C orrela tes Americ an J ournal o f Public He alth .” 110, e1_ e14, ht tps:/ /doi.org/10.2105/A JPH.2020.305774 Popeno e, David. 2007. “ The F uture o f Marria ge in Americ a.” Univ ersity o f Virginia /National Marria ge Project / The Sta te of Our Unions . Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012. Popeno e, David and Barb ara D . Whitehe ad. 2001. “ Top T en Myths o f Div orce Univ ersity o f Virginia /National Marria ge Project /The Sta te of Our Unions .” Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012. Popeno e, David, and Barb ara D . Whitehe ad. 2004. “ Ten Imp ortant R esearch F indings on Marria ge and Cho osing a Marria ge Partner .” Univ ersity o f Virginia /National Marria ge Project /The Sta te of Our Unions . Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012. Reynolds , Leslie . 2020. “Div orce Ra te in the U .S.” Bo wling Green Sta te Univ ersity N ational C enter f or F amily and Marria ge Research . Novemb er 2020. ( https:/ /www.bgsu .edu/ncfmr /resourc es/data/family -pro files / reynolds -div orce-rate-geographic -varia tion-2019- fp-20-25.html) Roper Starch W orldwide . 1995. Domes tic V iolenc e: Views on C ampus Sur vey. New Y ork: Liz Claib orne . Samuels , Bryan. 2011. “ Strengthening F amilies and C ommunities .” U.S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Services. Retriev ed February 14, 2012 ( http://www.childw elfare .gov/pubs /guide2011/guide .pdf#p age=29). Silverman , J.G., A. Raj , L. A . Muc ci, and J . E. Ha thaway. 2001. “Da ting V iolenc e Ag ains t Adolesc ent Girls and Associated Subs tanc e Abuse , Unhe alth y Weight C ontrol , Sexual Risk Beha vior , Pregnancy and Suicide .” Journal o f the Americ an Me dical As sociation 286:572–579. Stets , J. E., and M. A . Stra us. 1990. “ The Marria ge Lic ense as a Hit ting Lic ense: A C omp arison o f As saults in Dating , Cohabiting , and Marrie d Couples .” Pp . 227–244 in Physical Violenc e in Americ an F amilies: Risk Factors and A dapta tions to V iolenc e in 8,145 F amilies , edite d by M. A . Stra us and R . J Gelles . New Bruns wick , NJ: Transaction Publishers .438 14 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Temk e, Mar y W. 2006. “ The Eff ects o f Div orce on Children .” Durham: Univ ersity o f New Hampshire . Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012. U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2006. “R emarria ge in the Unite d Sta tes.” Retriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 (http://www.census .gov/hhes /socdemo/marria ge/da ta/sipp/us -remarria ge-poster.pdf). U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2011. “Div orce Ra tes Highes t in the South , Lowest in the N ortheast, Census B ureau Reports.” Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 ( http://www.census .gov/new sroom/rele ases /archiv es/ marital_ status_living _arrang ements /cb11-144.html). U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2011b . “Living Arrang ements o f Children: 2009. ” Retriev ed Januar y 16, 2012 (http://www.census .gov/pro d/2011pubs /p70-126. pdf). U.S. Dep artment o f He alth and Human Ser vices, Adminis tration f or Children and F amilies , Adminis tration on Children , Youth and F amilies , Children ’s Bureau. 2011. Child Maltre atment . Retriev ed February 14, 2012 (http://www.acf.hhs .gov/programs /cb/s tats_rese arch/inde x.htm#c an). Wang , Wendy . 2020. “ The US Div orce Ra te Has Hit a F ifty Y ear Lo w.” Ins titute F or F amily Studies . Novemb er 10, 2020. ( https:/ /ifstudies .org/blog /the -us-div orce-rate-has -hit-a-50- year-low) Watkins , Laura E. 2016. “ The Cyb er Aggres sion in R elationships Sc ale: A N ew Multidimensional Me asure o f Technolog y- Base d Intima te Partner Aggres sion .” Univ ersity o f Nebraska Linc oln. (https:/ /digitalc ommons .unl.edu/c gi/view content .cgi?ar ticle=1789&c onte xt=ps ychfacpub) Wolfing er, Nicholas . 2005. Unders tanding the Div orce Cy cle. New Y ork: C ambridg e Univ ersity P ress.14 • R eferences 439 440 14 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 15.1 Religions c ome in man y forms , such as this lar ge meg achur ch. (Cr edit: T oBeDaniel/Wikimedia Commons) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach t o Religion 15.2 World R eligions 15.3 Religion in the Unit ed Stat es Why do so ciologis ts study religion? F or c enturies , humankind has sought to unders tand and explain the “me aning o f life.” Man y philosophers b eliev e this c ontempla tion and the desire to unders tand our plac e in the univ erse are wha t diff erentia te humankind from other sp ecies . Religion , in one f orm or another , has b een f ound in all human so cieties sinc e human so cieties firs t app eared. Archaeologic al digs ha ve rev ealed ritual objects , ceremonial burial sites , and other religious ar tifacts . Social c onflict and ev en w ars o ften result from religious disputes . To unders tand a culture , sociologis ts mus t study its religion . Wha t is religion? Pioneer so ciologis t Émile Durkheim describ ed it with the ethere al statement tha t it c onsis ts of “things tha t surp ass the limits o f our kno wledge” (1915). He w ent on to ela borate: R eligion is “ a unifie d system o f beliefs and practic es rela tive to sacre d things , tha t is to sa y set ap art and f orbidden , beliefs and practic es which unite into one single moral c ommunity , called a church , all those who adhere to them ” (1915). Some p eople as sociate religion with plac es o f worship (a s ynagogue or church), others with a practic e (confession or me dita tion), and s till others with a c oncept tha t guides their daily liv es (like dharma or sin). A ll these p eople c an a gree tha treligion is a s ystem o f beliefs , values , and practic es c oncerning wha t a p erson holds sacre d or c onsiders to b e spiritually signific ant. Does religion bring f ear, wonder , relief, e xplana tion o f the unkno wn or c ontrol o ver free dom and choic e? Ho w do our religious p ersp ectiv es a ffect our b ehavior? These are ques tions so ciologis ts ask and are re asons the y study religion . Wha t are p eoples ' conceptions o f the pro fane and the sacre d? Ho w do religious ide as a ffect the real-w orld re actions and choic es o f people in a so ciety?15Religion Religion c an also ser ve as a filter f or e xamining other is sues in so ciety and other c omp onents o f a culture . For example , after the terroris t attacks o f Septemb er 11, 2001, and la ter in during the rise and pre dominant o f the terroris t group ISIS, it b ecame imp ortant f or te achers , church le aders , and the me dia to e duc ate Americ ans about Islam to prev ent s tereotyping and to promote religious toleranc e. Sociologic al to ols and metho ds, such as sur veys, polls, inter view s, and analy sis o f his toric al da ta, c an b e applie d to the s tudy o f religion in a culture to help us b etter unders tand the role religion pla ys in p eople ’s liv es and the w ay it influenc es so ciety . 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach to R eligion LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Discus s the his torical vie w of religion fr om a sociological perspectiv e •Describe ho w the major sociological par adigms vie w religion FIGURE 15.2 Univ ersality o f religious pr actic e, such as these pr ayers at the The Uma yyad Mosque in Damascus , can create bonds among people who w ould other wise be s trangers. Muslim people ar ound the w orld pr ay fiv e times each da y while facing the dir ection o f the K aaba in Mec ca (pictur ed in Section 15.2). Be yond the r eligious obser vance, such a unif ying act can build a po werful sense o f community . (Cr edit: Arian Zw egers/flickr). From the La tinreligio (resp ect f or wha t is sacre d) and relig are (to bind , in the sense o f an oblig ation), the term religion describ es v arious s ystems o f belief and practic e tha t define wha t people c onsider to b e sacre d or spiritual (F asching and de Chant 2001; Durkheim 1915). Throughout his tory, and in so cieties acros s the w orld , leaders ha ve use d religious narra tives, symb ols, and traditions in an a ttempt to giv e more me aning to lif e and unders tand the univ erse . Some f orm o f religion is f ound in ev ery kno wn culture , and it is usually practic ed in a public w ay by a group . The practic e of religion c an include f easts and f estivals, interc ession with Go d or g ods, marria ge and funeral ser vices, music and ar t, me dita tion or initia tion , sacrific e or ser vice, and other asp ects o f culture . While some p eople think o f religion as something individual b ecause religious b eliefs c an b e highly p ersonal , religion is also a so cial ins titution . Social scientis ts rec ogniz e tha t religion e xists as an org aniz ed and integra ted set o f beliefs , behaviors , and norms c entere d on b asic so cial nee ds and v alues . Moreo ver, religion is a cultural univ ersal f ound in all so cial groups . For ins tanc e, in ev ery culture , funeral rites are practic ed in442 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. some w ay, although these cus toms v ary between cultures and within religious a ffilia tions . Despite diff erenc es, there are c ommon elements in a c eremon y marking a p erson ’s de ath, such as announc ement o f the de ath, care of the dec eased, disp osition , and c eremon y or ritual . These univ ersals , and the diff erenc es in the w ay so cieties and individuals e xperienc e religion , pro vide rich ma terial f or so ciologic al study . In studying religion , sociologis ts dis tinguish b etween wha t the y term the e xperienc e, beliefs , and rituals o f a religion .Religious e xperienc erefers to the c onviction or sensa tion tha t we are c onnecte d to “ the divine .” This type of communion might b e experienc ed when p eople are pra y or me dita te.Religious b eliefs are sp ecific ideas memb ers o f a p articular faith hold to b e true, such as tha t Jesus Chris t was the son o f Go d, or tha t reinc arna tion e xists. Another illus tration o f religious b eliefs is the cre ation s tories w e find in diff erent religions .Religious rituals are b ehaviors or practic es tha t are either re quire d or e xpecte d of the memb ers o f a particular group , such as b ar mitzv ah or c onfession o f sins (Barkan and Green wood 2003). The History of R eligion as a Sociological Concept In the w ake of nineteenth c entur y Europ ean indus trializa tion and seculariza tion , three so cial theoris ts attempte d to e xamine the rela tionship b etween religion and so ciety: Émile Durkheim , Max W eber, and K arl Marx . The y are among the f ounding think ers o f mo dern so ciolog y. As s tated earlier , French so ciologis t Émile Durkheim (1858–1917) define d religion as a “unifie d system o f beliefs and practic es rela tive to sacre d things” (1915). T o him , sacre d me ant e xtraordinar y—something tha t inspire d wonder and tha t seeme d connecte d to the c oncept o f “the divine .” Durkheim argue d tha t “religion happ ens” in so ciety when there is a sep aration b etween the pro fane (ordinar y life) and the sacre d (1915). A rock, for e xample , isn ’t sacre d or pro fane as it e xists. But if someone mak es it into a he adstone , or another person uses it f or landsc aping , it tak es on diff erent me anings —one sacre d, one pro fane . Durkheim is g enerally c onsidere d the firs t sociologis t who analyz ed religion in terms o f its so cietal imp act. Above all , he b eliev ed religion is a bout c ommunity: It binds p eople tog ether (so cial c ohesion), promotes behavior c onsis tency (so cial c ontrol), and o ffers s trength during lif e’s transitions and tra gedies (me aning and purp ose). B y applying the metho ds o f na tural scienc e to the s tudy o f society , Durkheim held tha t the sourc e of religion and morality is the c ollectiv e mind-set o f society and tha t the c ohesiv e bonds o f social order result from c ommon v alues in a so ciety . He c ontende d tha t these v alues nee d to b e maintaine d to maintain so cial stability . But wha t would happ en if religion w ere to decline? This ques tion le d Durkheim to p osit tha t religion is not jus t a so cial cre ation but something tha t represents the p ower o f society: When p eople c elebra te sacre d things , they celebra te the p ower o f their so ciety . By this re asoning , even if traditional religion disapp eared, society wouldn ’t nec essarily dis solv e. Where as Durkheim sa w religion as a sourc e of social s tability , German so ciologis t and p olitic al ec onomis t Max Weber (1864–1920) b eliev ed it w as a precipita tor o f social chang e. He e xamine d the eff ects o f religion on economic activities and notic ed tha t he avily P rotes tant so cieties —such as those in the N etherlands , England , Scotland , and German y—were the mos t highly dev elop ed capitalis t societies and tha t their mos t suc cessful busines s leaders w ere P rotes tant . In his writing The P rotes tant Ethic and the S pirit o f Capitalism (1905), he contends tha t the P rotes tant w ork ethic influenc ed the dev elopment o f capitalism . Weber note d tha t certain kinds o f Protes tantism supp orted the pursuit o f ma terial g ain b y motiv ating b eliev ers to w ork hard , be successful, and not sp end their pro fits on friv olous things . (The mo dern use o f “work ethic” c omes directly from W eber’s Protes tant ethic , although it has no w los t its religious c onnota tions .)15.1 • The Sociological Appr oach t o Religion 443 The Pr otestant W ork Ethic in the Inf ormation Age Max W eber (1904) posit ed that, in Eur ope in his time , Protestants w ere mor e lik ely than Catholics t o value capitalis t ideolog y, and belie ved in har d work and sa vings . He sho wed that P rotestant v alues dir ectly influenc ed the rise o f capitalism and helped cr eate the modern w orld or der. Weber thought the emphasis on c ommunity in Catholicism v ersus the emphasis on individual achie vement in P rotestantism made a diff erence. His c entur y-old claim that the P rotestant w ork ethic led t o the de velopment o f capitalism has been one o f the mos t impor tant and c ontr oversial t opics in the sociolog y of religion. In fact, scholars ha ve found lit tle merit t o his c ontention when applied t o modern society (Gr eele y 1989). What does the c oncept of work ethic mean t oday? The w ork ethic in the inf ormation ag e has been aff ected b y tremendous cul tural and social chang e, jus t as w orkers in the mid- t o lat e ninet eenth c entur y were influenc ed b y the w ake of the Indus trial R evolution. F actory jobs t end t o be simple , unin volved, and r equir e very little thinking or decision making on the par t of the w orker. Today, the w ork ethic o f the modern w orkf orce has been transformed, as mor e thinking and decision making is r equir ed. Emplo yees also seek aut onom y and fulfil lment in their jobs , not jus t wages. Higher le vels o f education ha ve bec ome nec essary, as w ell as people manag ement skills and ac cess to the mos t recent inf ormation on an y giv en topic. The inf ormation ag e has incr eased the r apid pace of production e xpect ed in man y jobs . On the other hand, the “McDonaldization ” of the Unit ed Stat es (Hight ower 1975; Ritz er 1993), in which man y service indus tries , such as the fas t-food indus try, have es tablished r outiniz ed roles and task s, has r esul ted in a “disc ouragement ” of the w ork ethic. In jobs wher e roles and task s are highl y prescribed, w orkers ha ve no oppor tunity t o mak e decisions . The y are consider ed replac eable c ommodities as opposed t o valued emplo yees. During times o f recession, these ser vice jobs ma y be the onl y emplo yment pos sible f or young er individuals or those with lo w-level skil ls. The pa y, working c onditions , and r obotic natur e of the task s dehumaniz es the w orkers and s trips them o f inc entiv es for doing quality w ork. Working har d also doesn ’t seem t o ha ve an y relationship with Catholic or P rotestant r eligious beliefs an ymor e, or those o f other r eligions; inf ormation ag e workers e xpect talent and har d work t o be r ewarded b y mat erial g ain and car eer adv ancement. German philosopher , journalis t, and rev olutionar y so cialis tKarl Marx (1818–1883) also s tudie d the so cial imp act o f religion . He b eliev ed religion reflects the so cial s tratific ation o f society and tha t it maintains inequality and p erpetua tes the s tatus quo . For him , religion w as jus t an e xtension o f working-clas s (proletaria t) economic suff ering . He famously argue d tha t religion “is the opium o f the p eople ” (1844). For Durkheim , Weber, and Marx , who w ere re acting to the gre at social and ec onomic uphe aval of the la te nineteenth c entur y and e arly tw entieth c entur y in Europ e, religion w as an integral p art of society . For Durkheim , religion w as a f orce for c ohesion tha t help ed bind the memb ers o f society to the group , while W eber believ ed religion c ould b e unders tood as something sep arate from so ciety . Marx c onsidere d religion insep arable from the ec onom y and the w orker. Religion c ould not b e unders tood ap art from the c apitalis t society tha t perpetua ted ine quality . Despite their diff erent view s, these so cial theoris ts all b eliev ed in the centrality o f religion to so ciety .BIG PICTURE444 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Theor etical P erspectives on R eligion FIGURE 15.3 Functionalis ts belie ve religion meets man y impor tant needs f or people , including gr oup c ohesion and companionship . Hindu pilgrims c ome fr om far a way to Ram K und, a hol y plac e in the city o f Nashik, India . One o f the rituals per formed is int ended t o bring sal vation t o the souls o f people who ha ve pas sed a way. What need is this practic e fulfil ling? (Cr edit: Arian Zw egers/flickr) Modern-da y so ciologis ts often apply one o f three major theoretic al persp ectiv es. These view s offer diff erent lenses through which to s tudy and unders tand so ciety: functionalism , symb olic interactionism , and c onflict theor y. Let ’s explore ho w scholars applying these p aradigms unders tand religion . Functionalism Functionalis ts contend tha t religion ser ves sev eral functions in so ciety . Religion , in fact , dep ends on so ciety f or its e xistenc e, value , and signific ance, and vic e versa. F rom this p ersp ectiv e, religion ser ves sev eral purp oses , like pro viding ans wers to spiritual m ysteries , offering emotional c omf ort, and cre ating a plac e for so cial interaction and so cial c ontrol . In pro viding ans wers, religion defines the spiritual w orld and spiritual f orces, including divine b eings . For example , it helps ans wer ques tions lik e, “Ho w w as the w orld cre ated?” “Why do w e suff er?” “Is there a plan f or
🙏 Religion's Social Functions
🏛️ Functionalist perspective views religion as providing crucial social benefits: answering existential questions, offering emotional comfort, creating opportunities for social interaction, and reinforcing social norms
⚔️ Conflict theorists critique religion as maintaining social inequality by justifying power imbalances, keeping the poor content with their circumstances, and allowing religious leaders to dictate practices through interpretation of texts
💰 Rational Choice Theory suggests people select religions by weighing "costs" (time, money, commitment) against "rewards" (spiritual benefits, social connections) in a consumer-like manner
🔄 Religious organizations evolve through different forms—cults, sects, denominations, and ecclesia—representing a continuum of increasing social influence and institutional power
🌍 World religions can be classified by what they consider divine: polytheism (multiple gods), monotheism (single god), atheism (no deities), animism (natural world), and totemism (human-nature connection)
🧠 Symbolic interactionism examines how religious symbols communicate meaning and how religious values are expressed in everyday social interactions
our liv es?” and “Is there an a fterlif e?” As another function , religion pro vides emotional c omf ort in times o f crisis . Religious rituals bring order , comf ort, and org aniza tion through share d familiar s ymb ols and p atterns o f behavior . One o f the mos t imp ortant functions o f religion , from a functionalis t persp ectiv e, is the opp ortunities it cre ates for so cial interaction and the f orma tion o f groups . It pro vides so cial supp ort and so cial netw orking and o ffers a plac e to meet others who hold similar v alues and a plac e to seek help (spiritual and ma terial) in times o f nee d. Moreo ver, it c an f oster group c ohesion and integra tion . Bec ause religion c an b e central to man y people ’s concept o f themselv es, sometimes there is an “in-group ” versus “ out-group ” feeling to ward other religions in our so ciety or within a p articular practic e. On an e xtreme lev el, the Inquisition , the Salem witch trials , and anti-Semitism are all e xamples o f this dynamic . Finally , religion promotes so cial c ontrol: It reinf orces so cial norms such as appropria te styles o f dres s, following the la w, and regula ting se xual b ehavior . Conflict Theory Conflict theoris ts view religion as an ins titution tha t helps maintain p atterns o f social ine quality . For e xample ,15.1 • The Sociological Appr oach t o Religion 445 the V atican has a tremendous amount o f wealth , while the a verage inc ome o f Catholic p arishioners is small . According to this p ersp ectiv e, religion has b een use d to supp ort the “ divine right ” of oppres sive monarchs and to jus tify une qual so cial s tructures , like India ’s caste system . Conflict theoris ts are critic al of the w ay man y religions promote the ide a tha t believ ers should b e sa tisfied with existing circums tanc es b ecause the y are divinely ordaine d. This p ower dynamic has b een use d by Chris tian institutions f or c enturies to k eep p oor p eople p oor and to te ach them tha t the y shouldn ’t be concerne d with wha t the y lack b ecause their “ true” rew ard (from a religious p ersp ectiv e) will c ome a fter de ath. Conflict theoris ts also p oint out tha t those in p ower in a religion are o ften a ble to dicta te practic es, rituals , and b eliefs through their interpreta tion o f religious te xts or via pro claime d direct c ommunic ation from the divine . FIGURE 15.4 Man y religions , including the Catholic faith, ha ve long pr ohibit ed w omen fr om bec oming spiritual leaders . Feminis t theoris ts focus on g ender inequality and pr omot e leadership r oles f or w omen in r eligion. (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) The f eminis t persp ectiv e is a c onflict theor y view tha t focuses sp ecific ally on g ender ine quality . In terms o f religion , feminis t theoris ts as sert tha t, although w omen are typic ally the ones to so cializ e children into a religion , the y ha ve traditionally held v ery few p ositions o f power within religions . A f ew religions and religious denomina tions are more g ender e qual , but male dominanc e remains the norm o f mos t. Rational Choice Theory : Can Economic Theory Be Applied to R eligion? How do people decide which r eligion t o follow, if an y? Ho w does one pick a chur ch or decide which denomination “fits” bes t? Rational choic e theor y (RCT) is one w ay social scientis ts ha ve attemp ted to explain these beha viors . The theor y proposes that people ar e self-int erested, though not nec essaril y selfish, and that people mak e rational choic es—choic es that can r easonabl y be e xpect ed to maximiz e positiv e out comes while minimizing neg ative outcomes . Sociologis ts Roger Fink e and R odne y Stark (1988) firs t consider ed the use o f RCT t o explain some aspects o f religious beha vior, with the as sump tion that ther e is a basic human need f or religion in t erms o f providing belief in a supernatur al being , a sense o f meaning in lif e, and belief in lif e aft er death. R eligious e xplanations o f these c oncepts ar e presumed t o be mor e satis factory than scientific e xplanations , which ma y help t o ac count f or the c ontinuation o f strong r eligious c onnect ednes s in c ountries such as the Unit ed Stat es, despit e predictions o f some c ompeting theories f or a gr eat decline in r eligious affiliation due t o modernization and r eligious plur alism. Another as sump tion o f RCT is that r eligious or ganizations can be vie wed in t erms o f “costs” and “ rewards.” Cos ts are not onl y monetar y requir ements , but ar e also the time , effort, and c ommitment demands o f any par ticular religious or ganization. R ewards ar e the intangible benefits in t erms o f belief and satis factory explanations about lif e,SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD446 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. death, and the supernatur al, as w ell as social r ewards fr om membership . RCT pr oposes that, in a plur alistic society with man y religious op tions , religious or ganizations wil l compet e for members , and people wil l choose betw een different chur ches or denominations in much the same w ay the y select other c onsumer g oods , balancing c osts and rewards in a r ational manner . In this fr ame work, R CT also e xplains the de velopment and decline o f chur ches , denominations , sects , and e ven cul ts; this limit ed par t of the v ery comple x RCT theor y is the onl y aspect w ell suppor ted b y resear ch data . Critics o f RCT ar gue that it doesn ’t fit w ell with human spiritual needs , and man y sociologis ts disagr ee that the c osts and r ewards o f religion can e ven be meaningful ly measur ed or that individuals use a r ational balancing pr ocess regarding r eligious affiliation. The theor y doesn ’t addr ess man y aspects o f religion that individuals ma y consider essential (such as faith) and fur ther fails t o ac count f or agnos tics and atheis ts who don ’t seem t o ha ve a similar need f or religious e xplanations . Critics also belie ve this theor y overuses ec onomic t erminolog y and s tructur e and point out that t erms such as “ rational ” and “ reward” ar e unac ceptably defined b y their use; the y would ar gue that the theor y is based on faul ty logic and lack s external , empirical suppor t. A scientific e xplanation f orwhysomething occurs can ’t reasonabl y be suppor ted b y the fact that it does occur. RCT is widel y used in ec onomics and t o a les ser extent in criminal jus tice, but the application o f RCT in e xplaining the r eligious beliefs and beha viors o f people and societies is s till being debat ed in sociolog y today. Symbolic Inter actionism Rising from the c oncept tha t our w orld is so cially c onstructe d, symb olic interactionism s tudies the s ymb ols and interactions o f everyday life. To interactionis ts, beliefs and e xperienc es are not sacre d unles s individuals in a so ciety reg ard them as sacre d. The Star o f Da vid in J udaism , the cros s in Chris tianity , and the cresc ent and star in Islam are e xamples o f sacre d symb ols. Interactionis ts are interes ted in wha t these s ymb ols communic ate. Bec ause interactionis ts study one -on-one , everyday interactions b etween individuals , a scholar using this appro ach might ask ques tions f ocuse d on this dynamic . The interaction b etween religious le aders and practitioners , the role o f religion in the ordinar y comp onents o f everyday life, and the w ays people e xpres s religious v alues in so cial interactions —all might b e topics o f study to an interactionis t. FIGURE 15.5 The s ymbols o f fourteen r eligions ar e depict ed her e. In no par ticular or der, the y represent Judaism, Wicca, Taoism, Chris tianity , Confucianism, Baha’i, Druidism, Islam, Hinduism, Z oroastrianism, Shint o, Jainism, Sikhism, and Buddhism. Can y ou mat ch the s ymbol t o the r eligion? What might a s ymbolic int eractionis t mak e of these s ymbols? (Cr edit: R eligious Tolerance.org)15.1 • The Sociological Appr oach t o Religion 447 15.2 World R eligions LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the diff erences betw een v arious types o f religious or ganizations •Clas sify religion, lik e animism, pol ytheism, monotheism, and atheism •Describe se veral major w orld r eligions FIGURE 15.6 Cultural traditions ma y emer ge from r eligious tr aditions , or ma y influenc e them. P eople fr om the same br anch o f Chris tianity ma y celebr ate holida ys very diff erently based on wher e the y live. In this imag e from Guat emala , women dr ess as if f or a funer al as the y pla y a pr ominent r ole in a Hol y Week (Semena Santa) pr ocession. Even in other nearb y Centr al American c ountries , the pr ocession ma y look diff erent fr om this one . The major religions o f the w orld (Hinduism , Buddhism , Islam , Confucianism , Chris tianity , Taoism , and Judaism) diff er in man y resp ects , including ho w each religion is org aniz ed and the b elief s ystem e ach upholds . Other diff erenc es include the na ture o f belief in a higher p ower, the his tory of ho w the w orld and the religion began, and the use o f sacre d texts and objects . Types of R eligious Organiz ations Religions org aniz e themselv es—their ins titutions , practitioners , and s tructures —in a v ariety o f fashions . For instanc e, when the R oman C atholic Church emerg ed, it b orro wed man y of its org aniza tional principles from the ancient R oman militar y and turne d sena tors into c ardinals , for e xample . Sociologis ts use diff erent terms , like ec clesia, denomina tion , and sect , to define these typ es o f org aniza tions . Scholars are also a ware tha t these definitions are not s tatic. Mos t religions transition through diff erent org aniza tional phases . For e xample , Chris tianity b egan as a cult , trans forme d into a sect , and to day exists as an ec clesia. Cults , like sects , are new religious groups . In the Unite d Sta tes to day this term o ften c arries p ejora tive connota tions . Ho wever, almos t all religions b egan as cults and gradually progres sed to lev els o f gre ater siz e and org aniza tion . The term cult is sometimes use d interchang eably with the term new religious mo vement (NRM). The new term ma y be an a ttempt to les sen the neg ativity tha t the term ‘ cult ’ has amas sed. Contro versy exists over whether some groups are cults , perhaps due in p art to me dia sensa tionalism o ver groups lik e polygamous Mormons or the P eoples T emple f ollowers who die d at Jones town, Guy ana. Some groups tha t are c ontro versially la beled as cults to day include the Church o f Scientolog y and the Hare K rishna movement . Asect is a small and rela tively new group . Mos t of the w ell-kno wn Chris tian denomina tions in the Unite d States to day began as sects . For e xample , the Metho dists and Baptis ts protes ted agains t their p arent Anglic an448 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Church in England , jus t as Henr y VIII protes ted agains t the C atholic Church b y forming the Anglic an Church . From “protes t” comes the term P rotes tant . Occasionally , a sect is a bre akaway group tha t ma y be in tension with larg er so ciety . The y sometimes claim to be returning to “ the fundamentals” or to c ontes t the v eracity o f a p articular do ctrine . When memb ership in a sect incre ases o ver time , it ma y gro w into a denomina tion . Often a sect b egins as an o ffsho ot of a denomina tion , when a group o f memb ers b eliev es the y should sep arate from the larg er group . Some sects do not gro w into denomina tions . Sociologis ts call these establishe d sects . Establishe d sects , such as the Amish or J ehovah’s Witnes ses fall halfw ay between sect and denomina tion on the ec clesia– cult continuum b ecause the y ha ve a mixture o f sect -like and denomina tion-lik e characteris tics. Adenominat ion is a larg e, mains tream religious org aniza tion , but it do es not claim to b e official or s tate sponsore d. It is one religion among man y. For e xample , Baptis t, Afric an Metho dist Episc opal, Catholic , and Seventh-da y Adventis t are all Chris tian denomina tions . The term ecclesia , originally ref erring to a p olitic al as sembly o f citiz ens in ancient A thens , Greec e, now ref ers to a c ongreg ation . In so ciolog y, the term is use d to ref er to a religious group tha t mos t all memb ers o f a so ciety belong to . It is c onsidere d a na tionally rec ogniz ed, or o fficial , religion tha t holds a religious monop oly and is closely allie d with s tate and secular p owers. The Unite d Sta tes do es not ha ve an ec clesia b y this s tandard; in fact , this is the typ e of religious org aniza tion tha t man y of the firs t colonis ts came to Americ a to esc ape. There are man y countries in Europ e, Asia, C entral and South Americ a, and Afric a tha t are c onsidere d to ha ve an o fficial s tate-church . Mos t of their citiz ens share similar b eliefs , and the s tate-church has signific ant involvement in na tional ins titutions , which includes res tricting the b ehavior o f those with diff erent b elief systems . The s tate-church o f England is the Church o f England or the Anglic an Church es tablishe d in the 16th centur y by King Henr y VIII. In Sa udi Ara bia, Islamic la w is enf orced, and public displa y of an y other religion is illeg al. Using this definition then , it c an b e said tha t the major Abrahamic s ystems o f Chris tianity , Judaism , and Islam , are ec clesia; in some regions , the y are c onsidere d a s tate-church .15.2 • W orld R eligions 449 FIGURE 15.7 How might y ou clas sify the Mennonit es? As a cul t, a sect, or a denomination? (Cr edit: F renkieb/flickr) One w ay to rememb er these religious org aniza tional terms is to think o f cults , sects , denomina tions , and ecclesia representing a c ontinuum , with incre asing influenc e on so ciety , where cults are le ast influential and ecclesia are mos t influential . Types of R eligions Scholars from a v ariety o f disciplines ha ve strived to clas sify religions . One widely ac cepte d categoriza tion tha t helps p eople unders tand diff erent b elief s ystems c onsiders wha t or who p eople w orship (if an ything ). Using this metho d of clas sific ation , religions might fall into one o f these b asic c ategories , as sho wn in Table 15.1 . Religious Clas sifica tionWha t/Who I s Divine Example Polytheism Multiple g odsBelief s ystems o f the ancient Gr eeks and Romans Mono theism Single g od Judaism, Islam Atheism No deities Atheism AnimismNonhuman beings (animals , plants , natur al world)Indig enous natur e worship (Shint o) TABLE 15.1 One w ay scholars ha ve cat egorized religions is b y clas sifying what or who the y hold t o be divine .450 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Religious Clas sifica tionWha t/Who I s Divine Example Totemism Human-natur al being c onnection Ojib wa (Nativ e American) beliefs TABLE 15.1 One w ay scholars ha ve cat egorized religions is b y clas sifying what or who the y hold t o be divine . Note tha t some religions ma y be practic ed—or unders tood—in v arious c ategories . For ins tanc e, the Chris tian notion o f the Holy T rinity (Go d, Jesus , Holy S pirit) defies the definition o fmonotheism , which is a religion based on b elief in a single deity , to some scholars . Similarly , man y Westerners view the multiple manif estations o f Hinduism ’s godhe ad as polytheis tic, which is a religion b ased on b elief in multiple deities ,, while Hindus might describ e those manif estations are a monotheis tic p arallel to the Chris tian T rinity . Some Japanese practic e Shinto , which f ollowsanimism , which is a religion tha t believ es in the divinity o f nonhuman beings , like animals , plants , and objects o f the na tural w orld , while p eople who practic etotemism believ e in a divine c onnection b etween humans and other na tural b eings . It is also imp ortant to note tha t every so ciety also has nonb eliev ers, such as atheis ts, who do not b eliev e in a divine b eing or entity , and a gnos tics, who hold tha t ultima te re ality (such as Go d) is unkno wable. While typic ally not an org aniz ed group , atheis ts and a gnos tics represent a signific ant p ortion o f the p opula tion . It is imp ortant to rec ogniz e tha t being a nonb eliev er in a divine entity do es not me an the individual subscrib es to no morality . Indee d, man y Nobel Peace Prize winners and other gre at humanitarians o ver the c enturies w ould have clas sifie d themselv es as a theis ts or a gnos tics. The W orld’ s Religions and Philosophies Religions ha ve emerg ed and dev elop ed acros s the w orld . Some ha ve been shor t-lived, while others ha ve persis ted and gro wn. In this section , we will e xplore sev en o f the w orld ’s major religions . Hinduism The oldes t religion in the w orld , Hinduism origina ted in the Indus Riv er V alley about 4,500 y ears a go in wha t is now mo dern-da y nor thwest India and P akis tan. It arose c ontemp oraneously with ancient E gyptian and Mesop otamian cultures . With roughly one billion f ollowers, Hinduism is the third-larg est of the w orld ’s religions . Hindus b eliev e in a divine p ower tha t can manif est as diff erent entities . Three main incarna tions —Brahma, V ishnu , and Shiv a—are sometimes c omp ared to the manif estations o f the divine in the Chris tian T rinity . Multiple sacre d texts, collectiv ely c alled the V edas, contain h ymns and rituals from ancient India and are mos tly writ ten in Sanskrit . Hindus g enerally b eliev e in a set o f principles c alled dharma, which ref er to one ’s duty in the w orld tha t corresp onds with “right ” actions . Hindus also b eliev e in karma, or the notion tha t spiritual ramific ations o f one ’s actions are b alanc ed cy clically in this lif e or a future lif e (reinc arna tion). Buddhism Buddhism w as founde d by Siddhar tha G autama around 500 B .C.E. Siddhar tha w as said to ha ve giv en up a comf ortable, upp er-clas s life to f ollow one o f poverty and spiritual dev otion . At the a ge of thir ty-five, he famously me dita tedunder a sacre d fig tree and v owed not to rise b efore he achiev ed enlightenment ( bodhi). After this e xperienc e, he b ecame kno wn as B uddha, or “ enlightene d one .” Followers w ere dra wn to B uddha ’s teachings and the practic e of me dita tion , and he la ter es tablishe d a monas tic order .15.2 • W orld R eligions 451 FIGURE 15.8 Meditation is an impor tant pr actic e in Buddhism. A Tibetan monk is sho wn her e eng aged in solitar y meditation. (Cr edit: P rince Roy/flickr) Buddha ’s teachings enc oura ge Buddhis ts to le
🙏 World Religions Overview
🌏 Buddhism teaches that life is suffering, which can be overcome by following the "middle way" - emphasizing personal responsibility, present-moment awareness, and acceptance of others rather than worship of a deity
🧠 Confucianism functions more as a social philosophy than religion, focusing on self-discipline, respect for authority, and jen (kind treatment of all people) as remedies for social disorder
☯️ Taoism pursues inner peace and harmony through compassion and moderation, viewing the Tao as both the spiritual reality and the proper way of life in balance with natural forces
📜 Abrahamic religions (Judaism, Christianity, Islam) share historical roots but diverge in beliefs - Judaism emphasizes moral behavior in this world, Christianity centers on Jesus as divine savior, and Islam follows Muhammad's teachings through five essential pillars
🏛️ Religious institutions in America continue evolving - with megachurches growing in popularity, liberation theology connecting faith to social justice, and denominations increasingly navigating LGBTQ inclusion
🔄 Secularization trends coexist with religious fundamentalism in the United States, creating a complex religious landscape that remains more devout than other industrialized democracies
ad a moral lif e by ac cepting the f our N oble T ruths: 1) lif e is suff ering , 2) suff ering arises from a ttachment to desires , 3) suff ering c eases when a ttachment to desires ceases , and 4) free dom from suff ering is p ossible b y following the “middle w ay.” The c oncept o f the “middle way” is c entral to B uddhis t thinking , which enc oura ges p eople to liv e in the present and to practic e ac ceptanc e of others (Smith 1991). B uddhism also tends to deemphasiz e the role o f a g odhe ad, ins tead s tres sing the imp ortanc e of personal resp onsibility (C raig 2002). Confucianism Confucianism w as dev elop ed by Kung F u-Tzu (C onfucius), who liv ed in the sixth and fifth c enturies B .C.E. An extraordinar y teacher , his les sons —which w ere a bout self -discipline , resp ect f or a uthority and tradition , and jen(the kind tre atment o f every person)—w ere c ollecte d in a b ook c alled the Analects . Man y consider C onfucianism more o f a philosoph y or so cial s ystem than a religion b ecause it f ocuses on sharing wisdom a bout moral practic es but do esn’t involve an y typ e of specific w orship; nor do es it ha ve formal objects . In fact , its te achings w ere dev elop ed in c onte xt of problems o f social anarch y and a ne ar-complete deteriora tion o f social c ohesion . Dis satisfied with the so cial solutions put f orth, Kung F u-Tzu dev elop ed his own mo del o f religious morality to help guide so ciety (Smith 1991). Taoism In T aoism , the purp ose o f life is inner p eace and harmon y. Tao is usually transla ted as “ way” or “p ath.” The founder o f the religion is g enerally rec ogniz ed to b e a man name d Lao zi, who liv ed sometime in the sixth centur y B.C.E. in China. T aois t beliefs emphasiz e the vir tues o f comp assion and mo dera tion . The c entral c oncept o ftaocan b e unders tood to describ e a spiritual re ality , the order o f the univ erse , or the452 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. way of mo dern lif e in harmon y with the f ormer tw o. The ying-y ang s ymb ol and the c oncept o f polar f orces are central T aois t ide as (Smith 1991). Some scholars ha ve comp ared this Chinese tradition to its C onfucian counterp art by sa ying tha t “where as C onfucianism is c oncerne d with da y-to-day rules o f conduct , Taoism is concerne d with a more spiritual lev el of being ” (Feng and English 1972). Judaism After their Ex odus from E gypt in the thir teenth c entur y B.C.E., J ews, a nomadic so ciety , became monotheis tic, worshipping only one Go d. The J ews’ covenant , or promise o f a sp ecial rela tionship with Y ahweh (Go d), is an imp ortant element o f Judaism . Abraham , a k ey figure in the f ounda tion o f the J ewish faith , is also rec ogniz ed as a f ounda tion o f Chris tianity and Islam , resulting in the three religions and a f ew others b eing ref erre d to as “Abrahamic .” The sacre d Jewish te xt is the T orah , which Chris tians also f ollow as the firs t fiv e books o f the Bible . Talmud ref ers to a c ollection o f sacre d Jewish oral interpreta tion o f the T orah . Jews emphasiz e moral behavior and action in this w orld as opp osed to b eliefs or p ersonal salv ation in the ne xt w orld . Sinc e Moses was a le ader o f the J ewish p eople when he rec orde d the T en C ommandments , their culture is inter woven with that of other religions and o f governments who adhere to “ Judeo -Chris tian v alues .” Jewish p eople ma y identif y as an ethnic group as w ell as a religion (Gla uz-Todrank 2014). After numerous invasions and w ars in the J ewish homeland , culmina ting in the des truction o f the Sec ond T emple , Jewish people relo cated to other p arts of the w orld in wha t is kno wn as the J ewish Diasp ora. Larg e popula tions set tled in Europ e, and ev entually migra ted to the Unite d Sta tes. Though a c ontemp orar y Jewish p erson 's anc estors may hail from Eas tern Europ e, the Middle Eas t, or the Ib erian P eninsula, man y identif y themselv es as p eople of Jewish origin , rather than indic ating the na tion from which their anc estors emigra ted (Cher vyakov 2010). Today, Jewish p eople are the sec ond-larg est religious group in the Unite d Sta tes (P ew R esearch C enter 2018), and the Unite d Sta tes is also home to the sec ond larg est popula tion o f Jewish p eople , with Israel ha ving the larg est. Islam Islam is monotheis tic religion , and it f ollows the te aching o f the prophet Muhammad , born in Mec ca, Sa udi Arabia, in 570 C .E. Muhammad is seen only as a prophet , not as a divine b eing , and he is b eliev ed to b e the mes seng er o f Allah (Go d), who is divine . The f ollowers o f Islam are c alled Muslims . Islam me ans “p eace” and “ submis sion .” The sacre d text for Muslims is the Qur ’an (or K oran). As with Chris tianity ’s Old T estament , man y of the Qur ’an s tories are share d with the J ewish faith . Divisions e xist within Islam , but all Muslims are guide d by fiv e beliefs or practic es, often c alled “pillars” : 1) A llah is the only g od, and Muhammad is his prophet , 2) daily pra yer, 3) helping those in p overty, 4) fas ting as a spiritual practic e, and 5) pilgrima ge to the holy c enter o f Mec ca. About one -fifth o f the w orld ’s popula tion identifies as Muslim . While there is a signific ant c oncentra tion o f Muslim p eople in the Middle Eas t, the y sp an the glob e. The mos t countr y with the mos t Muslim p eople is is Indonesia, an island c ountr y in Southe ast Asia. In the Unite d Sta tes, Muslim p eople mak e up the third-larg est religious group a fter Chris tian and J ewish p eople , and tha t popula tion is e xpecte d to b ecome larg er than the U.S. J ewish p opula tion b y about 2040 (P ew R esearch C enter 2018).15.2 • W orld R eligions 453 FIGURE 15.9 One o f the c orners tones o f Muslim pr actic e is journe ying t o the r eligion ’s mos t sacr ed plac e, Mec ca. The cube s tructur e is the K aaba (also spel led K a’bah or K abah). (Cr edit: R aeky /flickr) Christianity Today the larg est religion in the w orld , Chris tianity b egan 2,000 y ears a go in P ales tine , with J esus o f Nazareth , a leader who ta ught his f ollowers a bout caritas (charity ) or tre ating others as y ou w ould lik e to b e tre ated yourself. The sacre d text for Chris tians is the Bible . While J ews, Chris tians , and Muslims share man y of same his toric al religious s tories , their b eliefs v erge. In their share d sacre d stories , it is sugg ested tha t the son o f Go d—a mes siah—will return to sa ve Go d’s followers. While Chris tians b eliev e tha t he alre ady app eared in the p erson o f Jesus Chris t, Jews and Muslims disa gree . While the y rec ogniz e Chris t as an imp ortant his toric al figure , their traditions don ’t believ e he ’s the son o f Go d, and their faiths see the prophecy o f the mes siah ’s arriv al as not y et fulfille d. FIGURE 15.10 The r enowned Ho ward Gospel Choir o f Ho ward Univ ersity is made up o f students , alumni, and community members . It per forms on campus and thr oughout the w orld, such as this per formanc e in Ukr aine . (Credit: US Embas sy Kyiv Ukr aine/flickr) The larg est group o f Chris tians in the Unite d Sta tes are memb ers o f the P rotes tant religions , including memb ers o f the Baptis t, Episc opal, Lutheran , Metho dist, Pentec ostal, and other churches . Ho wever, more454 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. people identif y as C atholic than an y one o f those individual P rotes tant religions (P ew R esearch C enter , 2020). Different Chris tian groups ha ve varia tions among their sacre d texts. For ins tanc e, The Church o f Jesus Chris t of Latter-day Saints , an es tablishe d Chris tian sect , also uses the Bo ok o f Mormon , which the y believ e details other p arts of Chris tian do ctrine and J esus’ lif e tha t aren ’t include d in the Bible . Similarly , the C atholic Bible includes the A pocrypha, a c ollection tha t, while p art of the 1611 King J ames transla tion , is no long er include d in P rotes tant v ersions o f the Bible . Although monotheis tic, man y Chris tians describ e their g od through three manif estations tha t the y call the Holy T rinity: the fa ther (Go d), the son (J esus), and the Holy S pirit . The Holy Spirit is a term Chris tians o ften use to describ e religious e xperienc e, or ho w the y feel the presenc e of the sacre d in their liv es. One f ounda tion o f Chris tian do ctrine is the T en C ommandments , which decr y acts considere d sinful , including theft , murder , and adulter y. 15.3 Religion in the United States LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Give examples o f religion as an ag ent o f social chang e •Describe curr ent U .S. tr ends including meg achur ches , stanc es on L GBTQ rights , and r eligious identification. FIGURE 15.11 Religion and r eligious obser vance pla y a k ey role in e very life stage, deepening its emotional and cognitiv e connections . Man y religions ha ve a c eremon y or sacr ament t o bring infants int o the faith, as this Bap tism does f or Chris tians . In Judaism, adolesc ents tr ansition t o adul thood thr ough c eremonies lik e the Bat Mitzv ah or Bar Mitzv ah. And man y couples c ement their r elationship thr ough r eligious marriag e ceremonies , as did these members of the Chur ch o f Jesus Chris t of Latter Da y Saints . (Cr edit: a: John R agai/flickr; b: Michele P ace/flickr; c: kris tin klein/ flickr) In e xamining the s tate of religion in the Unite d Sta tes to day, we see the c omple xity o f religious lif e in our society , plus emerging trends lik e the rise o f the meg achurch , seculariza tion , and the role o f religion in so cial chang e. Religion and Social Change Religion has his toric ally b een an imp etus f or and a b arrier a gains t social chang e. With Gutenb erg’s invention of the printing pres s, spre ading ide as b ecame far e asier to share . Man y pamphlets f or all sor ts of interes ts w ere printe d, but one o f Gutenb erg's gre atest contributions ma y ha ve been mas s pro ducing the Chris tian Bible . The transla tion o f sacre d texts into ev eryday, nonscholarly langua ge emp owered people to shap e their religions . However, printers did not jus t work f or the Church . The y printe d man y other te xts, including those tha t were not aligne d with Church do ctrine . Mar tin L uther had his c omplaints a gains t the Church (the 95 Theses) printe d in 1517, which allo wed them to b e dis tribute d throughout Europ e. His c onvictions ev entually le d to the Protes tant R eforma tion , which rev olutioniz ed not only the Church , but much o f Western civiliza tion . Disa greements b etween religious groups and ins tanc es o f religious p ersecution ha ve led to w ars and geno cides . The Unite d Sta tes is no s trang er to religion as an a gent o f social chang e. In fact , man y of the Unite d States' early Europ ean arriv als w ere acting larg ely on religious c onvictions when the y were driv en to set tle in the Unite d Sta tes.15.3 • R eligion in the Unit ed S tates 455 Liber ation Theology Liberat ion theolog ybegan as a mo vement within the R oman C atholic Church in the 1950s and 1960s in La tin Americ a, and it c ombines Chris tian principles with p olitic al activism . It uses the church to promote so cial chang e via the p olitic al arena, and it is mos t often seen in a ttempts to re duce or elimina te so cial injus tice, discrimina tion , and p overty. A lis t of prop onents o f this kind o f social jus tice (although some pre -date liberation theor y) could include F rancis o f As sisi, Leo T olstoy, Mar tin L uther King Jr ., and Desmond T utu. Although b egun as a moral re action a gains t the p overty caused by so cial injus tice in tha t part of the w orld , today lib eration theolog y is an interna tional mo vement tha t enc omp asses man y churches and denomina tions . Liberation theologians discus s theolog y from the p oint o f view o f the p oor and the oppres sed, and some interpret the scriptures as a c all to action a gains t poverty and injus tice. In Europ e and N orth Americ a, feminis t theolog y has emerg ed from lib eration theolog y as a mo vement to bring so cial jus tice to w omen . Religious Leaders and the R ainbo w of Gay Pride What happens when a r eligious leader o fficiat es a g ay marriag e ag ains t denomination policies? What about when that same minis ter def ends the action in par t by coming out and making her o wn lesbian r elationship kno wn t o the chur ch? In the case o f the R everend Am y DeL ong, it meant a chur ch trial . Some leaders in her denomination as sert that homose xuality is inc ompatible with their faith, while others f eel this type o f discrimination has no plac e in a modern chur ch (Barrick 2011). As the L GBTQ community incr easingl y earns basic civil rights , how wil l religious c ommunities r espond? Man y religious gr oups ha ve traditional ly disc ount ed L GBTQ se xualities as “ wrong.” Ho wever, these or ganizations ha ve moved closer t o respecting human rights b y, for example , incr easingl y recognizing w omen as an equal g ender . The Episc opal Chur ch, a Chris tian sect c omprising about 2.3 mil lion people in the Unit ed Stat es, has been far mor e welcoming t o LGBTQ people . Progressing fr om a suppor tive proclamation in 1976, the Episc opal Chur ch in the USA declar ed in 2015 that its cler gy could pr eside o ver and sanction same -sex marriag es (HR C 2019). The decision w as not without its detr actors, and as r ecently as 2020 an Episc opal bishop (a senior leader) in ups tate Ne w York w as dismis sed f or pr ohibiting same -sex marriag es in his dioc ese. (NBC, 2020). L uther an and Anglican denominations also suppor t the bles sing o f same -sex marriag es, though the y do not nec essaril y offer them the ful l recognition o f opposit e-sex marriag es. Catholic Chur ch leader P ope F rancis has been pushing f or a mor e open chur ch, and some Catholic bishops ha ve been adv ocating f or a mor e “gay-friendl y” chur ch (McK enna , 2014). F or these and some other policies , Pope F rancis has met v ocal r esistanc e from Chur ch members and some mor e conser vative bishops , while other Catholic bishops have suppor ted same -sex marriag es. American Je wish denominations g ener ally recogniz e and suppor t the bles sing o f same -sex marriag es, and Je wish rabbis ha ve been suppor ters o f LGBTQ rights fr om the Civil Rights er a. In other r eligions , such as Hinduism, which does not ha ve a g overning body c ommon t o other r eligions , LGBTQ people ar e gener ally welcomed, and the decision to per form same -sex marriag es is at the discr etion o f individual pries ts. Megachur ches Ameg achurch is a Chris tian church tha t has a v ery larg e congreg ation a veraging more than 2,000 p eople who attend regular w eekly ser vices. As o f 2009, the larg est meg achurch in the Unite d Sta tes w as in Hous ton T exas, boasting an a verage weekly a ttendanc e of more than 43,000 (Bog an 2009). Meg achurches e xist in other p arts of the w orld , esp ecially in South K orea, Brazil , and sev eral Afric an c ountries , but the rise o f the meg achurch in the Unite d Sta tes is a fairly rec ent phenomenon tha t has dev elop ed primarily in C alifornia, Florida, Georgia,SOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE456 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. and T exas. Sinc e 1970 the numb er o f meg achurches in this c ountr y has gro wn from a bout fifty to more than 1,000, mos t of which are a ttache d to the Southern Baptis t denomina tion (Bog an 2009). A ppro xima tely six million p eople are memb ers o f these churches (Bird and Thumma 2011). The architecture o f these church buildings o ften resembles a sp ort or c oncert arena. The church ma y include jumb otrons ( larg e-screen televisual technolog y usually use d in sp orts arenas to sho w close -up shots o f an ev ent). W orship ser vices feature c ontemp orar y music with dr ums and electric guitars and use s tate-of-the -art sound e quipment . The buildings sometimes include f ood courts, sports and recre ation facilities , and b ookstores . Ser vices such as child c are and mental health c ounseling are o ften o ffered. Typic ally, a single , highly charisma tic p astor le ads the meg achurch; a t present , mos t are male . Some meg achurches and their pre achers ha ve a hug e television presenc e, and view ers all around the c ountr y watch and resp ond to their sho ws and fundraising . Besides siz e, U.S. meg achurches share other traits , including c onser vative theolog y, evangelism , use o f technolog y and so cial netw orking (F acebook, Twit ter, podcasts, blogs), hug ely charisma tic le aders , few financial s truggles , multiple sites , and pre dominantly white memb ership . The y lis t their main f ocuses as y outh activities , community ser vice, and s tudy o f the Scripture (Har tford Ins titute f or R eligion R esearch b). Seculariz ation Historic al so ciologis ts Émile Durkheim , Max W eber, and K arl Marx and ps ychoanaly st Sigmund F reud anticip ated seculariza tion and claime d tha t the mo derniza tion o f society w ould bring a bout a decre ase in the influenc e of religion . Weber b eliev ed memb ership in dis tinguishe d clubs w ould outp ace memb ership in Protes tant sects as a w ay for p eople to g ain a uthority or resp ect. Conversely , some p eople sugg est seculariza tion is a ro ot cause o f man y so cial problems , such as div orce, drug use, and e duc ational do wnturn . One -time presidential c ontender Michele Bachmann ev en link ed Hurric ane Irene and the 2011 e arthquak e felt in W ashington D .C. to p oliticians’ failure to lis ten to Go d (Ward 2011). Similar s tatements ha ve been made a bout Hurric ane Har vey being the result o f Hous ton’s progres sivism and for the city electing a lesbian ma yor. While some the Unite d Sta tes seems to b e incre asingly secular , tha t chang e is o ccurring with a c oncurrent rise in fundamentalism . Comp ared to other demo cratic, indus trializ ed countries , the Unite d Sta tes is g enerally perceived to b e a fairly religious na tion . Where as 65 p ercent o f U.S. adults in a 2009 G allup sur vey
🙏 Religion in America
📊 Religious affiliation varies dramatically across countries, with 26% of Americans now identifying as "no religion" - up from 17% in 2009, while motivations for religious disaffiliation range from formal disagreements to simply "drifting away"
🏛️ Religious attendance differs significantly between faiths, with Jehovah's Witnesses (85%) and Latter Day Saints (77%) showing the highest weekly attendance rates, potentially strengthening social structures and community integration
⚖️ The separation of church and state remains contentious, with polls revealing Americans' preference for Christian expressions in public spaces (70% approval) compared to Islamic ones (33% approval), challenging true religious freedom
🔄 Religious organizations exist on a spectrum from ecclesia (state religions) to denominations, sects, and cults, with megachurches representing a growing, influential segment of American religious life
🌍 Major world religions like Christianity, Judaism, and Islam share certain elements while maintaining distinct beliefs, practices, and organizational structures that serve various social functions
said religion was an imp ortant p art of their daily liv es, the numb ers w ere lo wer in S pain (49 p ercent), C anada (42 p ercent), Franc e (30 p ercent), the Unite d King dom (27 p ercent), and Sw eden (17 p ercent) (C rabtree and P elham 2009). Seculariza tion interes ts so cial obser vers b ecause it entails a p attern o f chang e in a fundamental so cial institution . Much has b een made a bout the rising numb er o f people who identif y as ha ving no religious affilia tion , which in a 2019 P ew P oll re ache d a new high o f 26 p ercent, up from 17 p ercent in 2009 (P ew Research C enter , 2020). B ut the motiv ations and me anings o f having “no religion ” vary signific antly . A p erson who is a p art of a religion ma y mak e a difficult decision to f ormally le ave it b ased on disa greements with the organiza tion or the tenets o f the faith . Other p eople ma y simply “ drift a way,” and decide to no long er identif y themselv es as memb ers o f a religion . Some p eople are not raise d as a p art of a religion , and theref ore mak e a decision whether or not to join one la ter in lif e. And finally , a gro wing numb er o f people identif y as spiritual but not religious (SBNR) and the y ma y pra y, me dita te, and ev en c elebra te holida ys in w ays quite similar to p eople affilia ted with f ormal religions; the y ma y also find spirituality through other a venues tha t rang e from na ture to mar tial ar ts. Sociologis ts and other so cial scientis ts ma y study these motiv ations and their imp act on asp ects of individuals’ liv es, as w ell as cultural and group implic ations . In addition to the identific ation and chang e reg arding p eople ’s religious a ffilia tion , religious obser vance is also interes ting . Researchers analyz e the depth o f involvement in f ormal ins titutions , like attending w orship , and15.3 • R eligion in the Unit ed S tates 457 informal or individual practic es. As sho wn in Table 15.2 , of the religions sur veyed, memb ers o f the J ehovah's Witnes s religion a ttend religious ser vices more regularly than memb ers o f other religions in the Unite d Sta tes. A numb er o f Protes tant religions also ha ve rela tively high a ttendanc e. Regular a ttendanc e at ser vices ma y pla y a role in building so cial s tructure and ac ceptanc e of new p eople into the g eneral c ommunity . Religious tr aditionAt leas t onc e a weekOnc e or twic e a month/a f ew times a y earSeldom/ never Buddhis t 18% 50% 31% Catholic 39% 40% 20% Evangelical P rotestant 58% 30% 12% Hindu 18% 60% 21% Historical ly Black P rotestant 53% 36% 10% Jeho vah’s Witnes s 85% 11% 3% Jewish 19% 49% 31% Mainline P rotestant 33% 43% 24% Chur ch o f Jesus Chris t of Latter Day Saints77% 14% 9% Muslim 45% 31% 22% Orthodo x Chris tian 31% 54% 15% Unaf filia ted (r eligious “ nones ”) 4% 24% 72% TABLE 15.2 A sur vey of U.S. adul ts ask ed about r egularity o f religious ser vice attendanc e. (Cr edit: P ew Resear ch Cent er, 2020) Thank God f or that T ouchdo wn: Separ ation of Chur ch and State Imagine thr ee public univ ersities with f ootbal l games scheduled on Satur day. At Univ ersity A , a gr oup o f students in the s tands who shar e the same faith decide t o form a cir cle amid the spectat ors t o pray for the t eam. F or fift een minut es, people in the cir cle shar e their pr ayers aloud among their gr oup. At Univ ersity B , the t eam ahead at halftime decides t o join t ogether in pr ayer, giving thank s and seeking suppor t from God. This las ts for the firs t ten minut es o f halftime on the sidelines o f the field while spectat ors w atch. A t Univ ersity C, the g ame pr ogram includes , among its opening moments , two minut es set aside f or the t eam cap tain t o shar e a pr ayer of his choosing with the spectat ors. In the tricky ar ea o f separ ation o f chur ch and s tate, which o f these actions is al lowed and which is f orbidden? In our three fictional sc enarios , the las t example is ag ains t the la w while the firs t two situations ar e per fectly acceptable .SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD458 15 • R eligion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. In the Unit ed Stat es, a nation f ounded on the principles o f religious fr eedom (man y set tlers w ere escaping r eligious persecution in Eur ope), ho w string ently do w e adher e to this ideal? Ho w well do w e respect people ’s right t o practic e an y belief s ystem o f their choosing? The ans wer jus t might depend on what r eligion y ou pr actic e. In 2003, f or example , a la wsuit escalat ed in Alabama r egarding a monument t o the T en Commandments in a public building . In r esponse , a pol l was conduct ed b yUSA T oday, CNN, and Gal lup. Among the findings: 70 per cent o f people appr oved o f a Chris tian T en Commandments monument in public, while onl y 33 per cent appr oved o f a monument t o the Islamic Qur ’an in the same spac e. Similarl y, sur vey respondents sho wed a 64 per cent appr oval of social pr ograms run b y Chris tian or ganizations , but onl y 41 per cent appr oved o f the same pr ograms run b y Muslim groups (Ne wpor t 2003). These s tatis tics sug gest that, f or mos t people in the Unit ed Stat es, freedom o f religion is les s impor tant than the religion under discus sion. And this is pr ecisel y the point made b y those who ar gue for separ ation o f chur ch and state. According t o their c ontention, an y state-sanctioned r ecognition o f religion sug gests endorsement o f one belief system at the e xpense o f all others —contr adict ory to the idea o f freedom o f religion. So what violat es separ ation o f chur ch and s tate and what is ac ceptable? Myriad la wsuits c ontinue t o test the answer. In the case o f the thr ee fictional e xamples abo ve, the is sue o f spontaneity is k ey, as is the e xistence (or lack ther eof) of planning on the par t of event or ganiz ers. The ne xt time y ou’re at a s tate event—political , public school , community —and the t opic o f religion c omes up , consider wher e it fal ls in this debat e.15.3 • R eligion in the Unit ed S tates 459 Key T erms animism the religion tha t believ es in the divinity o f nonhuman b eings , like animals , plants , and objects o f the na tural w orld atheism the b elief in no deities cults religious groups tha t are small , secretiv e, and highly c ontrolling o f memb ers and ha ve a charisma tic leader denominat ion a larg e, mains tream religion tha t is not sp onsore d by the s tate ecclesia a religion tha t is c onsidere d the s tate religion establishe d sects sects tha t las t but do not b ecome denomina tions liberat ion theolog y the use o f a church to promote so cial chang e via the p olitic al arena meg achurch a Chris tian church tha t has a v ery larg e congreg ation a veraging more than 2,000 p eople who attend regular w eekly ser vices monotheism a religion b ased on b elief in a single deity polytheism a religion b ased on b elief in multiple deities religion a system o f beliefs , values , and practic es c oncerning wha t a p erson holds to b e sacre d or spiritually signific ant religious b eliefs specific ide as tha t memb ers o f a p articular faith hold to b e true religious e xperienc e the c onviction or sensa tion tha t one is c onnecte d to “ the divine ” religious rituals behaviors or practic es tha t are either re quire d for or e xpecte d of the memb ers o f a particular group sect a small , new o ffsho ot of a denomina tion totemism the b elief in a divine c onnection b etween humans and other na tural b eings Section Summary 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach to R eligion Religion describ es the b eliefs , values , and practic es rela ted to sacre d or spiritual c oncerns . Social theoris t Émile Durkheim define d religion as a “unifie d system o f beliefs and practic es rela tive to sacre d things” (1915). Max W eber b eliev ed religion c ould b e a f orce for so cial chang e. Karl Marx view ed religion as a to ol use d by capitalis t societies to p erpetua te ine quality . Religion is a so cial ins titution , because it includes b eliefs and practic es tha t ser ve the nee ds o f society . Religion is also an e xample o f a cultural univ ersal , because it is f ound in all so cieties in one f orm or another . Functionalism , conflict theor y, and interactionism all pro vide v alua ble ways for so ciologis ts to unders tand religion . 15.2 World R eligions Sociologic al terms f or diff erent kinds o f religious org aniza tions are , in order o f decre asing influenc e in so ciety , ecclesia, denomina tion , sect , and cult . Religions c an b e categoriz ed ac cording to wha t or whom its f ollowers worship . Some o f the major , and oldes t, of the w orld ’s religions and rela ted philosophies include Hinduism , Buddhism , Confucianism , Taoism , Judaism , Islam , and Chris tianity . In the Unite d Sta tes, the mos t widespre ad religions are Chris tianity , Judaism , and Islam . 15.3 Religion in the United States Liberation theolog y combines Chris tian principles with p olitic al activism to addres s so cial injus tice, discrimina tion , and p overty. Meg achurches are those with a memb ership o f more than 2,000 regular attendees , and the y are a vibrant , gro wing and highly influential segment o f U.S. religious lif e. While the numb ers o f people who identif y as ha ving no religious a ffilia tion is rising in the Unite d Sta tes, individual motiv ations and w ays of identif ying ma y vary signific antly .460 15 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Section Quiz 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach to R eligion 1.In wha t ways do es religion ser ve the role o f a so cial ins titution? a.Religions ha ve a c omple x and integra ted set o f norms . b.Religious practic es and b eliefs are rela ted to so cietal v alues . c.Religions o ften meet sev eral b asic nee ds. d.All of the a bove 2.A cultural univ ersal is something tha t: a.addres ses all asp ects o f a group ’s behavior b.is found in all cultures c.is based on so cial norms d.may or ma y not b e of value in meeting so cial nee ds 3.Which o f the main theoretic al persp ectiv es w ould appro ach religion from the micro -lev el, studying ho w religion imp acts an individual ’s sense o f supp ort and w ell-b eing? a.Functionalism b.Symb olic interactionism c.Conflict theor y d.Feminism 4.Which p ersp ectiv e mos t emphasiz es the w ays in which religion helps k eep the so cial s ystem r unning smo othly? a.Functional p ersp ectiv e b.Symb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e c.Conflict p ersp ectiv e d.Feminis t persp ectiv e 5.Which so cialis t persp ectiv e mos t emphasiz es the w ays in which religion helps to maintain so cial inequalities within a so ciety? a.Functional b.Symb olic interactionis t c.Conflict theor y d.Feminis t persp ectiv e 6.Which o f the f ollowing do the functionalis t and c onflict p ersp ectiv es share? a.Position tha t religion rela tes to so cial c ontrol , enf orcing so cial norms b.Emphasis on religion as pro viding so cial supp ort c.Belief tha t religion helps e xplain the m ysteries o f life d.None o f the a bove 7.The P rotes tant w ork ethic w as view ed in terms o f its rela tionship to: a.evolution and na tural selection b.capitalism c.determinism d.prejudic e and discrimina tion15 • Section Quiz 461 15.2 World R eligions 8.Wha t are some denomina tions o f the Chris tian P rotes tant church? a.Catholic and J ewish b.Jehovah’s Witnes ses and P resb yterians c.Scientolog y and Hare K rishna d.Metho dist and Sev enth-da y Adventis t 9.A sect: a.has g enerally gro wn so larg e tha t it nee ds new buildings and multiple le aders b.often b eliev es it mus t split from the larg er group to return to imp ortant fundamentals c.is another term f or a cult d.All of the a bove 10.The main diff erenc e between an ec clesia and a denomina tion is: a.the numb er o f followers or b eliev ers is much larg er for denomina tions b.the g eographic al lo cation v aries f or ec clesia v ersus denomina tions c.ecclesia are s tate-sponsore d and c onsidere d an o fficial religion d.there are no imp ortant diff erenc es; the terms are interchang eable 11.Some c ontro versial groups tha t ma y be misla beled as cults include: a.Scientolog y and the Hare K rishna b.the P eoples T emple and He aven’s Gate c.the Branch Da vidians and the Manson F amily d.Quak ers and P entec ostals 12.In wha t part of the w orld ha ve Confucianism and T aoism b een primarily practic ed? a.India b.Europ e c.China d.The Middle Eas t 13.Man y stories in the sacre d text of Judaism are: a.referre d to as the A pocrypha b.oral traditions only b ecause J udaism has no sacre d text c.share d by Chris tianity and Islam d.no long er p art of the T orah 14.Wha t do Chris tianity and Islam ha ve in c ommon? a.Both b eliev e in a single supreme g od. b.Both share man y of the same s tories in their c entral religious te xts. c.Both b eliev e in an a fterlif e. d.All of the a bove 15.3 Religion in the United States 15.Social scientis ts ref er to the use o f a church to c omb at social injus tice in the p olitic al re alm as: a.the protes tant w ork ethic b.conflict mana gement c.liberation theolog y d.justice work462 15 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 16.Meg achurches tend to ha ve: a.a variety o f male and f emale clerg y b.numerous buildings in which to meet c.high a ttendanc e for only a limite d time d.larg e arenas where ser vices are held Short Answer 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach to R eligion 1.List some w ays tha t you see religion ha ving so cial c ontrol in the ev eryday world . 2.Wha t are some sacre d items tha t you’re familiar with? Are there some objects , such as cups , candles , or clothing , tha t would b e considere d pro fane in normal set tings but are c onsidere d sacre d in sp ecial circums tanc es or when use d in sp ecific w ays? 3.Consider a religion tha t you are familiar with , and discus s some o f its b eliefs , behaviors , and norms . Discus s ho w these meet so cial nee ds. Then , rese arch a religion tha t you don ’t kno w much a bout. Explain how its b eliefs , behaviors , and norms are lik e/unlik e the other religion . 15.2 World R eligions 4.Consider the diff erent typ es o f religious org aniza tions in the Unite d Sta tes. Wha t role did ec clesia pla y in the his tory of the Unite d Sta tes? Ho w ha ve sects tende d to chang e over time? Wha t role do cults ha ve today? 5.Wha t is y our unders tanding o f monotheism v ersus p olytheism? Ho w might y our ideolog y be an obs tacle to unders tanding the theism o f another religion y ou’re unfamiliar with? 6.In U .S. so ciety , do y ou b eliev e there is so cial s tratific ation tha t correla tes with religious b eliefs? Wha t about within the practitioners o f a giv en religion? P rovide e xamples to illus trate your p oint . 15.3 Religion in the United States 7.Do y ou b eliev e the Unite d Sta tes is b ecoming more seculariz ed or more fundamentalis t? Comp aring y our genera tion to tha t of your p arents or grandp arents , wha t diff erenc es do y ou see in the rela tionship b etween religion and so ciety? Wha t would p opular me dia ha ve you b eliev e is the s tate of religion in the Unite d Sta tes today? Further R esear ch 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach to R eligion For more discus sion on the s tudy o f sociolog y and religion , check out The Immanent F rame (http://openstax.org/l/immanent _frame/) is a f orum f or the e xchang e of ide as a bout religion , secularism , and so ciety b y leading think ers in the so cial scienc es and humanities . Read more a bout functionalis t view s on religion here (http://openstax.org/l/Grinnell_ functionalism) .Read more a bout w omen in the clerg y here (http://openstax.org/l/w omen_ clerg y). Some w ould argue tha t the P rotes tant w ork ethic is s till aliv e and w ell in the Unite d Sta tes.Read British historian Niall F erguson ’s view here (http://openstax.org/l/Protes tant _work_ethic) . 15.2 World R eligions PBS’ sFrontline explores “ the lif e of Jesus and the rise o f Chris tianity ” in this in-depth do cumentar y (http://openstax.org/l/PBS _Frontline) . View the piec e in its entirety here: . For more insight on C onfucianism , readthe Analects b y Confucius (http://openstax.org/l/Confucius _Analects) . For a primer on J udaism , readJudaism 101 (http://openstax.org/l/Jew_FAQ).15 • Shor t Ans wer 463 Sorting through the diff erent Chris tian denomina tions c an b e a da unting task . To help clarif y these groups , go tothis p age with inf orma tion on Chris tian denomina tions (http://openstax.org/l/Chris tian_ denomina tions) . 15.3 Religion in the United States Wha t is a meg achurch and ho w are the y changing the fac e of religion? R ead“Exploring the Meg achurch Phenomena: Their Characteris tics and Cultural C onte xt”(http://openstax.org/l/meg achurch) . Curious a bout the L GBT religious mo vement? V isit the Gay and Lesbian A llianc e Ag ains t Defama tion (GL AAD) (http://openstax.org/l/GL AAD) and Human Rights C amp aign (HR C)(http://openstax.org/l/ human_rights _camp aign) web sites f or current new s about the gro wing inclusion o f LGBT citiz ens into their resp ectiv e religious c ommunities , both in the p ews and from the pulpit . How do Chris tians f eel a bout g ay marria ge? Ho w man y Mormons are there in the Unite d Sta tes? Check out the Pew F orum on R eligion and Public Lif e(http://openstax.org/l/Pew_Forum) , a rese arch ins titute e xamining U.S. religious trends . References Intr oduction Durkheim , Émile . 1947 [1915]. The Elementar y Forms o f Religious Lif e, transla ted by J. Sw ain. Glenc oe, IL: Free P ress. 15.1 The Sociological Appr oach to R eligion Barkan , Stev en E., and Susan Green wood. 2003. “R eligious A ttendanc e and Subjectiv e Well-Being among Older Americ ans: E videnc e from the General So cial Sur vey.”Review o f Religious R esearch 45:116–129. Durkheim , Émile . 1933 [1893]. Division o f Labor in So ciety . Transla ted by Georg e Simpson . New Y ork: F ree Press. Durkheim , Émile . 1947 [1915]. The Elementar y Forms o f Religious Lif e. Transla ted by J. Sw ain. Glenc oe, IL: Free P ress. Ellw ay, P. 2005. “ The Ra tional Choic e Theor y of Religion: Shopping f or F aith or Dropping y our F aith? ” Retriev ed February 21, 2012 ( http://www.csa. com/disc overyguides /religion/o verview .php). Fasching , Darrel , and Dell de Chant . 2001. Comp arative Religious Ethics: A N arra tive Appro ach. Hob oken, NJ: Wiley-Blackw el. Finke, R., and R . Stark . 1988. “R eligious E conomies and Sacre d Canopies: R eligious Mobiliza tion in Americ an Cities , 1906. ”Americ an So ciologic al Review 53:41–49. Greele y, Andrew . 1989. “P rotes tant and C atholic: Is the Analogic al Ima gina tion Extinct? ”Americ an Sociologic al Review 54:485–502. Hechter , M. 1997. “ Sociologic al Ra tional Choic e Theor y.”Annual R eview o f Sociolog y23:191–214. R etriev ed Januar y 20, 2012 ( http://personal .lse.ac.uk/KAN AZA WA/pdfs/ARS1997. pdf). Highto wer, Jim . 1975. Eat Your He art Out: F ood Profiteering in Americ a. New Y ork: C rown Publishers
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, Inc . Marx , Karl. 1973 [1844]. Contribution to C ritique o f Heg el's Philosoph y of Right . Cambridg e, England: Cambridg e Univ ersity P ress. Ritz er, Georg e. 1993. The McDonaldiza tion o f Society . Thousand Oaks , CA: Pine F orge. Weber, Max . 2002 [1905]. The P rotes tant Ethic and the S pirit o f Capitalism and Other W ritings , transla ted by Peter R . Baehr and Gordon C . Wells. New Y ork: P enguin .464 15 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 15.2 World R eligions Chern yakov, Valeriy and Gitelman , Zvi and Shapiro , Vladimir . 2010. “R eligion and ethnicity: J udaism in the ethnic c onsciousnes s of contemp orar y Russian J ews.” Ethnic and Racial Studies , Volume 20. (https:/ /www.tandf online .com/doi/p df/10.1080/01419870.1997.9993962) Craig , Mar y, transl . 2002. The P ocket Dalai Lama . Bos ton, MA: Shambhala. Feng, Gia-fu , and J ane English , transl . 1972. “Intro duction ” in Tao T e Ching . New Y ork: Random House . Glauz-Todrank , Annalise . 2014. “Rac e, Religion , or Ethnicity?: Situa ting J ews in the Americ an Sc ene.” Religon Comp ass, Volume 8, Is sue 10. ( https:/ /doi.org/10.1111/rec3.12134) Holy Bible: 1611 E dition , King J ames V ersion . 1982 [1611]. N ashville , TN: Thomas N elson . Pew R esearch C enter . 2020. “N ew Es tima tes Sho w U.S. Muslim P opula tion C ontinues to Gro w.” (https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2018/01/03/new-es tima tes-sho w-u-s -muslim-p opula tion- continues -to-gro w/) Smith , Hus ton. 1991 [1958]. The W orld ’s Religions . San F rancisc o, CA: Harp er C ollins . 15.3 Religion in the United States Barrick , Audre y. 2011. “ Church T rial Set f or Lesbian Metho dist Minis ter.”Chris tian P ost, Feb 15. R etriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 ( http://www.chris tianp ost.com/new s/church-trial-set -for-lesbian-metho dist- minis ter-48993). Beck , Edward L. 2010. “ Are G ay Pries ts the P roblem? ” ABC N ews/Good Morning Americ a, April 15. R etriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 ( http://abcnew s.go.com/GMA /Spirituality /gay-pries ts-problem/s tory?id=10381964). Bird , Warren , and Sc ott Thumma. 2011. “ A New Dec ade o f Meg achurches: 2011 P rofile o f Larg e Attendanc e Churches in the Unite d Sta tes.” Har tford Ins titute f or R eligion R esearch . Retriev ed February 21, 2012 (http://hirr .har tsem .edu/meg achurch/meg achurch-2011-summar y-rep ort.htm). Bog an, Jesse. 2009. “ Americ a’s Bigg est Meg achurches .”Forbes.com, June 26. R etriev ed February 21, 2012 (http://www.forbes.com/2009/06/26/americ as-bigg est-meg achurches -busines s-meg achurches .html). Crabtree , Stev e, and Bret t Pelham . 2009. “ Wha t Alabamians and Iranians Ha ve in C ommon .”Gallup W orld , February 9. R etriev ed February 21, 2012 ( http://www.gallup .com/p oll/114211/ala bamians -iranians - common .asp x). Har tford Ins titute f or R eligion R esearch a. “Database o f Meg achurches in the US. ” Retriev ed February 21, 2012 (http://hirr .har tsem .edu/meg achurch/da tabase.html). Har tford Ins titute f or R eligion R esearch b . “Meg achurch Definition .” Retriev ed February 21, 2012 (http://hirr .har tsem .edu/meg achurch/definition .html). Human Rights C amp aign . 2019. “ Stanc es o f Faiths on L GBTQ Is sues .” (Series o f web-based ar ticles .) (https:/ /www.hrc .org/resourc es/stanc es-of-faiths -on-lgbt -issues -episc opal-church) McK enna, J osephine . 2014. “ Catholic Bishops N arro wly R eject a W ider W elcome to G ays, Div orced Catholics .” Religion N ews Ser vice. Retriev ed Oct . 27, 2014 ( http://www.religionnew s.com/2014/10/18/g ays-mis sing- final-mes sage-vaticans-heated-deb ate-family /). NBC N ew Y ork, 2020. “Episc opal Bishop to R esign O ver Same -Sex Marria ge Stanc e.” (https:/ /www.nbcnew york.com/new s/local/episc opal-bishop -to-resign-o ver-same -sex-marria ge-stanc e/ 2686504/) Newp ort, Frank . 2003. “ Americ ans A ppro ve of Displa ys of Religious Symb ols.”Gallup , Octob er 3. R etriev ed February 21, 2012 ( http://www.gallup .com/p oll/9391/americ ans-appro ve-public -displa ys-religious -15 • R eferences 465 symb ols.asp x). Pasha-R obinson , Lucy. 2017. “ Gay People T o Blame f or Hurric ane Har vey, Say Evangelical Chris tian Le aders .” The Indep endent . (https:/ /www.indep endent .co.uk/new s/world/americ as/gay-people -hurric ane-har vey- blame -chris tian-le aders -texas-flooding-homose xuals -lgbt -a7933026.html) Pew R esearch C enter . 2020. “R eligious Landsc ape Study .” (https:/ /www.pewforum.org/religious -landsc ape- study /) Pew R esearch F orum. 2011. “ The F uture o f the Glob al Muslim P opula tion .” The P ew F orum on R eligion and Public Lif e, Januar y 27. R etriev ed February 21, 2012 ( http://www.pewforum.org/The -Future -of-the -Glob al- Muslim-P opula tion .asp x). Ward, Jon. 2011. “Michele Bachman Sa ys Hurric ane and Ear thquak e Are Divine W arnings to W ashington .” Huffington P ost, Augus t 29. R etriev ed February 21, 2012 ( http://www.huffingtonp ost.com/2011/08/29/ michele -bachmann-hurric ane-irene _n_940209.html).466 15 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 16.1 High school and c ollege graduation o ften mark s a miles tone f or families , friends , and e ven the wider community . Education, ho wever, occurs in man y venues and with far r anging out comes . (Cr edit: K evin Doole y/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld 16.2 Theor etical P erspectiv es on E ducation 16.3 Issues in E ducation “Wha t the e ducator do es in te aching is to mak e it p ossible f or the s tudents to b ecome themselv es” (P aulo F reire , Pedagogy of the Oppres sed). Da vid Simon , in his b ookSocial P roblems and the Sociologic al Ima gina tion: A P aradigm f or Analy sis(1995), p oints to the notion tha t social problems are , in essenc e, contradictions —tha t is, statements , ide as, or f eatures o f a situa tion tha t are opp osed to one another . Consider then , tha t one o f the gre atest expecta tions in U .S. so ciety is tha t to a ttain an y form o f suc cess in lif e, a person nee ds an e ducation . In fact , a c olleg e degree is rapidly b ecoming an e xpecta tion a t man y lev els o f success, not merely an enhanc ement to our o ccup ational choic es. And , as y ou might e xpect, the numb er o f people gradua ting from c olleg e in the Unite d Sta tes c ontinues to rise drama tically. The c ontradiction , however, lies in the fact tha t the more imp actful a c olleg e degree has b ecome , the harder it has b ecome to achiev e it. The c ost of getting a c olleg e degree has risen sharply sinc e the mid-1980s , while man y imp ortant f orms o f government supp ort ha ve barely incre ased. The net result is tha t those who do gradua te from c olleg e are lik ely to b egin a c areer in debt . As o f 2009, a typic al student ’s loans amounte d to around $23,000. T en y ears la ter, the a verage amount o f debt f or students who to ok lo ans grew to o ver $30,000. The o verall na tional s tudent lo an debt topp ed $1.6 trillion in 2020, according to the F ederal R eser ve. These rising c osts and risky debt burdens ha ve led to a numb er o f div erse prop osals f or solutions . Some c all for c ancelling current c olleg e debt and making more c olleg es free to16Education qualif ying s tudents . Others adv ocate for more f ocuse d and efficient e duc ation in order to achiev e nee ded career re quirements more quickly . Emplo yers, seeking b oth to widen their applic ant p ool and incre ase e quity among their w orkf orce, have incre asingly sought w ays to elimina te unnec essary degree re quirements: If a person has the skills and kno wledge to do the job , the y ha ve more ac cess to it (K err 2020). FIGURE 16.2 Unemplo yment r ates for people ag e 25 and older b y educational at tainment. As can be seen in the graph, the o verall unemplo yment r ate beg an fal ling in 2009 aft er it peak ed during the financial crisis and c ontinued its do wnward trend thr ough the decade fr om 2010 t o 2020. ( This gr aph does not ac count f or the unemplo yment spik e during the C OVID-19 pandemic.) Not e the diff erences in educational at tainment and their impact on unemplo yment. P eople with bachelor 's degr ees ha ve always had the lo west levels o f unemplo yment, while those without a high school diploma ha ve always had the highes t level. (Cr edit: Bur eau o f Labor Statis tics) Is a c olleg e degree s till w orth it? Lif etime e arnings among those with a c olleg e degree are , on a verage, still much higher than f or those without . A 2019 F ederal R eser ve rep ort indic ated tha t, on a verage, colleg e gradua tes e arn $30,000 p er year more than non-c olleg e gradua tes. Also, tha t wage gap has ne arly double d in the p ast 40 y ears (Ab el 2019). Is the w age adv anta ge enough to o vercome the p otential debt? And wha t’s behind those a verages? R ememb er, sinc e the $30,000 is an a verage, it also c onfirms wha t we see from other da ta: Tha t certain p eople and c ertain colleg e majors e arn far more than others . As a result , earning a c olleg e degree in a field tha t has a smaller w age advanta ge over non-c olleg e gradua tes might not seem “ worth it .” But is c olleg e worth more than mone y? A student e arning As sociate’s and Bachelor ’s degrees g enerally will o ften tak e a wide arra y of courses , including man y outside o f their major . The s tudent is e xposed to a fairly bro ad rang e of topics , from mathema tics and the ph ysical scienc es to his tory and litera ture , the so cial scienc es, and music and ar t through intro ductor y and sur vey-styled courses . It is in this p erio d tha t the s tudent ’s world view is , it is hop ed, expande d. Then , when the y begin the pro cess of specializa tion , it is with a much bro ader p ersp ectiv e than might b e other wise . This additional “ cultural c apital ” can fur ther enrich the lif e of the s tudent , enhanc e their ability to w ork with e xperienc ed pro fessionals , and build wisdom up on kno wledge. Over tw o thousand y ears ago, Socrates said , “The une xamine d lif e is not w orth living .” The re al value o f an e duc ation , then , is to enhanc e our skill a t self -examina tion . Education , its imp act, and its c osts are imp ortant not jus t to so ciologis ts, but to p olicymak ers, emplo yers, and o f course to p arents .468 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Identif y diff erences in educational r esour ces ar ound the w orld •Describe the c oncept of univ ersal ac cess to education FIGURE 16.3 These s tudents in Cambodia ha ve a r elativ ely inf ormal clas sroom set ting. Other schools , both nearb y and ar ound the w orld, ha ve very diff erent en vironments and pr actic es. (Cr edit: Ng uyen Hun V u/flickr) Educ ation is a so cial ins titution through which memb ers o f a so ciety are ta ught b asic ac ademic kno wledge, learning skills , and cultural norms . Every na tion in the w orld is e quipp ed with some f orm o f educ ation s ystem , though those s ystems v ary gre atly. The major factors tha t affect e duc ation s ystems are the resourc es and mone y tha t are utiliz ed to supp ort those s ystems in diff erent na tions . As y ou might e xpect, a c ountr y’s wealth has much to do with the amount o f mone y sp ent on e duc ation . Countries tha t do not ha ve such b asic amenities as running w ater are una ble to supp ort robus t educ ation s ystems or , in man y cases , any formal scho oling a t all . The result o f this w orldwide e ducational ine quality is a so cial c oncern f or man y countries , including the Unite d Sta tes. Interna tional diff erenc es in e ducation s ystems are not solely a financial is sue. The v alue plac ed on e duc ation , the amount o f time dev oted to it , and the dis tribution o f educ ation within a c ountr y also pla y a role in those differenc es. For e xample , students in South K orea sp end 220 da ys a y ear in scho ol, comp ared to the 180 da ys a year o f their Unite d Sta tes c ounterp arts (P ellis sier 2010). Then there is the is sue o f educational dis tribution and chang es within a na tion . The P rogram f or Interna tional Student As sessment (PIS A) is adminis tere d to samples o f fifteen-y ear-old s tudents w orldwide . In 2010, the results sho wed tha t students in the Unite d Sta tes had fallen from fifteenth to tw enty -fifth in the rankings f or scienc e and ma th (N ational Public Radio 2010). The same program sho wed tha t by 2018, U .S. s tudent achiev ement had remaine d on the same lev el for ma thema tics and scienc e, but had sho wn impro vements in reading . In 2018, a bout 4,000 s tudents from a bout 200 high scho ols in the Unite d Sta tes to ok the PIS A tes t (OECD 2019). Analy sts determine d tha t the na tions and city -states a t the top o f the rankings had sev eral things in c ommon . For one , the y had w ell-es tablishe d standards f or e duc ation with cle ar g oals f or all s tudents . The y also recr uite d teachers from the top 5 to 10 p ercent o f univ ersity gradua tes e ach y ear, which is not the c ase f or mos t countries (N ational Public Radio 2010). Finally , there is the is sue o f social factors . One analy st from the Org aniza tion f or E conomic C ooperation and Dev elopment , the org aniza tion tha t cre ated the PIS A tes t, attribute d 20 p ercent o f performanc e diff erenc es and the Unite d Sta tes’ lo w rankings to diff erenc es in so cial b ackground . Researchers note d tha t educ ational16.1 • E duca tion ar ound the W orld 469 resourc es, including mone y and quality te achers , are not dis tribute d equita bly in the Unite d Sta tes. In the top - ranking c ountries , limite d ac cess to resourc es did not nec essarily pre dict lo w performanc e. Analy sts also note d wha t the y describ ed as “resilient s tudents ,” or those s tudents who achiev e at a higher lev el than one might e xpect giv en their so cial b ackground . In Shanghai and Sing apore, the prop ortion o f resilient s tudents is about 70 p ercent. In the Unite d Sta tes, it is b elow 30 p ercent. These insights sugg est tha t the Unite d Sta tes’ educational s ystem ma y be on a desc ending p ath tha t could detrimentally a ffect the c ountr y’s ec onom y and its social landsc ape (N ational Public Radio 2010). Education in Finland With public education in the Unit ed Stat es under such int ense criticism, wh y is it that Sing apor e, South K orea, and especial ly Finland (which is cul turally mos t similar t o us), ha ve such e xcellent public education? Ov er the course o f thir ty years , the c ountr y has pul led itself fr om among the lo west rankings b y the Or ganization o f Economic Cooper ation (OEDC) t o firs t in 2012, and r emains , as o f 2014, in the t op fiv e. Contr ary to the rigid curriculum and long hours demanded o f students in South K orea and Sing apor e, Finnish education o ften seems paradoxical t o outside obser vers because it appears t o break a lot o f the rules w e tak e for gr anted. It is c ommon for childr en to ent er school at se ven y ears old, and childr en wil l have mor e recess and les s hours in school than U.S. childr en—appr oximat ely 300 les s hours . Their home work load is light when c ompar ed to all other indus trializ ed nations (nearl y 300 f ewer hours per y ear in elementar y school). Ther e are no gift ed pr ograms , almos t no priv ate schools , and no high-s takes national s tandar dized tests (L aukk anen 2008; L ynNel l Hanc ock 2011). Prioritization is diff erent than in the Unit ed Stat es. Ther e is an emphasis on al locating r esour ces for those who need them mos t, high s tandar ds, suppor t for special needs s tudents , qualified t eachers tak en fr om the t op 10 percent o f the nation 's gr aduat es and who mus t earn a Mas ter's degr ee, evaluation o f education, balancing decentr alization and c entr alization. "We used t o ha ve a s ystem which w as really unequal ," stated the Finnish E ducation Chief in an int erview. "My parents ne ver had a r eal pos sibility t o study and ha ve a higher education. W e decided in the 1960s that w e would provide a fr ee quality education t o all. Even univ ersities ar e free o f char ge. Equal means that w e suppor t everyone and w e’re not g oing t o waste an yone’s skil ls." As f or teachers , "We don ’t test our t eachers or ask them to prove their kno wledg e. But it ’s true that w e do in vest in a lot o f additional t eacher tr aining e ven aft er the y become t eachers " (Gr oss-Loh 2014). Yet over the pas t decade Finland has c onsis tently per formed among the t op nations on the PISA . Finland’ s school childr en didn ’t always excel. Finland buil t its e xcellent, efficient, and equitable educational s ystem in a few decades fr om scr atch, and the c oncept guiding almos t every educational r eform has been equity . The Finnish paradox is that b y focusing on the big ger pictur e for al l, Finland has suc ceeded at f ostering the individual potential o f mos t every child. “We created a school s ystem based on equality t o mak e sur e we can de velop e veryone’s pot ential . No w we can see ho w well it’s been w orking . Last year the OECD t ested adul ts from tw enty -four c ountries measuring the skil l levels o f adul ts ag ed sixt een t o sixty -five on a sur vey cal led the PIA AC (P rogramme f or Int ernational As sessment of Adul t Compet encies), which t ests skil ls in lit eracy, numer acy, and pr oblem sol ving in t echnolog y-rich environments . Finland sc ored at or near the t op on al l measur es.” Formal and Inf ormal Education As alre ady mentione d, education is not solely c oncerne d with the b asic ac ademic c oncepts tha t a s tudent learns in the clas sroom. Societies also e ducate their children , outside o f the scho ol system , in ma tters o fBIG PICTURE470 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. everyday practic al living . These tw o typ es o f learning are ref erre d to as f ormal e duc ation and inf ormal education . Formal e duc ation describ es the le arning o f academic facts and c oncepts through a f ormal curriculum . Arising from the tutela ge of ancient Greek think ers, centuries o f scholars ha ve examine d topics through f ormaliz ed metho ds o f learning . Education in e arlier times w as only a vailable to the higher clas ses; the y had the me ans for ac cess to scholarly ma terials , plus the luxur y of leisure time tha t could b e use d for le arning . The Indus trial Revolution and its ac comp anying so cial chang es made e duc ation more ac cessible to the g eneral p opula tion . Man y families in the emerging middle clas s found new opp ortunities f or scho oling . The mo dern U .S. e ducational s ystem is the result o f this progres sion . Today, basic e duc ation is c onsidere d a right and resp onsibility f or all citiz ens.
📚 Educational Systems & Perspectives
🏫 Formal education transmits structured knowledge through curricula and testing, while 🏠 informal education teaches cultural values, norms, and life skills through family and community participation
🌐 Universal access to education remains a global challenge, with disparities based on class, gender, disability status, and geography—evidenced by the wide range in per-student spending across U.S. states ($7,628 to $24,040)
🔄 Functionalist theory identifies both manifest functions (socialization, social control, placement) and latent functions (networking, courtship, group work skills) that education provides to maintain social order
⚖️ Conflict theory views education as reinforcing social inequalities by rewarding dominant cultural capital and perpetuating class divisions through tracking and unequal resource distribution
🧩 Educational institutions simultaneously serve as vehicles for social mobility and mechanisms that reproduce existing social hierarchies, creating tension between ideals and reality
👥 Schools increasingly assume responsibilities traditionally handled by families, including teaching human sexuality, budgeting, and job application skills
Exp ecta tions o f this s ystem f ocus on f ormal e duc ation , with curricula and tes ting designe d to ensure tha t students le arn the facts and c oncepts tha t society b eliev es are b asic kno wledge. In contras t,informal e duc ation describ es le arning a bout cultural v alues , norms , and e xpecte d behaviors b y particip ating in a so ciety . This typ e of learning o ccurs b oth through the f ormal e duc ation s ystem and a t home . Our e arlies t learning e xperienc es g enerally happ en via p arents , rela tives, and others in our c ommunity . Through inf ormal e ducation , we learn imp ortant lif e skills tha t help us g et through the da y and interact with each other , including ho w to dres s for diff erent o ccasions , how to p erform regular tasks such as shopping f or and prep aring f ood, and ho w to k eep our b odies cle an. Man y pro fessional tasks and lo cal cus toms are le arne d informally , as w ell. FIGURE 16.4 Childr en sho wing y oung er siblings ho w to ser ve food is an e xample o f informal education. (Cr edit: Tim Pierce/flickr) Cultural transmis sion refers to the w ay people c ome to le arn the v alues , beliefs , and so cial norms o f their culture . Both inf ormal and f ormal e ducation include cultural transmis sion . For e xample , a s tudent will le arn about cultural asp ects o f mo dern his tory in a U .S. His tory clas sroom. In tha t same clas sroom, the s tudent might le arn the cultural norm f or asking a clas sma te out on a da te through p assing notes and whisp ered conversa tions . Access to Education Another glob al concern in e ducation is univ ersal ac cess. This term ref ers to p eople ’s equal a bility to particip ate in an e ducation s ystem . On a w orld lev el, access might b e more difficult f or c ertain groups b ased on clas s or g ender (as w as the c ase in the Unite d Sta tes e arlier in the na tion ’s his tory, a dynamic w e still s truggle16.1 • E duca tion ar ound the W orld 471 to overcome). The mo dern ide a of univ ersal ac cess arose in the Unite d Sta tes as a c oncern f or p eople with disa bilities . In the Unite d Sta tes, one w ay in which univ ersal e duc ation is supp orted is through f ederal and state governments c overing the c ost of free public e duc ation . Of c ourse , the w ay this pla ys out in terms o f scho ol budg ets and tax es mak es this an o ften-c ontes ted topic on the na tional , state, and c ommunity lev els.472 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Rank State Educa tion Spending P er S tudent 1 New York $24,040 2 District o f Columbia $22,759 3 Connecticut $20,635 4 New Jerse y $20,021 5 Vermont $19,340 6 Alask a $17,726 7 Mas sachuset ts $17,058 8 New Hampshir e $16,893 9 Penns ylvania $16,395 10 Wyoming $16,224 11 Rhode Island $16,121 12 Illinois $15,741 13 Dela ware $15,639 14 Hawaii $15,242 15 Maryland $14,762 16 Maine $14,145 17 North Dak ota $13,758 18 Ohio $13,027 19 Washingt on $12,995 20 Minnesota $12,975 21 Calif ornia $12,498 22 Nebr aska $12,491 23 Michig an $12,345 TABLE 16.1 How does s tate spending aff ect educational oppor tunities? (E ducationData .org 2018)16.1 • E duca tion ar ound the W orld 473 Rank State Educa tion Spending P er S tudent 24 Wisc onsin $12,285 25 Virginia $12,216 26 Oregon $11,920 27 Iowa $11,732 28 Montana $11,680 29 Kansas $11,653 30 Louisiana $11,452 31 West Vir ginia $11,334 32 Kentucky $11,110 33 South Car olina $10,856 34 Missouri $10,810 34 Geor gia $10,810 36 Indiana $10,262 37 Color ado $10,202 38 Arkansas $10,139 39 South Dak ota $10,073 40 Alabama $9,696 41 Texas $9,606 42 New Me xico $9,582 43 Tennes see $9,544 44 Nevada $9,417 45 North Car olina $9,377 46 Florida $9,346 TABLE 16.1 How does s tate spending aff ect educational oppor tunities? (E ducationData .org 2018)474 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Rank State Educa tion Spending P er S tudent 47 Mississippi $8,935 48 Oklahoma $8,239 49 Arizona $8,239 50 Idaho $7,771 51 Utah $7,628 TABLE 16.1 How does s tate spending aff ect educational oppor tunities? (E ducationData .org 2018) A prec edent f or univ ersal ac cess to e ducation in the Unite d Sta tes w as set with the 1972 U .S. Dis trict C ourt for the Dis trict o f Columbia ’s decision in Mills v . Bo ard o f Educ ation o f the Dis trict o f Columbia . This c ase w as brought on the b ehalf o f sev en scho ol-a ge children with sp ecial nee ds who argue d tha t the scho ol board w as den ying their ac cess to free public e ducation . The scho ol board maintaine d tha t the children ’s “exceptional ” needs, which include d intellectual disa bilities , preclude d their right to b e educ ated for free in a public scho ol setting . The b oard argue d tha t the c ost of educ ating these children w ould b e too expensiv e and tha t the children w ould theref ore ha ve to remain a t home without ac cess to e duc ation . This c ase w as resolv ed in a he aring without an y trial . The judg e, Joseph C ornelius W addy , upheld the s tudents’ right to e ducation , finding tha t the y were to b e giv en either public e duc ation ser vices or priv ate educ ation p aid for b y the W ashington , D.C., board o f education . He note d tha t Constitutional rights mus t be afforde d citiz ens despite the gre ater e xpense in volved … the Dis trict o f Columbia ’s interes t in e ducating the e xclude d children cle arly mus t outw eigh its interes t in preser ving its financial resourc es. … The inade quacies o f the Dis trict o f Columbia Public Scho ol System whether o ccasione d by insufficient funding or adminis trative inefficiency , certainly c annot b e permit ted to b ear more he avily on the “ exceptional ” or handic app ed child than on the normal child (Mills v . Bo ard o f Education 1972). Today, the optimal w ay to include p eople with disa bilities s tudents in s tandard clas srooms is s till b eing rese arche d and deb ated. “Inclusion ” is a metho d tha t involves c omplete immersion in a s tandard clas sroom, where as “mains treaming ” balanc es time in a sp ecial-nee ds clas sroom with s tandard clas sroom p articip ation . There c ontinues to b e so cial deb ate surrounding ho w to implement the ide al of univ ersal ac cess to e duc ation . 16.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Education LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define manif est and lat ent functions o f education •Explain and discus s ho w functionalism, c onflict theor y, feminism, and int eractionism vie w issues o f education While it is cle ar tha t education pla ys an integral role in individuals’ liv es as w ell as so ciety as a whole , sociologis ts view tha t role from man y div erse p oints o f view . Functionalis ts believ e tha t educ ation e quips people to p erform diff erent functional roles in so ciety . Conflict theoris ts view e duc ation as a me ans o f widening the g ap in so cial ine quality . Feminis t theoris ts point to evidenc e tha t sexism in e duc ation c ontinues to prev ent w omen from achieving a full me asure o f social e quality . Symb olic interactionis ts study the dynamics o f the clas sroom, the interactions b etween s tudents and te achers , and ho w those a ffect ev eryday life. In this section , you will le arn a bout e ach o f these p ersp ectiv es.16.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on E duca tion 475 Functionalism Functionalis ts view e ducation as one o f the more imp ortant so cial ins titutions in a so ciety . The y contend tha t education c ontributes tw o kinds o f functions: manif est (or primar y) functions , which are the intende d and visible functions o f education; and la tent (or sec ondar y) functions , which are the hidden and unintende d functions . Manif est Functions There are sev eral major manif est functions as sociated with e duc ation . The firs t is so cializa tion . Beginning in prescho ol and kinderg arten, students are ta ught to practic e various so cietal roles . The F rench so ciologis t Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), who es tablishe d the ac ademic discipline o f sociolog y, characteriz ed scho ols as “socializa tion a gencies tha t teach children ho w to g et along with others and prep are them f or adult ec onomic roles” (Durkheim 1898). Indee d, it seems tha t scho ols ha ve tak en on this resp onsibility in full . This so cializa tion also in volves le arning the r ules and norms o f the so ciety as a whole . In the e arly da ys of compulsor y education , students le arne d the dominant culture . Today, sinc e the culture o f the Unite d Sta tes is incre asingly div erse , students ma y learn a v ariety o f cultural norms , not only tha t of the dominant culture . Scho ol systems in the Unite d Sta tes also transmit the c ore v alues o f the na tion through manif est functions lik e social c ontrol . One o f the roles o f scho ols is to te ach s tudents c onformity to la w and resp ect f or a uthority . Obviously , such resp ect, giv en to te achers and adminis trators , will help a s tudent na vigate the scho ol environment . This function also prep ares s tudents to enter the w orkplac e and the w orld a t larg e, where the y will c ontinue to b e subject to p eople who ha ve authority o ver them . Fulfillment o f this function res ts primarily with clas sroom te achers and ins tructors who are with s tudents all da y. FIGURE 16.5 The t eacher ’s authority in the clas sroom is a w ay in which education fulfil ls the manif est functions o f social c ontr ol. (Cr edit: US Depar tment o f Education/flickr) Education also pro vides one o f the major metho ds use d by people f or up ward so cial mobility . This function is referre d to as social plac ement . Colleg e and gradua te scho ols are view ed as v ehicles f or mo ving s tudents closer to the c areers tha t will giv e them the financial free dom and security the y seek . As a result , colleg e students are o ften more motiv ated to s tudy are as tha t the y believ e will b e adv anta geous on the so cial ladder . A student might v alue busines s courses o ver a clas s in V ictorian p oetry because she sees busines s clas s as a476 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. strong er vehicle f or financial suc cess. Latent Functions Education also fulfills la tent functions . As y ou w ell kno w, much g oes on in a scho ol tha t has lit tle to do with formal e ducation . For e xample , you might notic e an a ttractiv e fellow student when he giv es a p articularly interes ting ans wer in clas s—catching up with him and making a da te sp eaks to the la tent function o f courtship fulfille d by exposure to a p eer group in the e duc ational set ting . The e ducational set ting intro duces students to so cial netw orks tha t might las t for y ears and c an help p eople find jobs a fter their scho oling is c omplete . Of c ourse , with so cial me dia such as F acebook and Link edIn, these netw orks are e asier than ev er to maintain . Another la tent function is the a bility to w ork with others in small groups , a skill tha t is trans ferable to a w orkplac e and tha t might not b e learne d in a homescho ol set ting . The e ducational s ystem , esp ecially as e xperienc ed on univ ersity c ampuses , has traditionally pro vide d a plac e for students to le arn a bout v arious so cial is sues . There is ample opp ortunity f or so cial and p olitic al adv ocacy, as w ell as the a bility to dev elop toleranc e to the man y view s represente d on c ampus . In 2011, the Oc cup y Wall Street mo vement s wept acros s colleg e campuses all o ver the Unite d Sta tes, leading to demons trations in which diverse groups o f students w ere unifie d with the purp ose o f changing the p olitic al clima te of the c ountr y. Manif est Functions: Openl y stated functions with int ended g oalsLatent F unctions: Hidden, uns tated functions with sometimes unint ended c onsequenc es Socialization Cour tship Transmis sion o f cul ture Social netw orks Social c ontr ol Group w ork Social plac ement Creation o f gener ation g ap Cultural inno vation Political and social int egration TABLE 16.2 Manif est and L atent F unctions o f Educa tion According t o functionalis t theor y, education c ontribut es both manif est and lat ent functions . Functionalis ts rec ogniz e other w ays tha t scho ols e duc ate and encultura te students . One o f the mos t imp ortant U.S. v alues s tudents in the Unite d Sta tes le arn is tha t of individualism—the v aluing o f the individual o ver the value o f groups or so ciety as a whole . In c ountries such as J apan and China, where the g ood of the group is value d over the rights o f the individual , students do not le arn as the y do in the Unite d Sta tes tha t the highes t rew ards g o to the “b est” individual in ac ademics as w ell as a thletics . One o f the roles o f scho ols in the Unite d States is f ostering self -esteem; c onversely , scho ols in J apan f ocus on f ostering so cial es teem—the honoring o f the group o ver the individual . In the Unite d Sta tes, scho ols also fill the role o f prep aring s tudents f or c omp etition in lif e. Ob viously , athletics foster a c omp etitiv e na ture , but ev en in the clas sroom s tudents c omp ete a gains t one another ac ademic ally. Scho ols also fill the role o f teaching p atriotism . Students recite the Ple dge of Allegianc e each morning and tak e history clas ses where the y learn a bout na tional hero es and the na tion ’s past.16.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on E duca tion 477 FIGURE 16.6 Star ting each da y with the Pledg e of Allegianc e is one w ay in which s tudents ar e taught patriotism. According t o a number o f court rulings , students in the Unit ed Stat es cannot be c ompel led t o recite or salut e during the Pledg e. (Cr edit: SC National Guar d/flickr) Another role o f scho ols, according to functionalis t theor y, is tha t ofsorting, or clas sifying s tudents b ased on academic merit or p otential . The mos t capable s tudents are identifie d early in scho ols through tes ting and clas sroom achiev ements . Such s tudents are plac ed in ac celera ted programs in anticip ation o f suc cessful colleg e attendanc e. Functionalis ts also c ontend tha t scho ol, particularly in rec ent y ears, is taking o ver some o f the functions tha t were traditionally under taken b y family . Society relies on scho ols to te ach a bout human se xuality as w ell as basic skills such as budg eting and job applic ations —topics tha t at one time w ere addres sed by the family . Conflict Theory Conflict theoris ts do not b eliev e tha t public scho ols re duce so cial ine quality . Rather , the y believ e tha t the educational s ystem reinf orces and p erpetua tes so cial ine qualities tha t arise from diff erenc es in clas s, gender , race, and ethnicity . Where functionalis ts see e duc ation as ser ving a b eneficial role , conflict theoris ts view it more neg atively. To them , educational s ystems preser ve the s tatus quo and push p eople o f lower status into obedienc e.478 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 16.7 Conflict theoris ts see the education s ystem as a means b y which those in po wer stay in po wer. (Credit: Thomas Rick er/flickr) The fulfillment o f one ’s education is closely link ed to so cial clas s. Students o f low so cioeconomic s tatus are generally not a fforde d the same opp ortunities as s tudents o f higher s tatus, no ma tter ho w gre at their ac ademic ability or desire to le arn. Picture a s tudent from a w orking-clas s home who w ants to do w ell in scho ol. On a Monda y, he’s as signe d a p aper tha t’s due F rida y. Monda y ev ening , he has to b abysit his y oung er sis ter while his divorced mother w orks . Tuesda y and W ednesda y, he w orks s tocking shelv es a fter scho ol until 10:00 p .m. By Thursda y, the only da y he might ha ve available to w ork on tha t assignment , he’s so e xhausted he c an’t bring himself to s tart the p aper. His mother , though she ’d lik e to help him , is so tire d herself tha t she isn ’t able to giv e him the enc oura gement or supp ort he nee ds. And sinc e English is her sec ond langua ge, she has difficulty with some o f his e duc ational ma terials . The y also lack a c omputer and printer a t home , which mos t of his clas sma tes ha ve, so the y ha ve to rely on the public librar y or scho ol system f or ac cess to technolog y. As this story sho ws, man y students from w orking-clas s families ha ve to c ontend with helping out a t home , contributing financially to the family , poor study en vironments and a lack o f supp ort from their families . This is a difficult ma tch with e ducation s ystems tha t adhere to a traditional curriculum tha t is more e asily unders tood and c omplete d by students o f higher so cial clas ses. Such a situa tion le ads to so cial clas s repro duction , extensiv ely s tudie d by French so ciologis t Pierre Bourdieu . He rese arche d ho wcultural c apital , or cultural kno wledge tha t ser ves (metaphoric ally) as currency tha t helps us na vigate a culture , alters the e xperienc es and opp ortunities a vailable to F rench s tudents from diff erent social clas ses. Memb ers o f the upp er and middle clas ses ha ve more cultural c apital than do families o f lower- clas s status. As a result , the e ducational s ystem maintains a cy cle in which the dominant culture ’s values are rew arde d. Ins truction and tes ts cater to the dominant culture and le ave others s truggling to identif y with values and c omp etencies outside their so cial clas s. For e xample , there has b een a gre at deal of discus sion o ver wha t standardiz ed tes ts such as the S AT truly me asure . Man y argue tha t the tes ts group s tudents b y cultural ability ra ther than b y na tural intellig ence. The cy cle o f rew arding those who p ossess cultural c apital is f ound in f ormal e duc ational curricula as w ell as in the hidden curriculum , which ref ers to the typ e of nonac ademic kno wledge tha t students le arn through informal le arning and cultural transmis sion . This hidden curriculum reinf orces the p ositions o f those with higher cultural c apital and ser ves to b estow status une qually . Conflict theoris ts point to tracking , a formaliz ed sor ting s ystem tha t plac es students on “ tracks” (adv anced versus lo w achiev ers) tha t perpetua te ine qualities . While e duc ators ma
🔍 Educational Inequality and Perspectives
🏫 Conflict theory reveals how tracking systems and biased testing perpetuate social stratification, training working-class students to accept lower societal positions through unequal resource distribution
👩🎓 Feminist theory exposes gender inequality in education worldwide—two-thirds of illiterate people are women, and female college graduates earn significantly less ($5,000+ annually) than male counterparts
📈 Grade inflation has transformed academic standards, with A's becoming the most common grade at many institutions, benefiting underprepared students while maintaining existing power structures
🏷️ Symbolic interactionism demonstrates how labeling creates self-fulfilling prophecies in education, with teacher-applied labels and credentialism determining students' educational trajectories
🧩 Educational equality remains elusive despite landmark rulings like Brown v. Board of Education (1954), as socioeconomic status and family background continue to predict student performance
📝 Federal initiatives like Head Start, busing programs, and legislation (No Child Left Behind, Every Student Succeeds Act) represent ongoing attempts to address systemic educational disparities
y believ e tha t students do b etter in track ed clas ses b ecause the y are with s tudents o f similar a bility and ma y ha ve ac cess to more individual16.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on E duca tion 479 attention from te achers , conflict theoris ts feel tha t tracking le ads to self -fulfilling prophecies in which s tudents live up (or do wn) to te acher and so cietal e xpecta tions (E duc ation W eek 2004). To conflict theoris ts, scho ols pla y the role o f training w orking-clas s students to ac cept and retain their p osition as lo wer memb ers o f society . The y argue tha t this role is fulfille d through the disp arity o f resourc es a vailable to students in richer and p oorer neighb orho ods as w ell as through tes ting (La uen and T yson 2008). IQ tes ts ha ve been a ttack ed for b eing biase d—for tes ting cultural kno wledge ra ther than actual intellig ence. For example , a tes t item ma y ask s tudents wha t ins truments b elong in an orches tra. T o correctly ans wer this ques tion re quires c ertain cultural kno wledge—kno wledge mos t often held b y more a ffluent p eople who typic ally ha ve more e xposure to orches tral music . Though e xperts in tes ting claim tha t bias has b een elimina ted from tes ts, conflict theoris ts maintain tha t this is imp ossible . These tes ts, to c onflict theoris ts, are another w ay in which e ducation do es not pro vide opp ortunities , but ins tead maintains an es tablishe d configura tion o f power. Feminist Theory Feminis t theor y aims to unders tand the mechanisms and ro ots o f gender ine quality in e duc ation , as w ell as their so cietal rep ercus sions . Lik e man y other ins titutions o f society , educ ational s ystems are characteriz ed by une qual tre atment and opp ortunity f or w omen . Almos t two-thirds o f the w orld ’s 862 million illitera te p eople are w omen , and the illiteracy ra te among w omen is e xpecte d to incre ase in man y regions , esp ecially in sev eral Afric an and Asian c ountries (UNESC O 2005; W orld Bank 2007). Women in the Unite d Sta tes ha ve been rela tively la te, his toric ally sp eaking , to b e grante d entr y to the public univ ersity s ystem . In fact , it w asn’t until the es tablishment o f Title IX o f the E duc ation Amendments in 1972 that discrimina ting on the b asis o f sex in U .S. e duc ation programs b ecame illeg al. In the Unite d Sta tes, there is also a p ost-education g ender disp arity b etween wha t male and f emale c olleg e gradua tes e arn. A s tudy rele ased in Ma y 2011 sho wed tha t, among men and w omen who gradua ted from c olleg e between 2006 and 2010, men out-earne d women b y an a verage of more than $5,000 e ach y ear. First-year job e arnings f or men a veraged $33,150; f or w omen the a verage was $28,000 (Go dofsky , Zukin , and v an Horn 2011). Similar trends are seen among salaries o f pro fessionals in vir tually all indus tries . When w omen fac e limite d opp ortunities f or e duc ation , their c apacity to achiev e equal rights , including financial indep endenc e, are limite d. Feminis t theor y seeks to promote w omen ’s rights to e qual e duc ation (and its resultant b enefits) acros s the w orld . Grade Inflation: When Is an A R eally a C? In 2019, ne ws emer ged o f a criminal c onspir acy r egarding w ealthy and, in some cases , celebrity par ents who illegally secur ed c ollege admis sion f or their childr en. Ov er 50 people w ere implicat ed in the scandal , including emplo yees fr om pr estigious univ ersities; se veral people w ere sent enced to prison. Their activity included manipulating t est scores, falsif ying s tudents’ academic or athletic cr edentials , and ac quiring t esting accommodations thr ough dishones t claims o f having a disability . One o f the ques tions that emer ged at the time w as ho w the s tudents at the subject o f these eff orts could suc ceed at these chal lenging and elit e colleges. Meaning , if the y couldn ’t get in without cheating , the y probabl y wouldn ’t do well. Wouldn ’t their lack o f prepar ation quickl y bec ome clear? Man y people w ould sa y no . Firs t, man y of the s tudents in volved (the childr en o f the c onspir ators) had no kno wledg e or no in volvement o f the fr aud; those s tudents ma y ha ve been admit ted an yway. But ther e ma y be another safeguard for underpr epar ed s tudents at c ertain univ ersities: gr ade inflation. Grade infla tion gener ally refers t o a pr actic e of awarding s tudents higher gr ades than the y ha ve earned. It r eflectsSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD480 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. the obser vation that the r elationship betw een let ter gr ades and the achie vements the y reflect has been changing over time . Put simpl y, what used t o be c onsider ed C -level, or a verage, now often earns a s tudent a B , or e ven an A . Some , including adminis trators at elit e univ ersities , argue that gr ade inflation does not e xist, or that ther e are other factors at pla y, or e ven that it has benefits such as incr eased funding and elimination o f inequality (Bolesla vsky 2014). But the e videnc e reveals a s tark chang e. Based on data c ompiled fr om a wide arr ay of four-year c olleges and univ ersities , a widel y cit ed s tudy r evealed that the number o f A gr ades has been incr easing b y several per centag e points per decade , and that A ’s were the mos t common gr ade a warded (Jaschik 2016). In an anec dotal case , a Harvard dean ackno wledg ed that the median gr ade ther e was an A -, and the mos t common w as also an A . Wil liams College found that the number o f A+ gr ades had gr own fr om 212 ins tanc es in 2009-10 t o 426 ins tanc es in 2017-18 (Berlinsky -Schine 2020). P rinceton Univ ersity t ook s teps t o reduc e inflation b y limiting the number o f A’s that c ould be is sued, though it then r eversed c ourse (Gr eason 2020). Why is this happening? Some cit e the al leged shift t oward a cul ture that r ewards eff ort ins tead o f product, i. e., the amount o f work a s tudent puts in r aises the gr ade, even if the r esul ting pr oduct is poor quality . Another o ft-cited contribut or is the pr essure for ins truct ors t o earn positiv e course e valuations fr om their s tudents . Final ly, man y colleges ma y accept a le vel of grade inflation because it w orks. Anal ysis and f ormal e xperiments in volving gr aduat e school admis sions and hiring pr actic es sho wed that s tudents with higher gr ades ar e mor e lik ely to be select ed for a job or a gr ad school . And those higher -grade applicants ar e still preferred e ven if decision-mak er kno ws that the applicant ’s college ma y be inflating gr ades (Swift 2013). In other w ords, people with high GP A at a school with a higher a verage GP A ar e preferred o ver people who ha ve a high GP A at a school with a lo wer average GP A. Ironical ly, grade inflation is not simpl y a c ollege issue. Man y of the same c ollege facul ty and adminis trators who encount er or eng age in some le vel of grade inflation ma y lament that it is also oc curring at high schools (Murph y 2017). Symbolic Inter actionism Symb olic interactionism sees e ducation as one w ay tha t labeling theor y is seen in action . A s ymb olic interactionis t might sa y tha t this la beling has a direct c orrela tion to those who are in p ower and those who are labeled. For e xample , low standardiz ed tes t scores or p oor p erformanc e in a p articular clas s often le ad to a student who is la beled as a lo w achiev er. Such la bels are difficult to “ shak e off,” which c an cre ate a self - fulfilling prophecy (Mer ton 1968). In his b ookHigh Scho ol Confidential , Jerem y Iversen details his e xperienc e as a Stanf ord gradua te p osing as a student a t a C alifornia high scho ol. One o f the problems he identifies in his rese arch is tha t of teachers applying la bels tha t students are nev er a ble to lose . One te acher told him , without kno wing he w as a bright gradua te of a top univ ersity , tha t he w ould nev er amount to an ything (Iv ersen 2006). Iv ersen ob viously didn ’t take this te acher ’s false as sessment to he art. But when an actual sev enteen-y ear-old s tudent he ars this from a person with a uthority o ver her , it’s no w onder tha t the s tudent might b egin to “liv e do wn to ” tha t label. The la beling with which s ymb olic interactionis ts concern themselv es e xtends to the v ery degrees tha t symb olize completion o f education .Credent ialism emb odies the emphasis on c ertific ates or degrees to sho w that a p erson has a c ertain skill , has a ttaine d a c ertain lev el of educ ation , or has met c ertain job qualific ations . These c ertific ates or degrees ser ve as a s ymb ol of wha t a p erson has achiev ed, and allo ws the la beling o f tha t individual . Indee d, as these e xamples sho w, labeling theor y can signific antly imp act a s tudent ’s scho oling . This is e asily seen in the e ducational set ting , as te achers and more p owerful so cial groups within the scho ol dole out la bels that are adopte d by the entire scho ol popula tion .16.2 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on E duca tion 481 16.3 Issues in Education LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section , you should b e able to: •Identif y his torical and c ontempor ary issues in education •Discus s the impacts o f educational equality eff orts •Explain impor tant Unit ed Stat es g overnment actions and pr ograms in education As scho ols s trive to fill a v ariety o f roles in their s tudents’ liv es, man y issues and challeng es arise . Students walk a minefield o f bullying , violenc e in scho ols, the results o f declining funding , chang es due to the C OVID-19 pandemic , and other problems tha t affect their e duc ation . When Americ ans are ask ed about their opinion o f public e ducation on the G allup p oll e ach y ear, review s are mix ed at best (Saad 2008). Scho ols are no long er merely a plac e for le arning and so cializing . With the landmark Brown v . Bo ard o f Educ ation o f Topeka ruling in 1954, scho ols b ecame a rep ositor y of much p olitic al and leg al action tha t is a t the he art of sev eral is sues in education . Equal Education Until the 1954 Brown v . Bo ard o f Education ruling , scho ols had op erated under the prec edent set b yPles sy v. Ferguson in 1896, which allo wed racial segreg ation in scho ols and priv ate busines ses (the c ase de alt specific ally with railro ads) and intro duced the much maligne d phrase “ separate but e qual ” into the U .S. lexicon. The 1954 Brown v . Bo ard decision o verruled this , declaring tha t state la ws tha t had es tablishe d separate scho ols f or Black and White s tudents w ere, in fact , une qual and unc onstitutional . While the r uling p aved the w ay toward civil rights , it w as also met with c ontention in man y communities . In Arkansas in 1957, the g overnor mobiliz ed the s tate N ational Guard to prev ent Black s tudents from entering Little R ock C entral High Scho ol. President Eisenho wer, in resp onse , sent memb ers o f the 101s t Airb orne Division from K entucky to uphold the s tudents’ right to enter the scho ol. In 1963, almos t ten y ears a fter the ruling , Go vernor Georg e Wallac e of Alabama use d his o wn b ody to blo ck tw o Black s tudents from entering the auditorium a t the Univ ersity o f Alabama to enroll in the scho ol. Wallac e’s desp erate attempt to uphold his policy o f “segreg ation no w, segreg ation tomorro w, segreg ation f orev er,” stated during his 1963 ina ugura tion (PBS 2000) b ecame kno wn as the “ Stand in the Scho olhouse Do or.” He refuse d to grant entr y to the s tudents until a g eneral from the A labama N ational Guard arriv ed on P resident K enne dy’s order .482 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 16.8 President Eisenho wer sent members o f the 101s t Airborne Division fr om K entucky t o esc ort Black students int o Lit tle R ock Centr al High School aft er the g overnor o f Ark ansas tried t o den y them entr y. (Cr edit: the U.S. Arm y) Presently , students o f all rac es and ethnicities are p ermit ted into scho ols, but there remains a troubling g ap in the e quality o f education the y rec eive. The long-term so cially emb edde d eff ects o f racism—and other discrimina tion and disadv anta ge—ha ve left a residual mark o f ine quality in the na tion ’s educ ation s ystem . Students from w ealth y families and those o f lower so cioeconomic s tatus do not rec eive the same opp ortunities . Today’s public scho ols, at least in theor y, are p ositione d to help reme dy those g aps. Predicated on the notion o f univ ersal ac cess, this s ystem is manda ted to ac cept and retain all s tudents reg ardles s of rac e, religion , social clas s, and the lik e. Moreo ver, public scho ols are held ac counta ble to e quita ble p er-student sp ending (R esnick 2004). P rivate scho ols, usually only ac cessible to s tudents from high-inc ome families , and scho ols in more affluent are as g enerally enjo y ac cess to gre ater resourc es and b etter opp ortunities . In fact , some o f the k ey predictors f or student p erformanc e include so cioeconomic s tatus and family b ackground . Children from families o f lower so cioeconomic s tatus o ften enter scho ol with le arning deficits the y struggle to o vercome throughout their e ducational tenure . These p atterns , unc overed in the landmark C oleman R eport of 1966, are still highly relev ant to day, as so ciologis ts still g enerally a gree tha t there is a gre at divide in the p erformanc e of white s tudents from a ffluent b ackgrounds and their non white , les s affluent , counterp arts (C oleman 1966). The findings in the C oleman R eport were so p owerful tha t the y brought a bout tw o major chang es to e duc ation in the Unite d Sta tes. The f ederal Head Star t program , which is s till activ e and suc cessful to day, was dev elop ed to giv e low-inc ome s tudents an opp ortunity to mak e up the prescho ol deficit discus sed in C oleman ’s findings . The program pro vides ac ademic -centere d prescho ol to s tudents o f low so cioeconomic s tatus. Transf ers and Busing In the y ears f ollowing Brown v . Bo ard o f Educ ation , the Southern s tates w ere not alone in their resis tanc e to chang e. In N ew Y ork City , scho ols in lo wer-inc ome neighb orho ods had les s experienc ed teachers , inade qua te facilities , and lo wer sp ending p er student than did scho ols in higher -inc ome neighb orho ods, even though all o f the scho ols w ere in the same dis trict . In 1958, A ctivis t Mae Mallor y, with the supp ort of gras sroots adv ocate Ella Bak er and the N AACP, led a group o f parents who k ept their children out o f scho ol, essentially b oycotting16.3 • I ssues in E duca tion 483 the dis trict . She and the res t of the group , kno wn as the Harlem Nine , were publicly chas tised and pursue d by the judicial s ystem . After sev eral decisions and app eals, the culmina ting leg al decision f ound tha t the city w as effectiv ely segreg ating scho ols, and tha t students in c ertain neighb orho ods w ere s till rec eiving a “discrimina torily inf erior e ducation .” New Y ork City , the na tion ’s larg est scho ol dis trict , enacte d an op en trans fer p olicy tha t laid the groundw ork f or fur ther action (J effries 2012). With the g oal of fur ther desegreg ating e ducation , courts acros s the Unite d Sta tes ordere d some scho ol dis tricts to b egin a program tha t became kno wn as “busing .” This program in volved bringing s tudents to scho ols outside their neighb orho ods (and theref ore scho ols the y would not normally ha ve the opp ortunity to a ttend) to bring racial div ersity into b alanc e. This practic e was met with a gre at deal of public resis tanc e from p eople on both sides dis satisfied with White s tudents tra veling to inner city scho ols and minority s tudents b eing transp orted to scho ols in the suburbs . No Child Left Behind and Every Student Succeeds In 2001, the B ush adminis tration p assed the No Child Left Behind A ct, which re quires s tates to tes t students in grades three through eight . The results o f those tes ts determine eligibility to rec eive federal funding . Scho ols tha t do not meet the s tandards set b y the A ct run the risk o f having their funding cut . Sociologis ts and teachers alik e ha ve contende d tha t the imp act o f the N o Child Left Behind A ct is far more neg ative than positiv e, arguing tha t a “ one siz e fits all ” concept c annot apply to e duc ation . As a result o f widespre ad criticism , man y of the na tional asp ects o f the act w ere gradually altere d, and in 2015 they were es sentially elimina ted. Tha t year, Congres s passed the E very Student Suc ceeds A ct (ES SA). The la w decre ases the f ederal role in e ducation . Annual tes ting is s till re quire d, but the achiev ement and impro vement accounta bility is shifte d to the s tates, which mus t submit plans and g oals reg arding their appro aches to the U.S. Dep artment o f Education f or appro val. While this asp ect o f ES SA was dela yed for sev eral y ears under the Trump adminis tration , the Dep artment o f Educ ation announc ed in A pril, 2020 tha t Mas sachuset ts had become the firs t to ha ve its plans appro ved. The C OVID-19 p andemic dela yed man y states’ fur ther action in terms o f ES SA appro val. New Views On Standar dized T ests The funding tie -in o f the N o Child Left Behind A ct has le d to the so cial phenomenon c ommonly c alled “teaching to the tes t,” which describ es when a curriculum f ocuses on e quipping s tudents to suc ceed on standardiz ed tes ts, to the detriment o f bro ader e duc ational g oals and c oncepts o f learning . At issue are tw o appro aches to clas sroom e ducation: the notion tha t teachers imp art kno wledge tha t students are oblig ated to absorb , versus the c oncept o f student -centere d learning tha t seeks to te ach children not facts , but problem solving a bilities and le arning skills . Both typ es o f learning ha ve been v alue d in the U .S. scho ol system . The
🏫 Educational Equity Challenges
🧪 Standardized testing creates significant inequities as expensive test prep resources remain unavailable to lower-income families, perpetuating socioeconomic disparities in college admissions despite recent "test-optional" approaches
♿ Students with disabilities have seen improved graduation rates (73% vs 88% overall), yet face persistent challenges in identification, classification, and support services that vary dramatically by geography and income level
🔄 School choice options—including charter, magnet, vocational, and homeschooling—offer alternatives to traditional education but spark debates about resource allocation and educational effectiveness
🖥️ The COVID-19 pandemic amplified existing educational inequalities, with under-resourced districts and underserved students experiencing the most severe negative impacts on performance and mental health
🌐 Educational access remains uneven across America, with significant variations in per-student spending between states and districts, reinforcing socioeconomic and racial disparities
🧩 Different theoretical perspectives view education through distinct lenses: functionalists see it serving society's needs, while conflict theorists view it as perpetuating class, racial, and gender inequalities
former , to critics o f “teaching to the tes t,” only e quips s tudents to regurgita te facts , while the la tter, to prop onents o f the other c amp , fosters lif elong le arning and trans ferable w ork skills . The Scholas tic A ptitude T est (SAT) and the Americ an C olleg e Testing (A CT) have for dec ades ser ved as rites o f passage for millions o f high scho ol students . Colleg es utiliz e the sc ores as b enchmarks in the admis sions process. Sinc e the tes ts ha ve been imp ortant in c olleg e admis sions , man y families plac e signific ant emphasis on prep aring f or them . However, the disp arity in ho w much mone y families are a ble to sp end on tha t prep aration results in ine quities . SAT/ACT-prep c ourses and tutors are e xpensiv e, and not ev eryone c an a fford them . As a result , the ine quity found in K -12 e ducation ma y extend to c olleg e. For y ears, colleg e admis sions programs ha ve been taking these disp arities into ac count , and ha ve based admis sions on factors b eyond s tandardiz ed tes t scores . Ho wever, issues with the tes ts remain . In 2020, a sla te of highly selectiv e colleg es elimina ted their s tandardiz ed tes t requirement f or admis sion , and , in 2021 sev eral colleg es e xpande d and e xtende d their “ test-optional ” appro ach.484 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Students With Disabilities Sinc e the 1978 implementa tion o f wha t would b ecome the Individuals with Disa bilities E duc ation A ct (IDEA), states and lo cal dis tricts ha ve continually incre ased their in vestment in the quality o f educ ation f or students with disa bilities . The A ct’s reauthoriza tion , couple d with N o Child Left Behind , adde d re quirements and guidanc e for states and scho ol dis tricts . Until tha t point in time , students with intellectual or other disa bilities had b een s teadily impro ving their achiev ement , gradua tion ra tes, and suc cess in p ost-high scho ol ende avors. However, signific ant disp arities e xisted (and p ersis t today) based on rac e, ethnicity , and also on g eograph y. Beyond the quality o f education f or students with disa bilities , the disp arity w as o ften mos t notic eable in the clas sific ation o f those s tudents . Sta tes v arie d on which disa bilities rec eived ser vices, and ho w much supp ort was pro vide d. Man y students with dy slexia, ADHD , and other disorders are either not dia gnose d, not tak en seriously , or not given as much supp ort as the y re quire in order to suc ceed. This c an e xtend into adultho od. For e xample , ADHD w as for y ears c onsidere d only a children ’s dise ase, something tha t people “ grew out o f.” But the disorder can imp act p eople a t an y age, something tha t man y educ ators and ev en some do ctors are not a ware o f. No Child Left Behind ’s focus on s tandards and s tandardiz ed tes ting e xtende d to s tudents with disa bilities as well. A c ore g oal w as tha t students with disa bilities w ould w ork to ward the same s tandards and tak e the same tests (with ac commo dations , if nee ded) as did s tudents without disa bilities . The outc omes w ere mix ed. Test performanc e for students with disa bilities incre ased, but so did drop outs . There w as also evidenc e tha t some scho ols w ere les s welcoming to s tudents with disa bilities , as a w ay to incre ase a verage sc ores (N ational C ouncil on Disa bilities 2004). In g eneral , programs ha ve impro ved to the p oint tha t students with disa bilities are gradua ting from high scho ol at a na tional a verage of about 73 p ercent. This is lo wer than the a verage gradua tion ra te for students in all p opula tions , which is 88 p ercent, but it is a v ast impro vement o ver previous dec ades (NCES 2020). Ho wever, several is sues remain . First, students from lo wer-inc ome and are as and s tates with lo wer e duc ation budg ets still are o ffered far f ewer ser vices; the y gradua te high scho ol at a much lo wer ra te than the a verage. Sec ond , because identific ation remains a major g ap, man y students with disa bilities ma y be in the “mains tream” popula tion but are not supp orted as w ell as the y should b e. Even when this group g ets to c olleg e, the y ma y be starting with a lo wer lev el of prep aration (Samuels 2019). School Choice As w e ha ve seen , education is not e qual , and p eople ha ve varie d nee ds. Parents , guardians , and child adv ocates work to obtain the b est scho oling f or children , which ma y tak e them outside the traditional en vironment . Public scho ol alterna tives to traditional scho ols include v ocational scho ols, special e duc ation scho ols, ma gnet scho ols, char ter scho ols, alterna tive scho ols, early c olleg e scho ols, and vir tual scho ols. Private scho ol options may include religious and non-religious options , as w ell as b oarding scho ols. In some lo cations , a larg e numb er o f students eng age in these options . For e xample , in N orth C arolina, one in fiv e students do es not attend a traditional public scho ol (Hui 2019). Homescho oling ref ers to children b eing e duc ated in their o wn homes , typic ally b y a p arent , ins tead o f in a traditional public or priv ate scho ol system . Proponents o f this typ e of educ ation argue tha t it pro vides an outs tanding opp ortunity f or student -centere d learning while circum venting problems tha t pla gue to day’s education s ystem . Opp onents c ounter tha t homescho oled children mis s out on the opp ortunity f or so cial development tha t occurs in s tandard clas sroom en vironments and scho ol set tings . Scho ol choic e adv ocates promote the ide a tha t more choic e allo ws parents and s tudents a more eff ectiv e educational e xperienc e tha t is right f or them . The y ma y cho ose a nontraditional scho ol because it is more aligne d with their philosoph y, because the y’ve been bullie d or had other trouble in their neighb orho od scho ol, or b ecause the y want to prep are f or a sp ecific c areer (Americ an F edera tion f or Children 2017). Scho ol choic e16.3 • I ssues in E duca tion 485 opp onents ma y argue tha t while the alterna tive scho ols ma y be more eff ectiv e for those s tudents who nee d them and are f ortuna te enough to g et in , the mone y would b e better sp ent in g eneral public scho ols. Remote and Hybrid Schooling The C OVID-19 p andemic w as among the mos t disr uptiv e ev ents in Americ an e duc ation . You lik ely ha ve your own s tories , suc cesses, failures , and pref erenc es b ased on y our e xperienc es as s tudents , parents , and family memb ers. Educ ators a t every lev el w ent through s tages o f intense s tres s, lack o f inf orma tion , and difficult choic es. In man y cities and s tates, families , scho ol dis tricts , governments , and he alth dep artments f ound themselv es on diff erent sides o f deb ates. Countles s arguments ra ged over a ttendanc e, mental he alth , instructional quality , safety, tes ting , academic integrity , and the b est ways to mo ve forward as the situa tion began to impro ve. Colleg e students and their families w ent through similar disr uptions and deb ates, comp ounde d by the fact tha t man y students f elt tha t the high c osts of particular c olleg es w ere not w orth it . Overall c olleg e enrollment dipp ed signific antly during the p andemic (K oenig 2020). At the time o f this writing , the so ciologic al and e duc ational imp act o f the p andemic is difficult to as sess, though man y are s tudying it . Overall da ta indic ates tha t mos t outc omes are neg ative. Students underp erforme d, stres s and mental he alth problems incre ased, and o verall plans and p athways were interr upte d. Perhaps mos t dama ging w as tha t the p andemic amplifie d man y of the other challeng es in education , me aning tha t under -resourc ed dis tricts and underser ved students w ere imp acte d ev en more severely than others . On the other hand , onc e ins tructors and s tudents adapte d to the technologic al and so cial differenc es, man y began to emplo y new techniques to ensure more c aretaking , connection , diff erentia ted instruction , and inno vation . Mos t agree tha t educ ation will b e chang ed for y ears f ollowing the p andemic , but it might not all b e for the w orse .486 16 • E duca tion Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms credent ialism the emphasis on c ertific ates or degrees to sho w tha t a p erson has a c ertain skill , has a ttaine d a certain lev el of education , or has met c ertain job qualific ations cultural c apital cultural kno wledge tha t ser ves (metaphoric ally) as currency to help one na vigate a culture cultural transmis sion the w ay people c ome to le arn the v alues , beliefs , and so cial norms o f their culture educ ation a so cial ins titution through which a so ciety ’s children are ta ught b asic ac ademic kno wledge, learning skills , and cultural norms formal e duc ation the le arning o f academic facts and c oncepts grade inflat ion the ide a tha t the achiev ement lev el as sociated with an A to day is nota bly lo wer than the achiev ement lev el as sociated with A -lev el w ork a f ew dec ades a go Head Star t program a federal program tha t pro vides ac ademic ally f ocuse d prescho ol to s tudents o f low socioeconomic s tatus hidden curriculum the typ e of nonac ademic kno wledge tha t people le arn through inf ormal le arning and cultural transmis sion informal e duc ation education tha t involves le arning a bout cultural v alues , norms , and e xpecte d behaviors through p articip ation in a so ciety No Child Left Behind A ct an act tha t requires s tates to tes t students in prescrib ed grades , with the results o f those tes ts determining eligibility to rec eive federal funding social plac ement the use o f education to impro ve one ’s so cial s tanding sorting clas sifying s tudents b ased on ac ademic merit or p otential tracking a formaliz ed sor ting s ystem tha t plac es students on “ tracks” (adv anced, low achiev ers) tha t perpetua te ine qualities univ ersal ac cess the e qual a bility o f all p eople to p articip ate in an e duc ation s ystem Section Summary 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld Educational s ystems around the w orld ha ve man y diff erenc es, though the same factors —including resourc es and mone y—affect ev ery educational s ystem . Educ ational dis tribution is a major is sue in man y na tions , including in the Unite d Sta tes, where the amount o f mone y sp ent p er student v aries gre atly b y state. Educ ation happ ens through b oth f ormal and inf ormal s ystems; b oth f oster cultural transmis sion . Univ ersal ac cess to education is a w orldwide c oncern. 16.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Education The major so ciologic al theories o ffer insight into ho w w e unders tand e duc ation . Functionalis ts view e duc ation as an imp ortant so cial ins titution tha t contributes b oth manif est and la tent functions . Functionalis ts see education as ser ving the nee ds o f society b y prep aring s tudents f or la ter roles , or functions , in so ciety . Conflict theoris ts see scho ols as a me ans f or p erpetua ting clas s, racial-ethnic , and g ender ine qualities . In the same vein, feminis t theor y focuses sp ecific ally on the mechanisms and ro ots o f gender ine quality in e duc ation . The theor y of symb olic interactionism f ocuses on e duc ation as a me ans f or la beling individuals . 16.3 Issues in Education As scho ols c ontinue to fill man y roles in the liv es o f students , challeng es arise . His toric al is sues include the racial desegreg ation o f scho ols, mark ed by the 1954 Brown v . Bo ard o f Educ ation o f Topeka ruling . In to day’s diverse e ducational landsc ape, socioeconomic s tatus and div ersity remain a t the he art of issues in e duc ation . Students with disa bilities ha ve impro ved outc omes c omp ared to previous dec ades , but is sues with identif ying and ser ving v arie d nee ds remain . Other e duc ational is sues tha t imp act so ciety include scho ol choic e and standardiz ed tes ting .16 • K ey Terms 487 Section Quiz 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld 1.Wha t are the major factors tha t affect e ducation s ystems throughout the w orld? a.Resourc es and mone y b.Student interes t c.Teacher interes t d.Transp ortation 2.Wha t do na tions tha t are top -rank ed in scienc e and ma th ha ve in c ommon? a.The y are all in Asia. b.The y recr uit top te achers . c.The y sp end more mone y per student . d.The y use cut ting-e dge technolog y in clas srooms . 3.Informal e ducation _________________. a.describ es when s tudents te ach their p eers b.refers to the le arning o f cultural norms c.only tak es plac e at home d.relies on a planne d ins tructional pro cess 4.Learning from clas sma tes tha t mos t students buy lunch on F rida ys is an e xample o f ________. a.cultural transmis sion b.educational ac cess c.formal e ducation d.informal e ducation 5.The 1972 c ase Mills v . Bo ard o f Education o f the Dis trict o f Columbia set a prec edent f or __________. a.access to e ducation b.average sp ending on s tudents c.desegreg ation o f scho ols d.teacher salar y 16.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Education 6.Which o f the f ollowing is not a manif est function o f educ ation? a.Cultural inno vation b.Courtship c.Social plac ement d.Socializa tion 7.Because she plans on achieving suc cess in mark eting , Tammie is taking c ourses on mana ging so cial me dia. This is an e xample o f ________. a.cultural inno vation b.social c ontrol c.social plac ement d.socializa tion488 16 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 8.Which theor y of education f ocuses on the w ays in which e duc ation maintains the s tatus quo? a.Conflict theor y b.Feminis t theor y c.Functionalis t theor y d.Symb olic interactionism 9.Which theor y of education f ocuses on the la bels ac quire d through the e duc ational pro cess? a.Conflict theor y b.Feminis t theor y c.Functionalis t theor y d.Symb olic interactionism 10.Wha t term describ es the as signment o f students to sp ecific e duc ation programs and clas ses on the b asis of tes t scores , previous grades , or p erceived ability? a.Hidden curriculum b.Labeling c.Self -fulfilling prophecy d.Tracking 11.Functionalis t theor y sees e ducation as ser ving the nee ds o f _________. a.families b.society c.the individual d.all o f the a bove 12.Rewarding s tudents f or meeting de adlines and resp ecting a uthority figures is an e xample o f ________. a.a latent function b.a manif est function c.informal e ducation d.transmis sion o f moral e ducation 13.Wha t term describ es the sep aration o f students b ased on merit? a.Cultural transmis sion b.Social c ontrol c.Sorting d.Hidden curriculum 14.Conflict theoris ts see sor ting as a w ay to ________. a.challeng e gifte d students b.perpetua te divisions o f socioeconomic s tatus c.help s tudents who nee d additional supp ort d.teach resp ect f or a uthority 15.Conflict theoris ts see IQ tes ts as b eing biase d. Wh y? a.The y are sc ored in a w ay tha t is subject to human error . b.The y do not giv e children with le arning disa bilities a fair chanc e to demons trate their tr ue intellig ence. c.The y don ’t involve enough tes t items to c over multiple intellig ences. d.The y rew ard a ffluent s tudents with ques tions tha t assume kno wledge as sociated with upp er-clas s culture .16 • Section Quiz 489 16.3 Issues in Education 16.Ples sy v. Ferguson set the prec edent tha t _____________. a.racial segreg ation in scho ols w as allo wed b.separate scho ols f or Black and White s tudents w ere unc onstitutional c.students do not ha ve a right to free sp eech in public scho ols d.students ha ve a right to free sp eech in public scho ols 17.Public scho ols mus t guarantee tha t ___________. a.all s tudents gradua te from high scho ol b.all s tudents rec eive an e qual e ducation c.per-student sp ending is e quita ble d.the amount sp ent on e ach s tudent is e qual to tha t spent regionally 18.Key pre dictors f or student suc cess include ____________. a.how man y scho ol-a ge siblings the s tudent has b.socioeconomic s tatus and family b ackground c.the a ge of the s tudent when she or he enters kinderg arten d.how man y students a ttend the scho ol 19.Allowing a s tudent to mo ve to the ne xt grade reg ardles s of whether or not the y ha ve met the re quirements for tha t grade is c alled ____________. a.affirma tive action b.social c ontrol c.social promotion d.socializa tion Short Answer 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld 1.Has there ev er b een a time when y our f ormal and inf ormal e duc ations in the same set ting w ere a t odds? How did y ou o vercome tha t disc onnect? 2.Do y ou b eliev e free ac cess to scho ols has achiev ed its intende d goal? Explain . 16.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Education 3.Thinking o f your scho ol, wha t are some w ays tha t a c onflict theoris t would sa y tha t your scho ol perpetua tes clas s diff erenc es? 4.Which so ciologic al theor y best describ es y our view o f educ ation? Explain wh y. 5.Base d on wha t you kno w about s ymb olic interactionism and f eminis t theor y, wha t do y ou think prop onents of those theories see as the role o f the scho ol? 16.3 Issues in Education 6.Is busing a re asona ble metho d of ser ving s tudents from div erse b ackgrounds? If not , sugg est and supp ort an alterna tive. Further R esear ch 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld Though it ’s a s truggle , education is c ontinually b eing impro ved in the dev eloping w orld . To learn ho w educational programs are b eing f ostere d worldwide , explore the Educ ation section o f the C enter f or Glob al490 16 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Dev elopment ’s website (http://openstax.org/l/center _glob al_development) . 16.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Education Can tracking actually impro ve learning? This 2009 article from Educ ation N ext(http://openstax.org/l/ education_ne xt)explores the deb ate with evidenc e from K enya. The National C enter f or F air & Op en T esting (F airT est)(http://openstax.org/l/fair _test)is commit ted to ending the bias and other fla ws seen in s tandardiz ed tes ting . Their mis sion is to ensure tha t students , teachers , and scho ols are ev alua ted fairly . You c an le arn more a bout their mis sion , as w ell as the la test in new s on tes t bias and fairnes s, at their w ebsite . 16.3 Issues in Education Whether or not s tudents in public scho ols are entitle d to free sp eech is a subject o f much deb ate. In the public scho ol system , there c an b e a clash b etween the nee d for a sa fe learning en vironment and the guarantee to free sp eech grante d to U .S. citiz ens. You c an le arn more a bout this c omplic ated issue on this web p
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age about the F irst Amendment in scho ols(http://openstax.org/l/center _public _educ ation) . References Intr oduction Abel, Jaison R . and Dietz, Richard . 2019 “Despite Rising C osts, Colleg e Is Still a Go od In vestment .” New Y ork Federal R eser ve, Lib erty Street E conomics . (https:/ /libertystreetec onomics .new yorkf ed.org/2019/06/ despite -rising-c osts-colleg e-is-still-a-g ood-in vestment .html) Kerr, Emma. 2020. “ See 10 A verage Years o f Student Lo an Debt .” US N ews and W orld R eports. (https:/ /www.usnew s.com/e ducation/b est-colleg es/paying-f or-colleg e/ar ticles /see -how-student -loan- borro wing-has -risen-in-10- years) Leonhardt , David. 2014. “Is C olleg e Worth It? Cle arly , N ew Da ta Sa y.” The N ew Y ork Times . Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. ( http://www.nytimes .com/2014/05/27/upshot /is-colleg e-worth-it -cle arly -new-da ta- say.html?_r=0&a bt=0002&a bg=1). Lorin J anet , and J eanna Smialek . 2014. “ Colleg e Gradua tes Str uggle to F ind Eplo yment W orth a Degree .” Bloomb erg. Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. ( http://www.bloomb erg.com/new s/2014-06-05/c olleg e- gradua tes-struggle -to-find-emplo yment -worth-a-degree .html). New Oxf ord English Dictionar y. “contradiction .” New Oxf ord English Dictionar y. Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. (http://www.oxforddictionaries .com/us /definition/americ an_english/c ontradiction?se archDict Code=all). Plumer , Brad . 2013. “ Only 27 p ercent o f colleg e gradua tes ha ve a job rela ted ot their major .” The W ashington Post. Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. ( http://www.washingtonp ost.com/blogs /wonkblog /wp/2013/05/20/ only -27-p ercent-of-colleg e-grads -have-a-job -rela ted-to -their -major /). Simon , R Da vid. 1995. So cial P roblems and the So ciologic al Ima gina tion: A P aradigm f or Analy sis. New Y ork: McGra w-Hill E ducation . 16.1 Education ar ound the W orld Darling-Hammond , Linda. 2010. " Wha t We Can Le arn from F inland's Suc cessful Scho ol R eform ." NEA T oday Magazine . Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. ( http://www.nea.org/home/40991.htm).. Durkheim , Émile . 1898 [1956]. Education and So ciolog y. New Y ork: F ree P ress. Educationda ta.org. 2019. “U .S. Public E ducation Sta tistics.” (https:/ /educ ationda ta.org/public -educ ation- spending-s tatistics)16 • R eferences 491 Gros s-Loh , Chris tine . 2014. "F innish E ducation Chief: ' We Created a Scho ol Sy stem Base d on E quality .'" The Atlantic . Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. ( http://www.theatlantic .com/e duc ation/archiv e/2014/03/finnish- education-chief -we-cre ated-a-scho ol-system-b ased-on-e quality /284427/?single _page=tr ue). Mills v . Bo ard o f Education , 348 D C 866 (1972). National C enter f or Public P olicy and Higher E duc ation . 2006. Measuring UP: The N ational R eport Card on Higher E ducation . Retriev ed Dec emb er 9, 2011 ( http://www.eric .ed.gov/PDFS /ED493360. pdf). National Public Radio . 2010. “ Study C onfirms U .S. F alling Behind in E duc ation .”All Things C onsidere d, Dec emb er 10. R etriev ed Dec emb er 9, 2011 ( https:/ /www.npr .org/2010/12/07/131884477/Study -Confirms - U-S-Falling-Behind-In-E ducation). OECD . 2019. “PIS A Results from 2018: C ountr y Note: US A.” (https:/ /www.oecd.org/pisa /public ations / PISA2018_ CN_USA.pdf) Pellis sier, Hank . 2010. “High T est Scores , Higher Exp ecta tions , and P residential Hyp e.”Great Scho ols. Retriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 ( http://www.greatscho ols.org/students /academic -skills /2427- South-K orean- scho ols.gs). Ramp ell, Catherine . 2009. “ Of A ll Sta tes, New Y ork’s Scho ols S pend Mos t Mone y Per Pupil .”Economix . Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2011 ( http://economix .blogs .nytimes .com/2009/07/27/o f-all-s tates-new-y ork- scho ols-spend-mos t-mone y-per-pupil/). U.S. C ensus B ureau. 2014. "Public E ducation F inanc es 2012. " Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. (http://www2.census .gov/govs/scho ol/12f33pub .pdf). World Bank . 2011. “E ducation in Afghanis tan.” Retriev ed Dec emb er 14, 2011 ( http://go.worldb ank .org/ 80UMV47QB0). 16.2 Theor etical P erspectives on Education Americ an F edera tion f or Children . 2017. “ Why I Supp ort Scho ol Choic e, An A dvocate’s Stor y. (https:/ /www.federa tionf orchildren .org/scho ol-choic e-adv ocates-story/) Berlinsky -Schine , Laura. 2020. “ Wha t Is Grade Infla tion? ” Colleg e Vine. (https:/ /blog .colleg evine .com/wha t-is- grade -infla tion/) Bolesla vsky , Raphael and Chris topher C otton. 2014. “Unrec ognise d Benefits o f Grade Infla tion .” VOXEU . (https:/ /voxeu.org/article/unrec ognise d-benefits -grade -infla tion) Education W eek. 2004. “ Tracking .”Education W eek, Augus t 4. R etriev ed February 24, 2012 (http://www.edweek.org/ew/issues /tracking /). Godofsky , Jessica, Cliff Z ukin , and C arl V an Horn . 2011. Unfulfille d Exp ecta tions: R ecent C olleg e Gradua tes Struggle in a T rouble d Econom y. New Br uns wick , NJ: Rutgers Univ ersity . Greason , Grac e. 2020. “Mak e Har vard Grade Ag ain.” Har vard P olitic al Review . March 21, 2020. (https:/ /har vardp olitics .com/mak e-har vard-grade -again/) Iversen , Jerem y. 2006. High Scho ol Confidential . New Y ork: A tria. Jaschik , Scott. 2016. “ Grade Infla tion , Higher and Higher .” Inside Higher E d. (https:/ /www.insidehighere d.com/ new s/2016/03/29/sur vey-finds -grade -infla tion-c ontinues -rise -four-year-colleg es-not -community -colleg e) Lauen , Douglas Lee and K arolyn T yson. 2008. “P ersp ectiv es from the Disciplines: So ciologic al Contribution to Education P olicy R esearch and Deb ate.”AREA Handb ook on E duc ation P olicy R esearch . Retriev ed February 24, 2012. Murph y, James S. 2017. “ Should W e Be W orrie d Ab out High Scho ol Grade Infla tion .” Inside Higher E d.492 16 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. (https:/ /www.insidehighere d.com/view s/2017/09/15/analy sis-colleg e-boards -study -grade -infla tion-es say) National Public Radio . 2004. “P rinc eton T akes Steps to F ight ‘ Grade Infla tion .’”Day to Da y, April 28. Mans field , Har vey C. 2001. “ Grade Infla tion: It ’s Time to F ace the F acts .”The Chronicle o f Higher E duc ation 47(30): B24. Mer ton, Robert K. 1968. Social Theor y and So cial Str ucture . New Y ork: F ree P ress. UNESC O. 2005. Towards K nowledge So cieties: UNESC O W orld R eport. Paris: UNESC O Publishing . Swift S A, Mo ore D A, Sharek ZS, Gino F (2013) Infla ted Applic ants: A ttribution Errors in P erformanc e Evalua tion b y Professionals . PLoS ONE 8(7): e69258. ( https:/ /doi.org/10.1371/journal .pone.0069258) World Bank . 2007. World Dev elopment R eport. Washington , DC: W orld Bank . 16.3 Issues in Education CBS N ews. 2011. “NY C Char ter Scho ol's $125,000 Exp eriment .”CBS , March 10. R etriev ed Dec emb er 14, 2011 (http://www.cbsnew s.com/s tories /2011/03/10/60minutes /main20041733.shtml). Chapman , Ben , and Rachel Monahan . 2012. " Talking Pine apple Ques tion on Sta te Exam Stumps ...Everyone!" Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. ( http://www.nydailynew s.com/new-y ork/talking-pine apple -ques tion-s tate- exam-s tumps -article -1.1064657). Coleman , James S. 1966. Equality o f Educational Opp ortunity Study . Washington , DC: Unite d Sta tes Dep artment o f He alth , Education , and W elfare . The C ommon C ore Sta te Standards Initia tive. 2014. " About the Standards ." Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2014. (http://www.cores tandards .org/about-the -standards /). CRED O, Stanf ord Univ ersity . "Multiple Choic e: Char ter Scho ol Performanc e in 16 Sta tes," publishe d in 2009. Accessed on Dec emb er 31, 2014 ( http://credo.stanf ord.edu/rep orts/MUL TIPLE_ CHOICE_ CRED O.pdf. Holt , Emily W ., Daniel J . McGra th, and Marily M. Se astrom . 2006. “ Qualific ations o f Public Sec ondar y Scho ol History Teachers , 1999-2001. ” Washington , DC: U .S. Dep artment o f Educ ation , National C enter f or Education Sta tistics. Hui, Keung . 2019. “1 in 5 NC Students Don ’t Attend T raditional Public Scho ols.” The N ews and Obser ver. July 18 2019. ( https:/ /www.new sobser ver.com/new s/politics -government /article232761337.html) Jaschik , Scott. 2021. “F rom Y ear 1 T o Year 2. ” Inside Higher E d. (https:/ /www.insidehighere d.com/admis sions / article/2021/02/01/c olleg es-went-tes t-optional-one -year-are -now-extending-time) Jeffries , Hasan K wame and J ones , Patrick D . 2012 “Desegreg ating N ew Y ork: The C ase o f the 'Harlem Nine '”. OAH Ma gazine o f His tory, Volume 26, Is sue 1, J anuar y 2012, P ages 51–53, ( https:/ /doi.org/10.1093/o ahma g/ oar061) Koenig , Rebecca. 2020. “ Colleg es Los t Nearly Half a Million Enrollments This F all.” EdSurg e. Dec emb er 2020. (https:/ /www.edsurg e.com/new s/2020-12-17- colleg es-lost-nearly -half -a-million-s tudent -enrollments -this - fall) Lewin , Tamar . 2011. “ Colleg e Gradua tes Debt B urden Grew , Yet Ag ain, in 2010. ”The N ew Y ork Times , Novemb er 2. R etriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2011/11/03/e duc ation/a verage-student - loan-debt -grew-b y-5-p ercent-in-2010.html). Morse et al . v. Frederick , 439 F . 3d 1114 (2007). National C enter f or E ducation Sta tistics. 2008. “1.5 Million Homescho oled Students in the Unite d Sta tes in 2007. ” Retriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 ( http://nces.ed.gov/pubs2009/2009030. pdf).16 • R eferences 493 National C ouncil on Disa bility . 2004. “Impro ving E duc ational Outc omes f or Students with Disa bilities .” (https:/ /files .eric .ed.gov/fullte xt/ED485691. pdf) NCES. 2020. “ The C ondition o f Education: Students W ith Disa bilities .” National C enter f or E duc ation Sta tistics. (https:/ /nces.ed.gov/programs /coe/indic ator_cgg.asp) PBS. 2000. Wallac e Quotes . Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2011 ( http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/ame x/wallac e/sfeature/ quotes .html). Resnick , Michael A . 2004. “Public E ducation— An Americ an Imp erative: Wh y Public Scho ols Are V ital to the Well-Being o f Our Nation .”Policy R esearch Brief . Alexandria, V A: N ational Scho ol Bo ards As sociation . Saad , Lydia. 2008. “U .S. E ducation Sy stem G arners S plit R eview s.”Gallup . Retriev ed Januar y 17, 2012 (http://www.gallup .com/p oll/109945/us -educ ation-s ystem-g arners -split -review s.asp x). Samuels , Chris tina A . 2019. “ Special E ducation Is Brok en.” EdWeek, Januar y 2019. ( https:/ /www.edweek.org/ teaching-le arning /special-e ducation-is -brok en/2019/01)494 16 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 17.1In 2018, Florida v oters made a decision r egarding the v oting rights o f people c onvicted o f a felon y. The r eferendum t ook a dir ect measur e of the people 's wil l, rather than na vigating thr ough r epresentativ e process. However, pas sing a r eferendum and enacting the la ws to carr y it out ar e tw o diff erent pr ocesses, which Floridians came t o unders tand when the s tate government at tached fur ther oblig ations and r estrictions t o voting rights . INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 17.1 Power and Authority 17.2 Forms o f Go vernment 17.3 Politics in the Unit ed Stat es 17.4 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Go vernment and P ower On N ovemb er 6, 2018, Florida residents v oted overwhelmingly to res tore v oting rights to people c onvicte d of mos t felonies a fter the y had c omplete d their sentenc es. Rather than underg oing the comple x pro cess of passing a la w through legisla tive representa tives, the p eople v oted directly on the ma tter as part of their b allot , a pro cess typic ally ref erre d to as a ref erendum . The tw o-thirds majority in fa vor o f the referendum seeme d to mak e the v oters ' intention cle ar, but their intentions w ould not b e carrie d as directly as they thought . Man y believ e tha t voting is a privileg e to b e grante d to "ups tanding " citiz ens. The 14th Amendment giv es government the right to res trict v oting f or those who ha ve "p articip ated in reb ellion or other crime ." As o f 2021, 48 s tates had some typ e of res trictions f or p eople with f elon y convictions , though the v ast majority o f17Government and P olitics those p ermit p eople to v ote up on c ompletion o f their sentenc e (A CLU 2021). A t the time o f the 2018 referendum , Florida had almos t 1.7 million p eople una ble to v ote due to f elon y convictions , which w as roughly ten p ercent o f its total p opula tion; to put it another w ay, Florida had more disenfranchise d people than an y other s tate (Lewis 2018). Man y statewide Florida elections are decide d by only a f ew p ercenta ge points . For example , the las t three elections f or g overnor w ere decide d by les s than tw o percent o f the v ote. Disenfranchisement la ws affect p eople o f certain rac es, ethnicities , and so cioeconomic s tatus more signific antly than other groups . For e xample , in Florida, 23 p ercent o f Black p eople w ere una ble to v ote because o f felon y convictions (Brennan C enter 2020). Despite the o verwhelming majority o f citiz ens who supp orted the chang e, the Florida g overnor and legisla ture effectiv ely blo cked the ref erendum 's implementa tion . In e arly 2019, les s than tw o weeks a fter the resolution went into eff ect, the g overnment p assed a la w indic ating tha t voting w ould only b e allo wed for c onvicte d felons who ser ved their sentenc es and had also p aid all fines and p enalties o wed to the s tate. The eff ect w as signific ant: F ines as sociated with sentenc es c an b e quite larg e, and p eople with f elon y convictions ha ve major issues with emplo yment . The la w sev erely diminishe d the ref erendum 's eff ect. By the time o f the 2020 Presidential election , about 700,000 p eople with f elon y convictions , who had ser ved their sentenc es, still c ould not v ote. Man y in Florida f elt tha t their ref erendum cle arly indic ated the p eople 's choic e, and their p ower had b een taken. On the other hand , the legisla tors indic ated tha t the y were obtaining mone y owed to the s tate, and tha t the brief, 140-w ord ref erendum didn 't sp ecify the metho d of implementa tion . Florida is g oing through a conflict tha t has fac ed the na tion from its e arlies t days: Who has the right to mak e decisions? Who has the power? 17.1Power and A uthority LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define and diff erentiat e betw een po wer and authority •Identif y and describe the thr ee types o f authority496 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 17.2Government buildings ar e buil t to symboliz e authority , but the y also r epresent a specific perspectiv e or mes sage. The Capit ol Comple x in Bangladesh, Sher -e-Bangla Nag ar, was designed t o cap ture the es senc e of an entir ely ne w countr y. Rather than the f ortress-like, Greek- and R oman-inspir ed s tructur es o f man y government buildings , architect L ouis K ahn set the r ounded, as ymmetrical , modern c omple x within an ar tificial lak e, with man y open spac es e xposed t o the elements (Cr edit: L ykantr op/Wikimedia Commons) The w orld has almos t 200 c ountries . Man y of those c ountries ha ve states or pro vinc es with their o wn governments . In some c ountries such as the Unite d Sta tes and C anada, N ative Americ ans and F irst Nations have their o wn s ystems o f government in some rela tionship with the f ederal g overnment . Just considering those thousands o f diff erent entities , it's easy to see wha t diff erentia tes g overnments . Wha t about wha t the y have in c ommon? Do all o f them ser ve the p eople? P rotect the p eople? Incre ase prosp erity? The ans wer to those ques tions might b e a ma tter o f opinion , persp ectiv e, and circums tanc e. Ho wever, one reality seems cle ar: Something all g overnments ha ve in c ommon is tha t the y exert control o ver the p eople the y govern. The na ture o f tha t control—wha t we will define as p ower and a uthority —is an imp ortant f eature o f society . Sociologis ts ha ve a dis tinctiv e appro ach to s tudying g overnmental p ower and a uthority tha t diff ers from the persp ectiv e of politic al scientis ts. For the mos t part, politic al scientis ts focus on s tudying ho w power is distribute d in diff erent typ es o f politic al systems . The y would obser ve, for e xample , tha t the Unite d Sta tes’ politic al system is divide d into three dis tinct branches ( legisla tive, executiv e, and judicial), and the y would explore ho w public opinion a ffects p olitic al parties, elections , and the p olitic al pro cess in g eneral . Sociologis ts, however, tend to b e more interes ted in the influenc es o f governmental p ower on so ciety and in ho w so cial conflicts arise from the dis tribution o f power. Sociologis ts also e xamine ho w the use o f power a ffects lo cal, state, national , and glob al agendas , which in turn a ffect p eople diff erently b ased on s tatus, clas s, and socioeconomic s tanding .17.1 • P ower and Authority 497 What Is P ower? FIGURE 17.3Nazi leader Adolf Hitler w as one o f the mos t powerful and des tructiv e dictat ors in modern his tory. He is pictur ed her e with fascis t Benit o Mus solini o f Ital y. (Cr edit: U .S. National Ar chiv es and R ecords Adminis tration) For c enturies , philosophers , politicians , and so cial scientis ts ha ve explore d and c ommente d on the na ture o f power. Pit tacus (c . 640–568 B .C.E.) opine d, “The me asure o f a man is wha t he do es with p ower,” and Lord A cton perhaps more famously as serted, “Power tends to c orrupt; a bsolute p ower corrupts a bsolutely ” (1887). Indee d, the c oncept o f power can ha ve decide dly neg ative connota tions , and the term itself is difficult to define . Man y scholars adopt the definition dev elop ed by German so ciologis t Max W eber, who said tha tpoweris the ability to e xercise one ’s will o ver others ( Weber 1922). P ower a ffects more than p ersonal rela tionships; it shap es larg er dynamics lik e so cial groups , pro fessional org aniza tions , and g overnments . Similarly , a government ’s power is not nec essarily limite d to c ontrol o f its o wn citiz ens. A dominant na tion , for ins tanc e, will o ften use its clout to influenc e or supp ort other g overnments or to seiz e control o f other na tion s tates. Efforts by the U .S. g overnment to wield p ower in other c ountries ha ve include d joining with other na tions to form the A llied forces during W orld W ar II, entering Iraq in 2002 to topple Saddam Hus sein ’s regime , and imp osing sanctions on the g overnment o f North K orea in the hop es o f constraining its dev elopment o f nucle ar weapons. Ende avors to g ain p ower and influenc e do not nec essarily le ad to violenc e, exploita tion , or a buse . Leaders such as Mar tin L uther King Jr . and Mohandas G andhi , for e xample , commande d powerful mo vements tha t eff ecte d positiv e chang e without militar y force. Both men org aniz ed non violent protes ts to c omb at corruption and injus tice and suc ceeded in inspiring major ref orm . The y relie d on a v ariety o f non violent protes t strategies , such as rallies , sit-ins , marches , petitions , and b oycotts. Modern technolog y has made such f orms o f non violent ref orm e asier to implement . Often , protes ters c an use cell phones and the Internet to dis semina te inf orma tion and plans to mas ses o f protes ters in a rapid and efficient manner . Some g overnments lik e My anmar , China, and R ussia tamp do wn c ommunic ation and protes t through pla tform b ans or Internet blo cks (see the Me dia and T echnolog y chapter f or more inf orma tion). B ut in the Ara b Spring uprisings o f 2010-11, f or e xample , Twit ter f eeds and other so cial me dia help ed protes ters498 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. coordina te their mo vements , share ide as, and b olster morale , as w ell as g ain glob al supp ort for their c auses . Social me dia w as also imp ortant in g etting ac cura te ac counts o f the demons trations out to the w orld , in contras t to man y earlier situa tions in which g overnment c ontrol o f the me dia c ensore d new s rep orts. Notice that in these e xamples , the users o f power w ere the citiz ens ra ther than the g overnments . The y found the y had power b ecause the y
🌐 Social Media and Power Dynamics
🔍 Authority exists in three forms: traditional (inherited legitimacy), charismatic (personal qualities), and rational-legal (laws and regulations) - each shaping how power operates in societies
📱 Social media functions as both a tool for democratic reform (Arab Spring) and terrorist propaganda (ISIS), demonstrating technology's dual capacity to empower citizens and extremists
👑 Government structures range from absolute monarchies (Oman) to constitutional monarchies (Britain) to oligarchies (Russia) to democracies, with each distributing power differently
💰 The United States exhibits oligarchic tendencies where wealth concentration allows the richest 400 families to own more than the bottom 150 million Americans, raising questions about true democratic representation
🗣️ Grassroots movements can effectively challenge established power structures, as demonstrated by protesters in Tunisia and civil rights activists who exercised influence despite lacking formal government positions
🌍 Global power dynamics are constantly evolving, with international coalitions forming to address threats while nations carefully navigate complex geopolitical relationships based on perceived national interests
were a ble to e xercise their will o ver their o wn le aders . Thus , government p ower do es not necessarily e qua te to a bsolute p ower. FIGURE 17.4Young people and s tudents w ere among the mos t ardent suppor ters o f democr atic r eform in the recent Ar ab Spring . Social media also pla yed an impor tant r ole in r allying gr assroots suppor t. (Cr edit: cjb22/flickr) Social Media as a T errorist T ool British aid w orker, Alan Henning , was the f ourth victim o f the Islamic Stat e (kno wn as ISIS or ISIL) t o be beheaded bef ore video camer as in a r ecording titled, “ Another Mes sage to America and Its Al lies,” which w as posted on Y ouTube and pr o-Islamic s tate Twitter feeds in the fal l of 2014. Henning w as cap tured during his participation in a c onvoy taking medical supplies t o a hospital in c onflict -ravaged nor thern Syria . His death w as publiciz ed via social media , as w ere the earlier beheadings o f U.S. journalis ts Jim F oley and St even Sotlo ff and British aid w orker Da vid Haines . The t errorist groups also used social media t o demand an end t o int ervention in the Middle Eas t by U.S., British, F rench, and Ar ab forces. An int ernational c oalition, led b y the Unit ed Stat es, has been f ormed t o combat ISIS in r esponse t o this series o f publiciz ed mur ders . France and the Unit ed King dom, members o f the Nor th A tlantic T reaty Or ganization (NA TO), and Belgium ar e seeking g overnment appr oval thr ough their r espectiv e parliaments t o par ticipat e in airs trikes. The specifics o f tar get locations ar e a k ey point, ho wever, and the y emphasiz e the delicat e and political natur e of curr ent c onflict in the r egion. Due t o per ceived national int erest and g eopolitical dynamics , Britain and F rance are mor e wil ling t o be a par t of airs trikes on ISIS tar gets in Ir an and lik ely to avoid s triking tar gets in Syria . Several Arab nations ar e a par t of the c oalition, including Bahr ain, Jor dan, Saudi Ar abia , Qatar , and the Unit ed Ar ab Emir ates. Turkey, another NA TO member , has not announc ed in volvement in airs trikes, presumabl y because ISISBIG PICTURE17.1 • P ower and Authority 499 is holding f orty-nine T urkish citiz ens hos tage. U.S. int ervention in Lib ya and Syria is c ontr oversial , and it ar ouses debat e about the r ole o f the Unit ed Stat es in world affairs , as w ell as the pr actical need f or, and out come o f, militar y action in the Middle Eas t. Exper ts and the U.S. public alik e are weighing the need f or fighting t errorism in its curr ent f orm o f the Islamic Stat e and the big ger issue o f helping t o restore peac e in the Middle Eas t. Some c onsider ISIS a dir ect and gr owing thr eat t o the Unit ed Stat es if left uncheck ed. Others belie ve U.S. int ervention unnec essaril y worsens the Middle Eas t situation and prefer that r esour ces be used at home r ather than incr easing militar y involvement in an ar ea o f the w orld wher e they belie ve the Unit ed Stat es has int ervened long enough. Types of A uthority The protes ters in T unisia and the civil rights protes ters o f Mar tin L uther King , Jr.’s da y had influenc e ap art from their p osition in a g overnment . Their influenc e came , in p art, from their a bility to adv ocate for wha t man y people held as imp ortant v alues . Go vernment le aders might ha ve this kind o f influenc e as w ell, but the y also ha ve the adv anta ge of wielding p ower as sociated with their p osition in the g overnment . As this e xample indic ates, there is more than one typ e of authority in a c ommunity . Authorit yrefers to ac cepte d power—tha t is, power tha t people a gree to f ollow. People lis ten to a uthority figures because the y feel tha t these individuals are w orthy of resp ect. Generally sp eaking , people p erceive the objectiv es and demands o f an a uthority figure as re asona ble and b eneficial , or tr ue. A citiz en’s interaction with a p olice officer is a g ood example o f ho w people re act to a uthority in ev eryday life. For ins tanc e, a p erson who sees the flashing re d and blue lights o f a p olice car in his re arview mirror usually pulls to the side o f the ro ad without hesita tion . Such a driv er mos t lik ely as sumes tha t the p olice officer b ehind him ser ves as a legitima te sourc e of authority and has the right to pull him o ver. As p art of her o fficial duties , the p olice officer then has the p ower to is sue a sp eeding tick et if the driv er w as driving to o fas t. If the same officer, however, were to c ommand the driv er to f ollow her home and mo w her la wn, the driv er w ould lik ely protes t tha t the o fficer do es not ha ve the a uthority to mak e such a re ques t. Not all a uthority figures are p olice officers, electe d officials or g overnment a uthorities . Besides f ormal o ffices, authority c an arise from tradition and p ersonal qualities . Economis t and so ciologis t Max W eber re alized this when he e xamine d individual action as it rela tes to a uthority , as w ell as larg e-scale s tructures o f authority and how the y rela te to a so ciety ’s ec onom y. Base d on this w ork, Weber dev elop ed a clas sific ation s ystem f or authority . His three typ es o f authority are traditional a uthority , charisma tic a uthority and leg al-ra tional authority ( Weber 1922). Traditional Charisma tic Legal-Rational Sour ce of PowerLegitimiz ed b y long- standing cus tomBased on a leader ’s personal qualitiesAuthority r esides in the office, not the person Leadership StyleHistoric personality Dynamic personality Bureaucr atic o fficials ExamplePatriar chy (tr aditional positions o f authority)Napoleon, Jesus Chris t, Mother Teresa, Mar tin L uther King , Jr.U.S. pr esidency and Congr ess Modern British P arliament TABLE 17.1 Weber ’s Thr ee T ypes o f Authority Max W eber identified and e xplained thr ee dis tinct types o f authority:500 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Traditional A uthority According to W eber, the p ower o ftradit ional authorit yis ac cepte d because tha t has traditionally b een the case; its legitimacy e xists because it has b een ac cepte d for a long time . Britain ’s Queen Eliza beth, for ins tanc e, occupies a p osition tha t she inherite d based on the traditional r ules o f suc cession f or the monarch y. People adhere to traditional a uthority b ecause the y are in vested in the p ast and f eel oblig ated to p erpetua te it . In this type of authority , a r uler typic ally has no re al force to c arry out his will or maintain his p osition but dep ends primarily on a group ’s resp ect. A more mo dern f orm o f traditional a uthority is patrimonialism , which is traditional domina tion facilita ted by an adminis tration and militar y tha t are purely p ersonal ins truments o f the mas ter (Eisenb erg 1998). In this form o f authority , all o fficials are p ersonal fa vorites app ointe d by the r uler . These o fficials ha ve no rights , and their privileg es c an b e incre ased or withdra wn b ased on the c apric es o f the le ader . The p olitic al org aniza tion o f ancient E gypt typifie d such a s ystem: when the ro yal household decree d tha t a p yramid b e built , every Egyptian w as forced to w ork to ward its c onstruction . Traditional a uthority c an b e inter twine d with rac e, clas s, and g ender . In mos t societies , for ins tanc e, men are more lik ely to b e privileg ed than w omen and thus are more lik ely to hold roles o f authority . Similarly , memb ers of dominant racial groups or upp er-clas s families also win resp ect more re adily . In the Unite d Sta tes, the Kenne dy family , which has pro duced man y prominent p oliticians , exemplifies this mo del. Charismatic A uthority Followers ac cept the p ower o fcharismat ic authorit ybecause the y are dra wn to the le ader ’s personal qualities . The app eal of a charisma tic le ader c an b e extraordinar y, and c an inspire f ollowers to mak e unusual sacrific es or to p ersev ere in the mids t of gre at hardship and p ersecution . Charisma tic le aders usually emerg e in times o f crisis and o ffer inno vative or radic al solutions . The y ma y ev en o ffer a vision o f a new w orld order . Hitler ’s rise to p ower in the p ostwar ec onomic depres sion o f German y is an e xample . Charisma tic le aders tend to hold p ower for shor t dura tions , and ac cording to W eber, the y are jus t as lik ely to b e tyrannic al as the y are heroic . Div erse male le aders such as Hitler , Napoleon , Jesus Chris t, César Chá vez, Malc olm X , and W inston Churchill are all c onsidere d charisma tic le aders . Bec ause so f ew w omen ha ve held dynamic p ositions o f leadership throughout his tory, the lis t of charisma tic f emale le aders is c omp aratively shor t. Man y his torians c onsider figures such as J oan o f Arc , Marg aret Tha tcher , and Mother T eresa to b e charisma tic le aders . Rational-Legal A uthority According to W eber, power made legitima te by laws, writ ten r ules , and regula tions is terme drational-leg al authorit y. In this typ e of authority , power is v ested in a p articular ra tionale , system , or ideolog y and not necessarily in the p erson who implements the sp ecifics o f tha t do ctrine . A na tion tha t follows a c onstitution applies this typ e of authority . On a smaller sc ale, you might enc ounter ra tional-leg al authority in the w orkplac e via the s tandards set f orth in the emplo yee handb ook, which pro vides a diff erent typ e of authority than tha t of your b oss. Of c ourse , ide als are seldom replic ated in the re al w orld . Few g overnments or le aders c an b e ne atly categoriz ed. Some le aders , like Mohandas G andhi f or ins tanc e, can b e considere d charisma ticand legal- rational a uthority figures . Similarly , a le ader or g overnment c an s tart out e xemplif ying one typ e of authority and gradually ev olve or chang e into another typ e. 17.2Forms of Government LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define c ommon f orms o f government, such as monar chy, olig archy, dictat orship , and democr acy •Compar e common f orms o f government and identif y real-life examples o f each17.2 • F orms o f Go vernment 501 FIGURE 17.5After bec oming the leader o f the Indian National Congr ess, Mohandas Ghandi emplo yed a r ange of nonviolent methods t o gain bet ter rights and tr eatment f or w omen and poor people and especial ly for the independenc e of India . He used fas ting as a f orm o f protest, and w as imprisoned b y the ruling British g overnment (Credit: El liot and F ry/Wikimedia Commons) Mos t people g enerally a gree tha tanarch y, or the a bsenc e of org aniz ed government , does not facilita te a desira ble living en vironment f or so ciety , but it is much harder f or individuals to a gree up on the p articulars o f how a p opula tion should b e governe d. Throughout his tory, various f orms o f government ha ve ev olved to suit the nee ds o f changing p opula tions and mindsets , each with pros and c ons. Today, memb ers o f Western so ciety hold tha t demo cracy is the mos t jus t and s table f orm o f government , although f ormer British P rime Minis ter Winston Churchill onc e declare d to the House o f Commons , “Indee d it has b een said tha t demo cracy is the worst form o f government e xcept f or all those other f orms tha t ha ve been trie d from time to time ” (Shapiro 2006). Monar chy Even though p eople in the Unite d Sta tes tend to b e mos t aware o f Gre at Britain ’s royals, man y other na tions also rec ogniz e kings , queens , princ es, princ esses, and other figures with o fficial ro yal titles . The p ower held b y these p ositions v aries from one c ountr y to another . Strictly sp eaking , amonarch yis a g overnment in which a single p erson (a monarch) r ules until he or she dies or a bdicates the throne . Usually , a monarch claims the rights to the title b y way of here ditar y suc cession or as a result o f some sor t of divine app ointment or c alling . As mentione d above, the monarchies o f mos t mo dern na tions are c eremonial remnants o f tradition , and individuals who hold titles in such so vereignties are o ften aris tocratic figurehe ads. A few na tions to day, however, are r un b y governments wherein a monarch has a bsolute or unmitig ated power. Such na tions are c alledabsolute monarchies . Although g overnments and regimes are c onstantly changing acros s the glob al landsc ape, it is g enerally sa fe to sa y tha t mos t mo dern a bsolute monarchies are c oncentra ted in the Middle Eas t and Afric a. The small , oil-rich na tion o f Oman , for ins tanc e, is an e xample o f an a bsolute502 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. monarch y. In this na tion , Sultan Qa boos bin Said r uled from the 1970s until his de ath in 2020, when his cousin , Haitham bin T ariq , became Sultan . The Sultan cre ates all la ws, app oints all judg es, and has no f ormal check on their p ower. Living c onditions and opp ortunities f or Oman ’s citiz ens ha ve impro ved to the p oint tha t the UN rank ed the na tion as the mos t impro ved in the w orld in the p ast (UNDP 2010), but man y citiz ens who live under the reign o f an a bsolute r uler mus t contend with oppres sive or unfair p olicies tha t are ins talle d based on the uncheck ed whims or p olitic al agendas o f tha t leader . In to day’s glob al politic al clima te, monarchies far more o ften tak e the f orm o fcons titutional monarchies , governments o f na tions tha t rec ogniz e monarchs but re quire these figures to a bide b y the la ws of a gre ater constitution . Man y countries tha t are no w constitutional monarchies ev olved from g overnments tha t were once considere d absolute monarchies . In mos t cases , constitutional monarchies , such as Gre at Britain and Canada, f eature electe d prime minis ters whose le adership role is far more in volved and signific ant than tha t of its title d monarchs . In spite o f their limite d authority , monarchs endure in such g overnments b ecause p eople enjo y their c eremonial signific ance and the p ageantr y of their rites . FIGURE 17.6Qaboos bin Said ruled Oman as its absolut e monar ch for fifty y ears , and o versa w the c ountr y's development fr om a r elativ ely isolat ed nation t o one that uses its v ast supplies o f oil t o build w ealth and influenc e. Queen Noor o f Jor dan is the do wager queen o f this c onstitutional monar chy and has limit ed political authority . Queen Noor is American b y bir th, but r elinquished her citiz enship when she married. She is a not ed global adv ocat e for Ar ab-Western r elations . (Cr edit A: Wikimedia Commons; B: Sk oll World F orum/flickr) Oligar chy The p ower in an olig arch yis held b y a small , elite group . Unlik e in a monarch y, memb ers o f an olig arch y do not nec essarily achiev e their s tatuses b ased on ties to noble anc estry. Rather , the y ma y asc end to p ositions o f power b ecause o f militar y might , economic p ower, or similar circums tanc es. The c oncept o f olig arch y is somewha t elusiv e; rarely do es a so ciety op enly define itself as an olig arch y. Generally , the w ord c arries neg ative connota tions and c onjures notions o f a c orrupt group whose memb ers mak e unfair p olicy decisions in order to maintain their privileg ed positions . Man y mo dern na tions tha t claim to b e demo cracies are re ally olig archies . In fact , some prominent journalis ts, such as P aul K rugman , who w on a Nobele la ureate priz e in ec onomics , have labeled the Unite d Sta tes an olig arch y, pointing to the influenc e of larg e corporations and W all Street e xecutiv es on U .S. p olicy (K rugman 2011). Other p olitic al analy sts as sert that all demo cracies are re ally jus t “electe d olig archies ,” or s ystems in which citiz ens mus t vote f or an individual who is p art of a p ool of candida tes who c ome from the so ciety ’s elite r uling clas s (Winters 2011). Olig archies ha ve existed throughout his tory, and to day man y consider R ussia an e xample o f olig archic p olitic al structure . After the fall o f communism , groups o f busines s owners c apture d control o f this na tion ’s na tural resourc es and ha ve use d the opp ortunity to e xpand their w ealth and p olitic al influenc e. Onc e an olig archic power structure has b een es tablishe d, it c an b e very difficult f or middle - and lo wer-clas s citiz ens to adv ance17.2 • F orms o f Go vernment 503 their so cioeconomic s tatus. Is the United States an Oligar chy? FIGURE 17.7The Br eakers, the famous Ne wpor t, Rhode Island, home o f the V anderbil ts, is a po werful s ymbol o f the e xtravagant w ealth that char acterized the Gilded Ag e. (Cr edit: ckr amer /flickr) The American Gilded Ag e sa w the rise and dominanc e of ultra-rich families such as the V anderbil ts, Rockefellers, and Carnegies , and the w ealthy often indulg ed in absur d luxuries . One e xample is a la vish dinner par ty hos ted for a pamper ed pet dog who at tended w earing a $15,000 diamond c ollar (PBS Online 1999). A t the same time , mos t Americans bar ely scr aped b y, living belo w what w as consider ed the po verty le vel. Some scholars belie ve that the Unit ed Stat es has no w embark ed on a sec ond gilded ag e, pointing out that the 400 wealthies t American families no w own mor e than the ‘lo wer’ 150 mil lion Americans put t ogether (Z ucman 2019), and that the t op 1% o wn mor e than the bot tom 50%. Wealthy individuals and c orpor ations ar e major political donors . Based on campaign financ e reform legislation in 1971 and 2002, political campaign c ontributions w ere regulated and limit ed; ho wever, the 2012 Supr eme Cour t decision in the case o f Citiz ens Unit ed v ersus the F eder al Election Commis sion r epealed man y of those r estrictions . The Cour t ruled that c ontributions o f corpor ations and unions t o Political Action Commit tees (P ACs) ar e a f orm o f free speech that cannot be abridg ed and so cannot be limit ed or disclosed. Opponents belie ve this is pot ential ly a step in pr omoting olig archy in the Unit ed Stat
🏛️ Democracy Under Threat
💰 Concentrated wealth creates a political system where ultra-wealthy individuals and corporations effectively elect candidates through unlimited spending power, transforming democracy into a plutocracy
🧠 Legislative manipulation occurs through industry-written "model legislation" that benefits special interests—over 10,000 such bills passed between 2010-2018, often contradicting voters' wishes
📊 Policy outcomes overwhelmingly favor the elite, with 78% of Congressional decisions benefiting the top 10% of Americans while only 5% exclusively benefit the remaining 90%
🗳️ Voter participation remains problematic with roughly half the population not voting in typical elections, skewing results and undermining the "one person, one vote" principle
🚫 Systemic barriers like voter ID laws disproportionately affect minorities and lower-income citizens, perpetuating power imbalances despite legal protections for voting rights
👥 Representation gaps persist with women and racial/ethnic minorities underrepresented in Congress relative to their presence in the population, reflecting deeper social inequalities
es; the ul tra-wealthy and those who c ontr ol the purse s trings o f large corpor ations and unions wil l, in eff ect, be able t o elect their candidat e of choic e thr ough their unlimit ed spending power, as w ell as influenc e policy decisions , appointments t o nonelect ed g overnment jobs , and other f orms o f political po wer. Krugman (2011) sa ys, “We ha ve a society in which mone y is incr easingl y concentr ated in the hands of a few people , and in which that c oncentr ation o f inc ome and w ealth thr eatens t o mak e us a democr acy in name only.”SOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE504 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. How wil l that thr eat be ful ly assessed? And jus t because a smal l group o f people can e xert influenc e, do the y? And does that influenc e work? Wealthy people , and the c ompanies and or indus tries the y represent, use lobb ying gr oups , think tank s, and legislativ e consul ting gr oup t o dir ectly influenc e policy . Investigations ha ve compiled the widespr ead use and promotion o f "model legislation, " in which a lobb yist or indus try group writ es a bil l that la wmak ers then pr omot e on their o wn. USA T oday/Ariz ona R epublic f ound that fr om 2010-18, o ver 10,000 bil ls were pushed thr ough legislatur es aft er being writ ten and pr omot ed b y outside gr oups . These la ws often th wart the wil l of the v oters, or plac e the int erests of a v ery smal l group o f people abo ve those o f everyone else . For example , the int erestingl y titled Asbes tos T ranspar ency Bil l was writ ten b y the asbes tos indus try to help pr otect it fr om la wsuits (O 'Dell 2019). The same or ganizations also identif y, train, manag e, and c ompensat e exper t witnes ses t o testify on their behalf in fr ont of various legislativ e and r egulatory bodies . Does it w ork? P olitical scientis ts studied who benefits fr om la ws and policies , and f ound that 78 per cent o f Congr ess's decisions benefit the t op 10 per cent o f Americans . Not e that those same la ws sometimes benefit other Americans as w ell. But onl y 5 per cent o f laws and policies ha ve been sho wn t o benefit the lar ger 90 per cent o f people while not benefiting the w ealthies t Americans (R epresent. US 2014). Dictatorship Power in a dictatorship is held b y a single p erson (or a v ery small group) tha t wields c omplete and a bsolute authority o ver a g overnment and p opula tion . Lik e some a bsolute monarchies , dicta torships ma y be corrupt and seek to limit or ev en eradic ate the lib erties o f the g eneral p opula tion . Dicta tors use a v ariety o f me ans to perpetua te their a uthority . Economic and militar y might , as w ell as intimida tion and br utality are o ften foremos t among their tactics; individuals are les s lik ely to reb el when the y are s tarving and f earful. Man y dicta tors s tart out as militar y leaders and are c onditione d to the use o f violenc e agains t opp osition . Some dicta tors also p ossess the p ersonal app eal tha t Max W eber identifie d with a charisma tic le ader . Subjects of such a dicta tor ma y believ e tha t the le ader has sp ecial a bility or a uthority and ma y be willing to submit to his or her a uthority . The la te Kim J ong-Il , North K orean dicta tor, and his suc cessor, Kim J ong-Un , exemplif y this typ e of charisma tic dicta torship . Some dicta torships do not align themselv es with an y particular b elief s ystem or ideolog y; the g oal of this typ e of regime is usually limite d to preser ving the a uthority o f the dicta tor. Atotalitarian dictatorship is ev en more oppres sive and a ttempts to c ontrol all asp ects o f its subjects’ liv es; including o ccup ation , religious b eliefs , and numb er o f children p ermit ted in e ach family . Citiz ens ma y be forced to publicly demons trate their faith in the regime b y particip ating in marches and demons trations . Some “b enev olent ” dicta tors , such as N apoleon and An war Sada t, are cre dite d with adv ancing their p eople ’s standard o f living or e xercising a mo dera te amount o f evenhande dnes s. Others gros sly a buse their p ower. Joseph Stalin , Adolf Hitler , Saddam Hus sein , Camb odia’s Pol Pot, and Zimb abwe’s Robert Mug abe, for ins tanc e, are he ads o f state who e arne d a reputa tion f or le ading through f ear and intimida tion .17.2 • F orms o f Go vernment 505 FIGURE 17.8Dictat or Kim Jong-Il o f Nor th Korea w as a charismatic leader o f an absolut e dictat orship . His f ollowers responded emotional ly to the death o f their leader in 2011. (Cr edit: babel trave/flickr) Democr acy Ademo cracy is a f orm o f government tha t strives to pro vide all citiz ens with an e qual v oice, or v ote, in determining s tate p olicy , reg ardles s of their lev el of socioeconomic s tatus. Another imp ortant fundamental o f the demo cratic s tate is the es tablishment and g overnanc e of a jus t and c omprehensiv e constitution tha t deline ates the roles and resp onsibilities o f leaders and citiz ens alik e. Demo cracies , in g eneral , ensure c ertain b asic rights f or their citiz ens. First and f oremos t, citiz ens are free to organiz e politic al parties and hold elections . Leaders , onc e electe d, mus t abide b y the terms o f the giv en nation ’s constitution and are limite d in the p owers the y can e xercise , as w ell as in the length o f the dura tion o f their terms . Mos t demo cratic so cieties also champion free dom o f individual sp eech , the pres s, and as sembly , and the y prohibit unla wful imprisonment . Of c ourse , even in a demo cratic so ciety , the g overnment c onstrains citiz ens' total free dom to act ho wever the y wish . A demo cratically electe d government do es this b y passing laws and writing regula tions tha t, at least ide ally, reflect the will o f the majority o f its p eople . Although the Unite d Sta tes champions the demo cratic ideolog y, it is not a “pure ” demo cracy . In a purely demo cratic so ciety , all citiz ens w ould v ote on all prop osed legisla tion , and this is not ho w la ws are p assed in the Unite d Sta tes. There is a practic al re ason f or this: a pure demo cracy w ould b e hard to implement . Thus , the Unite d Sta tes is a c onstitution-b ased federal republic in which citiz ens elect representa tives to mak e policy decisions on their b ehalf. The term representat ive demo cracy , which is vir tually s ynon ymous with republic , can also b e use d to describ e a g overnment in which citiz ens elect representa tives to promote p olicies tha t favor their interes ts. In the Unite d Sta tes, representa tives are electe d at local and s tate lev els, and the v otes o f the Electoral C olleg e determine who will hold the o ffice of president . Each o f the three branches o f the U .S. government —the e xecutiv e, judicial , and legisla tive—is held in check b y the other branches .506 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 17.3Politics in the United States LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain the significanc e of “one person, one v ote” in det ermining U .S. policy •Discus s ho w voter par ticipation aff ects politics in the Unit ed Stat es •Explor e the influenc e of race, gender , and clas s issues on the v oting pr ocess FIGURE 17.9Americans ' voting rights ar e a fundamental element o f the U .S. democr atic s tructur e. In elections people car e about, the turnout can be v ery high, and people g o to great lengths t o ensur e their v ote is c ount ed. (Credit: GP A Phot o Ar chiv e/flickr) When describing a na tion ’s politics , we should define the term . We ma y as sociate the term with free dom , power, corruption , or rhetoric . Politic al scienc e looks a t politics as the interaction b etween citiz ens and their government . Sociolog y studies politicsas a me ans to unders tand the underlying so cial norms and v alues o f a group . A so ciety ’s politic al structure and practic es pro vide insight into the dis tribution o f power and w ealth , as well as larg er philosophic al and cultural b eliefs . A cursor y so ciologic al analy sis o f U.S. p olitics might sugg est that Americ ans' desire to promote e quality and demo cracy on a theoretic al lev el is a t odds with the na tion ’s real-lif e capitalis t orienta tion . Linc oln's famous phrase “ of the p eople , by the p eople , for the p eople ” is a t the he art of the U .S. s ystem and sums up its mos t essential asp ect: tha t citiz ens willingly and freely elect representa tives the y believ e will lo ok out f or their b est interes ts. Although man y Americ ans tak e free elections f or grante d, it is a vital f ounda tion o f any demo cracy . When the U .S. g overnment w as forme d, however, Afric an Americ ans and w omen w ere denie d the right to v ote. Each o f these groups s truggle d to secure the same suffra ge rights as their White male counterp arts, yet this his tory fails to inspire some Americ ans to sho w up a t the p olls and c ast their b allots . Problems with the demo cratic pro cess, including limite d voter turnout , require us to more closely e xamine comple x so cial is sues tha t influenc e politic al particip ation . Voter P articipation Voter p articip ation is es sential to the suc cess of the U .S. p olitic al system . Although man y Americ ans are quick to complain a bout la ws and p olitic al le adership , in an y giv en election y ear roughly half the p opula tion do es not vote (Unite d Sta tes Elections P roject 2010). Some y ears ha ve seen ev en lo wer turnouts; in 2010, f or ins tanc e, only 37.8 p ercent o f the p opula tion p articip ated in the electoral pro cess (Unite d Sta tes Elections P roject 2011). Poor turnout c an sk ew election results , particularly if one a ge or so cioeconomic group is more dilig ent in its efforts to mak e it to the p olls. Certain v oting adv ocacy groups w ork to impro ve turnout . Vote.org f ocuses on a bsentee v oting , mail-in v oting ,17.3 • P olitics in the Unit ed S tates 507 and similar practic es. Native Vote is an org aniza tion tha t strives to inf orm N ative Americ ans a bout up coming elections and enc oura ges their p articip ation . National C ouncil o f La Raza and V oto La tino s trive to impro ve voter turnout among the La tino p opula tion . William F rey, author o f Div ersity Explosion , points out tha t the numb er o f Hisp anic p eople , Asian p eople , and multiracial p opula tions is e xpecte d to double in the ne xt forty years (Balz 2014). Race, Gender , and Class Issues Although rec ent rec ords ha ve sho wn more minorities v oting no w than ev er b efore, this trend is s till fairly new . Historic ally, Afric an Americ ans and other minorities ha ve been underrepresente d at the p olls. Black men w ere not allo wed to v ote a t all until a fter the Civil W ar, and Black w omen g aine d the right to v ote along with other women only with the ra tific ation o f the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. F or y ears, Afric an Americ ans who were bra ve enough to v ote w ere disc oura ged by discrimina tory legisla tion , passed in man y southern s tates, which re quire d poll tax es and literacy tes ts of prosp ectiv e voters . Literacy tes ts w ere not outla wed until 1965, when P resident L yndon J ohnson signe d the V oting Rights A ct. The 1960s sa w other imp ortant ref orms in U .S. v oting . Shor tly b efore the V oting Rights A ct w as p assed, the 1964 U .S. Supreme C ourt case Reynolds v . Sims chang ed the na ture o f elections . This landmark decision reaffirme d the notion o f “one p erson , one v ote,” a c oncept holding tha t all p eople ’s votes should b e counte d equally . Bef ore this decision , une qual dis tributions o f popula tion ena bled small groups o f people in sp arsely popula ted rural are as to ha ve as much v oting p ower as the denser p opula tions o f urb an are as. After Reynolds v. Sims , dis tricts w ere re drawn so tha t the y would include e qual numb ers o f voters . Unfortuna tely, in J une 2013 the Supreme C ourt rep ealed sev eral imp ortant asp ects o f the 1965 V oting Rights Act, ruling tha t southern s tates no long er nee d the s tricter scr utin y tha t was onc e re quire d to prohibit racial discrimina tion in v oting practic es in the South . Following this decision , sev eral s tates mo ved forward with voter identific ation la ws tha t had previously b een b anne d by federal c ourts. Officials in T exas, Mis sissippi , and Alabama claim tha t new identific ation (ID) la ws are nee ded to re duce voter fra ud. Opp onents p oint to the Dep artment o f Justice statistics indic ating tha t only tw enty -six v oters , of 197 million v oters in f ederal elections , were f ound guilty o f voter fra ud b etween 2002 and 2005. " Contemp orar y voter identific ation la ws are tr ying to solv e a problem tha t hasn ’t existed in o ver a c entur y” (Campb ell, 2012). Opp onents fur ther note that new v oter ID la ws disprop ortiona tely a ffect minorities and the p oor, potentially prohibiting them from exercising their right to v ote. Evidenc e sugg ests tha t leg al protection o f voting rights do es not directly transla te into e qual v oting p ower. Relative to their presenc e in the U .S. p opula tion , women and racial/ethnic minorities are underrepresente d in the U .S. C ongres s. White men s till domina te both houses . And until the ina ugura tion o f Barack Ob ama in 2009, all U .S. presidents had b een White men . Like rac e and ethnicity , social clas s also has influenc ed voting practic es. Voting ra tes among lo wer-educ ated, lower-paid w orkers are lo wer than f or p eople with higher so cioeconomic s tatus tha t fosters a s ystem in which people with more p ower and ac cess to resourc es ha ve the me ans to p erpetua te their p ower. Sev eral explana tions ha ve been o ffered to ac count f or this diff erenc e (Ra ymond 2010). W orkers in lo w-p aying ser vice jobs might find it harder to g et to the p olls b ecause the y lack fle xibility in their w ork hours and quality da ycare to lo ok a fter children while the y vote. Bec ause a larg er share o f racial and ethnic minorities is emplo yed in such p ositions , social clas s ma y be link ed to rac e and ethnicity influencing v oting ra tes. New re quirements f or specific typ es o f voter identific ation in some s tates are lik ely to c omp ound these is sues , because it ma y tak e additional time a way from w ork, as w ell as additional child c are or transp ortation , for v oters to g et the nee ded IDs. The imp act on minorities and the imp overishe d ma y cause a fur ther decre ase in v oter p articip ation . Attitudes pla y a role as w ell. Some p eople o f low so cioeconomic s tatus or minority rac e/ethnicity doubt their vote will c ount or v oice will b e he ard b ecause the y ha ve seen no evidenc e of their p olitic al power in their communities . Man y believ e tha t wha t the y alre ady ha ve is all the y can achiev e.508 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. As sugg ested earlier , mone y can c arry a lot o f influenc e in U .S. demo cracy . But there are other me ans to mak e one’s voice he ard. Free sp eech c an b e influential , and p eople c an p articip ate in the demo cratic s ystem through volunteering with p olitic al adv ocacy groups , writing to electe d officials , sharing view s in a public f orum such as a blog or let ter to the e ditor , forming or joining c ause-rela ted politic al org aniza tions and interes t groups , particip ating in public demons trations , and ev en r unning f or a lo cal office. The Judicial System The third branch o f the U .S. g overnment is the judicial s ystem , which c onsis ts of local, state, and f ederal courts. The U .S. Supreme C ourt is the highes t court in the Unite d Sta tes, and it has the final sa y on decisions about the c onstitutionality o f laws tha t citiz ens challeng e. As note d earlier , some r ulings ha ve a direct imp act on the p olitic al system , such as rec ent decisions a bout v oter identific ation and c amp aign financing . Other Supreme C ourt decisions a ffect diff erent asp ects o f society , and the y are useful f or so ciologic al study b ecause they help us unders tand cultural chang es. One e xample is a rec ent and highly c ontro versial c ase tha t dealt with the religious opp osition o f Hobb y Lobb y Stores Inc . to pro viding emplo yees with sp ecific kinds o f insuranc e manda ted by the P atient P rotection and Aff orda ble C are A ct. Another e xample is same -sex marria ge cases , which w ere e xpecte d to b e he ard b y the C ourt; ho wever, the C ourt denie d review o f these c ases in the fall of 2014. F or no w, the r ulings o f federal dis trict c ourts stand , and s tates c an c ontinue to ha ve diff ering outc omes on same -sex marria ge for their citiz ens. 17.4Theor etical P erspectives on Government and P ower LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e the w ays that functionalis ts, conflict theoris ts, and int eractionis ts vie w government and politics Sociologis ts rely on org aniza tional framew orks or p aradigms to mak e sense o f their s tudy o f sociolog y; alre ady there are man y widely rec ogniz ed schemas f or ev alua ting so ciologic al da ta and obser vations . Each p aradigm looks a t the s tudy o f sociolog y through a unique lens . The so ciologic al examina tion o f government and p ower can thus b e ev alua ted using a v ariety o f persp ectiv es tha t help the ev alua tor g ain a bro ader p ersp ectiv e. Functionalism , conflict theor y, and s ymb olic interactionism are a f ew o f the more widely rec ogniz ed philosophic al stanc es in practic e today. Functionalism According to functionalism , the g overnment has f our main purp oses: planning and directing so ciety , meeting social nee ds, maintaining la w and order , and mana ging interna tional rela tions . According to functionalism , all aspects o f society ser ve a purp ose. Functionalis ts view g overnment and p olitics as a w ay to enf
🏛️ Power Dynamics in Society
🔄 Functionalism views social order as essential, seeing political contributions as connecting citizens to democracy, while 🔥 Conflict Theory interprets the same actions as tools for the wealthy to maintain power
💪 Karl Marx positioned social structures (not individual traits) as the root of societal problems, arguing that conflict between privileged and underprivileged groups is inevitable in capitalist systems
🌍 Modern conflicts—from government shutdowns to the Arab Spring to George Floyd protests—demonstrate how the drive for power, wealth, territory, and autonomy continues to shape political landscapes
🔍 Symbolic interactionism focuses on the micro-level, examining how political symbols (like flags or government buildings) and face-to-face interactions create meaning and influence perceptions
🗳️ Democratic systems aim to promote human rights and justice, though their success depends on free elections with diverse participation—historically challenging for minority groups until legislative interventions
🏆 Power elites (as described by C. Wright Mills and G. William Domhoff) represent small, influential groups who control significant portions of society and use government to maintain their wealth and status
orce norms and regula te conflict . Functionalis ts see activ e so cial chang e, such as the sit -in on W all Street , as undesira ble b ecause it f orces chang e and , as a result , undesira ble things tha t might ha ve to b e comp ensa ted for. Functionalis ts seek c onsensus and order in society . Dysfunction cre ates so cial problems tha t lead to so cial chang e. For ins tanc e, functionalis ts w ould see monetar y politic al contributions as a w ay of keeping p eople c onnecte d to the demo cratic pro cess. This w ould be in opp osition to a c onflict theoris t who w ould see this financial c ontribution as a w ay for the rich to perpetua te their o wn w ealth . Conflict Theory Conflict theor y focuses on the so cial ine qualities and p ower diff erenc e within a group , analyzing so ciety through this lens . Philosopher and so cial scientis t Karl Marx w as a seminal f orce in dev eloping the c onflict theor y persp ectiv e; he view ed so cial s tructure , rather than individual p ersonality characteris tics, as the c ause of man y so cial problems , such as p overty and crime . Marx b eliev ed tha t conflict b etween groups s truggling to either a ttain w ealth and p ower or k eep the w ealth and p ower the y had w as inevita ble in a c apitalis t society , and conflict w as the only w ay for the underprivileg ed to ev entually g ain some me asure o f equality .17.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Go vernment and P ower 509 C. Wright Mills (1956) ela borated on some o f Marx ’s concepts , coining the phrase power elite to describ e wha t he sa w as the small group o f powerful p eople who c ontrol much o f a so ciety . Mills b eliev ed the p ower elite use government to dev elop so cial p olicies tha t allo w them to k eep their w ealth . Contemp orar y theoris t G. William Domho ff (2011) ela borates on w ays in which the p ower elite ma y be seen as a sub culture whose memb ers follow similar so cial p atterns such as joining elite clubs , attending select scho ols, and v acationing a t a handful of exclusiv e des tina tions . Conflict Theory in Action FIGURE 17.10 Although militar y technolog y has e volved c onsider ably over the c ourse o f his tory, the fundamental causes o f conflict among nations r emain es sential ly the same . (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) Even b efore there w ere mo dern na tion-s tates, politic al conflicts arose among c omp eting so cieties or factions of people . Vikings a ttack ed continental Europ ean trib es in se arch o f loot, and , later, Europ ean e xplorers lande d on f oreign shores to claim the resourc es o f indig enous groups . Conflicts also arose among c omp eting groups within individual so vereignties , as evidenc ed by the blo ody F rench R evolution . Nearly all c onflicts in the p ast and present , however, are spurre d by basic desires: the driv e to protect or g ain territor y and w ealth , and the need to preser ve lib erty and a utonom y. According to so ciologis t and philosopher K arl Marx , such c onflicts are nec essary, although ugly , steps to ward a more eg alitarian so ciety . Marx sa w a his toric al pattern in which rev olutionaries topple d elite p ower structures , after which w ealth and a uthority b ecame more ev enly disp erse d among the p opula tion , and the o verall so cial order adv anced. In this p attern o f chang e through c onflict , people tend to g ain gre ater p ersonal free dom and economic s tability (1848). Modern-da y conflicts are s till driv en b y the desire to g ain or protect p ower and w ealth , whether in the f orm o f land and resourc es or in the f orm o f lib erty and a utonom y. Internally , groups within the U .S. s truggle within the s ystem , by trying to achiev e the outc omes the y pref er. Politic al diff erenc es o ver budg et is sues , for e xample , led to the rec ent shutdo wn o f the f ederal g overnment , and alterna tive politic al groups , such as the T ea Party, are g aining a signific ant f ollowing . The Ara b Spring e xemplifies oppres sed groups acting c ollectiv ely to chang e their g overnmental s ystems , seeking b oth gre ater lib erty and gre ater ec onomic e quity . Some na tions , such as T unisia, ha ve suc cessfully transitione d to g overnmental chang e; others , like Egypt, have not y et re ache d consensus on a new510 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. government . Unfortuna tely, the chang e pro cess in some c ountries re ache d the p oint o f activ e comb at between the establishe d government and the p ortion o f the p opula tion seeking chang e, often c alled rev olutionaries or rebels. Lib ya and Syria are tw o such c ountries; the multifac eted na ture o f the c onflict , with sev eral groups comp eting f or their o wn desire d ends , mak es cre ation o f a p eaceful resolution more challenging . Popular uprisings o f citiz ens seeking g overnmental chang e ha ve occurre d this y ear in Bosnia, Brazil , Greec e, Iran , Jordan , Portugal, Spain, Turkey, Ukraine , and mos t rec ently in Hong K ong . Although much smaller in siz e and sc ope, demons trations o ccurre d in the a fterma th o f the killing o f Georg e Flo yd in the summer o f 2020. Some o f these and rela ted demons trations w ent on f or months . Small numb ers o f these protes ts or protes ters were violent , and man y leaders in b oth the protes t mo vement and g overnment ackno wledge tha t the protes ts had chang ed focus to reflect g eneral anti-g overnment sentiments , rather than f ocusing on racial jus tice. FIGURE 17.11 What s ymbols o f the Bos ton T ea P arty ar e represent ed in this painting? Ho w might a s ymbolic interactionis t explain the w ay the modern-da y Tea P arty has r eclaimed and r epurposed these s ymbolic meanings? (Credit: Wikimedia Commons) Symbolic Inter actionism Other so ciologis ts study g overnment and p ower b y relying on the framew ork o f symb olic interactionism , which is grounde d in the w orks o f Max W eber and Georg e H. Me ad. Symb olic interactionism , as it p ertains to g overnment , focuses its a ttention on figures , emblems , or individuals tha t represent p ower and a uthority . Man y div erse entities in larg er so ciety c an b e considere d symb olic: trees , doves, wedding rings . Ima ges tha t represent the p ower and a uthority o f the Unite d Sta tes include the White House , the e agle, and the Americ an fla g. The Se al of the P resident o f the Unite d Sta tes, along with the o ffice in g eneral , incites resp ect and rev erenc e in man y Americ ans. Symb olic interactionis ts are not interes ted in larg e structures such as the g overnment . As micro -sociologis ts, they are more interes ted in the fac e-to-fac e asp ects o f politics . In re ality , much o f politics c onsis ts of fac e-to- face backro om meetings and lobb yist eff orts. Wha t the public o ften sees is the front p orch o f politics tha t is sanitiz ed by the me dia through g atekeeping . Symb olic interactionis ts are mos t interes ted in the interaction b etween these small groups who mak e decisions , or in the c ase o f some rec ent c ongres sional c ommit tees , demons trate the ina bility to mak e an y decisions a t all . The he art of politics is the result o f interaction b etween individuals and small groups o ver17.4 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Go vernment and P ower 511 perio ds o f time . These meetings pro duce new me anings and p ersp ectiv es tha t individuals use to mak e sure there are future interactions .512 17 • Go vernment and P olitics Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms absolute monarchies governments wherein a monarch has a bsolute or unmitig ated power anarch y the a bsenc e of an y org aniz ed government authorit y power tha t people ac cept b ecause it c omes from a sourc e tha t is p erceived as legitima te charismat ic authorit y power legitimiz ed on the b asis o f a le ader ’s exceptional p ersonal qualities cons titutional monarchies national g overnments tha t rec ogniz e monarchs but re quire these figures to abide b y the la ws of a gre ater c onstitution demo cracy a form o f government tha t pro vides all citiz ens with an e qual v oice or v ote in determining s tate policy dictatorship a form o f government in which a single p erson (or a v ery small group) wields c omplete and absolute a uthority o ver a g overnment or p opulac e after the dicta tor rises to p ower, usually through economic or militar y might monarch y a form o f government in which a single p erson (a monarch) r ules until tha t individual dies or abdicates the throne olig arch y a form o f government in which p ower is held b y a small , elite group one p erson , one v ote a concept holding tha t each p erson ’s vote should b e counte d equally patrimonialism a typ e of authority wherein militar y and adminis trative factions enf orce the p ower o f the mas ter politics a me ans o f studying a na tion ’s or group ’s underlying so cial norms as v alues as evidenc ed through its p olitic al structure and practic es power the a bility to e xercise one ’s will o ver others power elite a small group o f powerful p eople who c ontrol much o f a so ciety rational-leg al authorit y power tha t is legitimiz ed by rules , regula tions , and la ws representat ive demo cracy a government wherein citiz ens elect o fficials to represent their interes ts totalitarian dictatorship an e xtremely oppres sive form o f dicta torship in which mos t asp ects o f citiz ens’ lives are c ontrolle d by the le ader tradit ional authorit y power legitimiz ed on the b asis o f long-s tanding cus toms Section Summary 17.1Power and A uthority Sociologis ts examine g overnment and p olitics in terms o f their imp act on individuals and larg er so cial systems . Power is an entity or individual ’s ability to c ontrol or direct others , while a uthority is influenc e tha t is predicated on p erceived legitimacy . Max W eber studie d power and a uthority , diff erentia ting b etween the tw o concepts and f ormula ting a s ystem f or clas sifying typ es o f authority . 17.2Forms of Government Nations are g overne d by diff erent p olitic al systems , including monarchies , olig archies , dicta torships , and demo cracies . Generally sp eaking , citiz ens o f na tions wherein p ower is c oncentra ted in one le ader or a small group are more lik ely to suff er viola tions o f civil lib erties and e xperienc e ec onomic ine quality . Man y na tions that are to day org aniz ed around demo cratic ide als s tarted out as monarchies or dicta torships but ha ve ev olved into more eg alitarian s ystems . Demo cratic ide als, although hard to implement and achiev e, promote b asic human rights and jus tice for all citiz ens. 17.3Politics in the United States The suc cess and v alidity o f U.S. demo cracy hing es on free , fair elections tha t are characteriz ed by the supp ort and p articip ation o f div erse citiz ens. In spite o f their imp ortanc e, elections ha ve low particip ation . In the p ast, the v oice of minority groups w as ne arly imp erceptible in elections , but rec ent trends ha ve sho wn incre ased voter turnout acros s man y minority rac es and ethnicities . In the p ast, the cre ation and sus tenanc e of a fair17 • K ey Terms 513 voting pro cess has nec essitated government inter vention , particularly on the legisla tive lev el. The Reynolds v . Sims case, with its landmark “ one p erson , one v ote” ruling , is an e xcellent e xample o f such action . 17.4Theor etical P erspectives on Government and P ower Sociologis ts use framew orks to g ain p ersp ectiv e on da ta and obser vations rela ted to the s tudy o f power and government . Functionalism sugg ests tha t societal p ower and s tructure is pre dicated on c ooperation , interdep endenc e, and share d goals or v alues . Conflict theor y, rooted in Marxism , asserts tha t societal structures are the result o f social groups c omp eting f or w ealth and influenc e. Symb olic interactionism examines a smaller re alm o f sociologic al interes t: the individual ’s perception o f symb ols o f power and their subse quent re action to the fac e-to-fac e interactions o f the p olitic al re alm . Section Quiz 17.1Power and A uthority 1.Which s tatement b est expres ses the diff erenc e between p ower and a uthority? a.Authority in volves intimida tion . b.Authority is more subtle than p ower. c.Authority is b ased on the p erceived legitimacy o f the individual in p ower. d.Authority is inherite d, but p ower is seiz ed by militar y force. 2.Which o f the f ollowing typ es o f authority do esnot reside primarily in a le ader? a.Dicta torial b.Traditional c.Charisma tic d.Legal-ra tional 3.In the U .S. Sena te, it is cus tomar y to as sign e ach sena tor a seniority ranking b ased on y ears o f government service and the p opula tion o f the s tate he or she represents . A top ranking giv es the sena tor priority f or assignments to o ffice sp ace, commit tee chair p ositions , and se ating on the sena te flo or. Wha t typ e of authority do es this e xample b est illus trate? a.Dicta torial b.Traditional c.Charisma tic d.Legal-ra tional 4.Dr. Mar tin L uther King , Jr. use d his public sp eaking a bilities and ma gnetism to inspire Afric an Americ ans to stand up a gains t injus tice in an e xtremely hos tile en vironment . He is an e xample o f a(n) __________ leader . a.traditional b.charisma tic c.legal-ra tional d.illegitima te 5.Which current w orld figure has the le ast amount o f politic al power? a.President Barack Ob ama b.Queen Eliza beth II c.British P rime Minis ter Da vid C ameron d.North K orean le ader Kim J ong-Un514 17 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 6.Which s tatement b est expres ses wh y there ha ve been so f ew charisma tic f emale le aders throughout history? a.Women ha ve diff erent le adership s tyles than men . b.Women are not interes ted in le ading a t all . c.Few w omen ha ve had the opp ortunity to hold le adership roles o ver the c ourseo f his tory. d.Male his torians ha ve refuse d to ackno wledge the c ontributions o f female le aders in their rec ords . 17.2Forms of Government 7.Man y constitutional monarchies s tarted out as: a.oligarchies b.absolute monarchies c.dicta torships d.demo cracies 8.Which na tion is an a bsolute monarch y? a.Oman b.Great Britain c.Denmark d.Australia 9.Which o f the f ollowing present and f ormer g overnment le aders is g enerally c onsidere d a dicta tor? a.David C ameron b.Barack Ob ama c.Qaboos bin Said A l Said d.Kim J ong-Un 10.A(n) _________________ is an e xtremely oppres sive government tha t seeks to c ontrol all asp ects o f its citiz ens’ liv es. a.oligarch y b.totalitarian dicta torship c.anarch y d.absolute monarch y 11.Which is not a characteris tic o f a demo cracy? a.People v ote to elect o fficials . b.A king or queen holds the majority o f governmental c ontrol . c.One g oal of this typ e of government is to protect citiz ens’ b asic rights . d.A constitution typic ally outlines the f ounda tional ide as o f ho w this g overnment should op erate. 12.Which s tatement b est expres ses wh y the Unite d Sta tes is not a tr ue demo cracy? a.Man y politicians are c orrupt. b.Special-interes t groups fund p olitic al camp aigns . c.Citiz ens elect representa tives who v ote on their b ehalf to mak e policy . d.Ancient Greec e was the only tr ue demo cracy .17 • Section Quiz 515 17.3Politics in the United States 13.In the p ast, Southern s tates disc oura ged Afric an Americ ans from v oting b y re quiring them to tak e a _____________________ tes t. a.blood b.literacy c.lie detector d.citiz enship 14.Which president signe d the V oting Rights A ct? a.Lyndon J ohnson b.John F . Kenne dy Jr . c.Barack Ob ama d.Franklin D . Roosev elt 15.Which factor do es not influenc e voting practic es? a.Race b.Social clas s c.Ethnicity d.Voting b ooths 16.The U .S. Supreme C ourt case _________________ le d to the revision o f voting dis tricts to ac count f or differenc es in p opula tion density . a.Roe v. Wade b.Reynolds v . Sims c.Brown v . Bo ard o f Education d.Marbur y v. Madison 17.Which s tatement b est explains the me aning o f “one p erson , one v ote”? a.One p erson should not b e allo wed to v ote twic e. b.A voter deser ves one chanc e to v ote. c.A voter should v ote only onc e a y ear. d.All people 's votes should c ount e qually . 17.4Theor etical P erspectives on Government and P ower 18.Which c oncept c orresp onds b est to functionalism? a.Happines s b.Interdep endenc e c.Revolution d.Symb olism 19.Which so ciologis t is not as sociated with c onflict theor y? a.C. Wright Mills b.G. William Domho ff c.Karl Marx d.Georg e H. Me ad516 17 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 20.Karl Marx b eliev ed so cial s tructures ev olve through: a.supply and demand b.enlightenment c.conflict d.cooperation 21.The Ara b Spring , Occup y Wall Street protes ts, and the T ea Party mo vement ha ve the f ollowing in c ommon: a.The y sought to des troy central g overnment . b.The y are e xamples o f conflict theor y in action . c.The y can only o ccur in a representa tive demo cracy . d.The y use d violenc e as the me ans o f achieving their g oals. 22.Which is not one o f functionalism ’s four main purp oses o f government? a.Maintaining la w and order b.Meeting so cial nee ds c.Equally dis tributing resourc es d.Planning and directing so ciety 23.Sociologis t G. William Domho ff’sWho R ules Americ a?asserts tha t wealth is o ften nec essary to e xert the mos t influenc e over so cial and p olitic al systems . This is a ____ p ersp ectiv e. a.conflict theor y b.symb olic interactionis t c.functionalis t d.feminis t 24.Which o f the f ollowing p aradigms w ould c onsider mo vements such as Oc cup y Wall Street undesira ble and unnec essarily f orcing so cial chang e? a.Symb olic interactionism b.Functionalism c.Feminism d.Conflict theor y Short Answer 17.1Power and A uthority 1.Explain wh y leaders as div ergent as Hitler and J esus Chris t are b oth c ategoriz ed as charisma tic a uthorities . 2.Why do p eople ac cept traditional a uthority figures ev en though these typ es o f leaders ha ve limite d me ans of enf orcing their p ower? 3.Charisma tic le aders are among the mos t fascina ting figures in his tory. Select a charisma tic le ader a bout whom y ou wish to le arn more and c onduct online rese arch to find out a bout this individual . Then write a paragraph describing the p ersonal qualities tha t led to this p erson ’s influenc e, considering the so ciety in which he or she emerg ed. 17.2Forms of Government 4.Do y ou f eel the Unite d Sta tes has b ecome an olig arch y? Wh y, or wh y not? 5.Explain ho w an a bsolute monarch y diff ers from a dicta torship . 6.In which f orm o f government do a verage citiz ens ha ve the le ast politic al power? Wha t options might the y have for e xerting p olitic al power under this typ e of regime?17 • Shor t Ans wer 517 17.3Politics in the United States 7.If the p ercenta ge of Asian Americ ans in C ongres s is far b elow the p ercenta ge of Asian Americ ans in the Unite d Sta
🏛️ Power and Politics
🗳️ Voting rights remain a contentious issue in the U.S., with felony disenfranchisement laws creating significant barriers to political participation for millions of citizens
💰 Economic inequality shapes political power, transforming democratic systems into what some scholars describe as functional oligarchies where wealthy interests exert disproportionate influence
👥 Social identity factors including race, ethnicity, and social class profoundly impact voting patterns and political representation, creating persistent disparities in who benefits from the political system
🌐 Government forms vary globally, with the text examining how different systems distribute authority and how the U.S. political structure operates in practice versus theory
🔍 Theoretical perspectives like functionalism, conflict theory, and symbolic interactionism offer competing frameworks for understanding how power operates in society
💼 Economic systems (capitalism, socialism) shape political possibilities, with the text noting how economic conditions like the Great Recession and COVID-19 dramatically impact citizens' lives
tes, does tha t me an Asian Americ ans lack p olitic al power? Wh y or wh y not? 8.Explain ho w a v oter ’s so cial clas s can a ffect his or her v oting practic es. 9.Besides v oting , how can U .S. citiz ens influenc e politic al pro cesses and outc omes? Which o f these s trategies have you p ersonally use d? 17.4Theor etical P erspectives on Government and P ower 10.Wha t is one criticism o f functionalism? 11.Explain wha t is me ant b y the term power elite . Consider its original intention as c oine d by C. Wright Mills as w ell as y our unders tanding o f it. Further R esear ch 17.1Power and A uthority Want to le arn more a bout so ciologis ts at work in the re al w orld? R eadthis o verview o f sociologic al persp ectiv es on disenfranchisement o f people c onvicte d of felonies (https:/ /openstax.org/l/3ef elondisen) . 17.2Forms of Government The T ea Party is among the highes t-pro file gras sroots org aniza tions activ e in U .S. p olitics to day. Wha t is its official pla tform? Examine the Tea Party w ebsite (http://openstax.org/l/2e TeaPartygov)to find out more informa tion . 17.3Politics in the United States The 1965 V oting Rights A ct w as prec eded by Lyndon J ohnson ’s signing o f the 1964 Civil Rights A ct. Both articles w ere ins trumental in es tablishing e qual rights f or Afric an Americ ans. Check out Cornell Univ ersity ’s website on this civil rights (http://openstax.org/l/2EDemoN ow)to le arn more a bout this civil rights legisla tion . 17.4Theor etical P erspectives on Government and P ower Functionalism is a c omple x philosophic al theor y tha t pertains to a v ariety o f disciplines b eyond so ciolog y. Visit the entr y dev oted to functionalism on Stanf ord Ency clop edia o f Philosoph y(http://openstax.org/l/ Stanf ord_ functionalism) for a more c omprehensiv e overview . References Intr oduction ACLU. 2020. "Sta te Disenfranchisement La ws (Map). " Americ an Civil Lib erties Union . (https:/ /www.aclu .org/ issues /voting-rights /voter -res tora tion/f elon y-disenfranchisement -laws-map) Brennan C enter f or Justice. 2019. " Voter R estora tion Eff orts in Florida. " (https:/ /www.brennanc enter .org/our - work/rese arch-rep orts/voting-rights -res tora tion-eff orts-florida) Lewis , Sarah . A. 2018. " The Disenfranchisement o f Ex -Felons in Florida: A Brief His tory." Univ ersity o f Florida. (https:/ /scholarship .law.ufl.edu/c gi/view content .cgi?ar ticle=1846&c onte xt=facultypub) 17.1Power and A uthority Acton , Lord . 2010 [1887]. Essays on F reedom and P ower.Auburn , AL: L udwig v on Mises Ins titute . Catrer, Chelse a, and F antz, Ashle y. 2014. “ISIS V ideo Sho ws Behe ading o f Americ an J ournalis t Stev en Sotlo ft.”518 17 • F urther R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. CNN , Septemb er 9. R etriev ed Octob er 5, 2014 ( http://www.cnn .com/2014/09/02/w orld/me ast/isis - americ an-journalis t-sotlo ff/) Eisenb erg, Andrew . 1998. “ Weberian P atrimonialism and Imp erial Chinese His tory.”Theor y and So ciety 27(1):83–102. Hosenb all, Mark , and W estall, Sly via. 2014. “Islamic Sta te V ideo Sho ws Sec ond British Hos tage Behe aded.” Reuters , Octob er 4. R etriev ed Octob er 5, 2014 ( http://www.reuters .com/ar ticle/2014/10/04/us -mide ast- crisis -henning-b ehading-idUSK CN0HS1XX20141004) NPR . 2014. “Deb ate: Do es U .S. Militar y Inter vention in the Middle Eas t help or Hur t?” Octob er 7. R etriev ed Octob er 7, 2014 ( http://www.npr .org/2014/10/07/353294026/deb ate-does-u-s -militar y-inter vention-in-the - middle -east-help -or-hur t) Mullen , Jethro . 2014. “U .S.-le d airs trikes on ISIS in Syria: Wha t you nee d to kno w.” CNN , Septemb er 24. Retriev ed Octob er 5, 2014 ( http://www.cnn .com/2014/09/23/w orld/me ast/syria-isis -airs trikes-explainer /) Mullen , Jethro (2014). “U .S.-le d airs trikes on ISIS in Syria: Who 's in , who 's not ”. CNN , Octob er 2, 2014. Retriev ed Octob er 5, 2014 ( http://www.cnn .com/2014/09/23/w orld/me ast/syria-airs trikes-countries - involved/) Pollock, John . 2011. “Ho w Egyptian and T unisian Y outh Hijack ed the Ara b Spring .”Technolog y Review , Septemb er/Octob er. Retriev ed Januar y 23, 2012 ( http://www.technolog yreview .com/w eb/38379/). Weber, Max . 1978 [1922]. Econom y and So ciety: An Outline o f Interpretiv e So ciolog y. Berk eley: Univ ersity o f California P ress. Weber, Max . 1947 [1922]. The Theor y of Social and E conomic Org aniza tion .Transla ted by A. M. Henderson and T. Parsons . New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. 17.2Forms of Government Balz, Dan . 2014. "F or G OP, demographic opp ortunities , challeng es a wait".The W ashington P ost. Retriev ed Dec emb er 11, 2014. ( http://www.washingtonp ost.com/p olitics /for-gop-demographic -opp ortunities - challeng es-await/2014/11/29/407118ae -7720-11e4-9d9b -86d397daad27_ story.html) Dunb ar, John (2012). “ The Citiz en’s Unite d Decision and Wh y It Ma tters” The C enter f or Public Integrity . Octob er 18, 2012. R etriev ed Octob er 2, 2014 ( http://www.publicintegrity .org/2012/10/18/11527/citiz ens- unite d-decision-and-wh y-it-ma tters) Krugman , Paul. 2011. “ Olig arch y, Americ an Style .”New Y ork Times , Novemb er 3. R etriev ed February 14, 2012 (http://www.nytimes .com/2011/11/04/opinion/olig arch y-americ an-s tyle.html). O'Dell , Rob and P enzenstadler , Nick . 2019. " You electe d them to write new la ws. The y're let ting c orporations do it ins tead." US A Today. (https:/ /www.usatoday.com/in-depth/new s/investigations /2019/04/03/a bortion-gun- laws-stand-y our-ground-mo del-bills -conser vatives-liberal-c orporate-influenc e-lobb yists/3162173002/) PBS Online . “Gilde d Ag e.” 1999. The Americ an Exp erienc e. Retriev ed February 14, 2012 ( http://www.pbs.org/ wgbh/ame x/carnegie/gilde dage.html). Represent .US. 2014. " The U .S. Is an Olig arch y? The R esearch Explaine d." (https:/ /bulletin .represent .us/u-s - oligarch y-explain-rese arch/) Schulz, Thomas . 2011. “ The Sec ond Gilde d Ag e: Has Americ a Bec ome an Olig arch y?”Spieg el Online Interna tional , Octob er 28. R etriev ed February 14, 2012 ( http://www.spieg el.de/interna tional/spieg el/ 0,1518,793896,00.html). UNDP . 2010. "F ive Ara b Countries Among T op Le aders in Long-T erm G ains ." Unite d Nations . (http://hdr .undp .org/en/me diac entre/new s/announc ements /title ,21573, en.html)17 • R eferences 519 Winters , Jeffre y. 2011. “ Olig arch y and Demo cracy .”Americ an Interes t, Novemb er/Dec emb er. Retriev ed February 17, 2012 ( http://www.the-americ an-interes t.com/ar ticle .cfm?piec e=1048). Zucman , Gabriel . 2019. " Glob al W ealth Ine quality ." Annual R eview o f Economics . Ma y 2019. ( https:/ /gabriel- zucman .eu/files /Zucman2019. pdf) 17.3Politics in the United States Bingham , Am y. 2012. “ Voter F raud: N on-Exis tent P roblem or Election-Thre atening Epidemic? ” ABC N ews, Septemb er 12. R etriev ed Octob er 2, 2014 ( http://abcnew s.go.com/P olitics /OTUS /voter -fraud-re al-rare/ story?id=17213376) Cooper, Michael . 2013. “ After R uling , Sta tes R ush to Enact V oting La ws”The N ew Y ork Times , July 5. R etriev ed Octob er 1, 2014 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2013/07/06/us /politics /after-Supreme -Court-ruling-s tates-rush- to-enact -voting-la ws.html?p agewante d=all&_r=0) Dinan , Stephen . 2013. “ Supreme C ourt Says Voting Rights A ct of 1965 is N o Long er R elev ant”The W ashington Times , June 25. R etriev ed Octob er 1, 2014 ( http://www.washingtontimes .com/new s/2013/jun/25/c ourt- past-voting-discrimina tion-no -long er-held/?p age=all) IT Chic ago-Kent Scho ol of Law. 2014. U.S. Supreme C ourt Me dia O YEZ . Retriev ed Octob er 7, 2014 (http://www.oyez.org/) Lop ez, Mark Hug o and P aul T aylor . 2009. “Dis secting the 2008 Electora te: the Mos t Div erse in U .S. His tory.” Pew R esearch C enter . April 30. R etriev ed April 24, 2012 ( http://pewrese arch .org/assets /pdf/ dissecting-2008- electora te.pdf). Raymond , Jose. 2010. “ Why Poor P eople Don ’t Vote.” Chang e.org, June 6. R etriev ed February 17, 2012. Unite d Sta tes Elections P roject . 2010. “2008 General Election T urnout Ra tes.” Octob er 6. R etriev ed February 14, 2012 ( http://elections .gmu .edu/T urnout _2008G .html). Unite d Sta tes Elections P roject . 2011. “2010 General Election T urnout Ra tes.” Dec emb er 12. R etriev ed February 14, 2012 ( http://elections .gmu .edu/T urnout _2010G .html). 17.4Theor etical P erspectives on Government and P ower Domho ff, G . William . 2011. “ Who R ules Americ a?” So ciolog y Dep artment a t Univ ersity o f California, Santa Cruz. R etriev ed Januar y 23, 2012 ( http://www2.ucsc .edu/whor ulesameric a/). Marx , Karl. 1848. Manif esto of the C ommunis t Party. Retriev ed Januar y 09, 2012 ( http://www.marxis ts.org/ archiv e/marx/w orks /1848/c ommunis t-manif esto/).520 17 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 18.1 Today, emplo yees ar e working har der than e ver in o ffices and other plac es o f emplo yement. (Cr edit: Juhan Sonin/flickr) INTR ODUC TION T O W ORK AND THE ECONOMYCHAP TER OUTLINE 18.1 Economic Sy stems 18.2 Globalization and the E conom y 18.3 Work in the Unit ed Stat es Wha t if the U .S. ec onom y thriv ed solely on b asic b artering instead o f its bus tling a gricultural and technologic al goods? W ould y ou s till see a bus y building lik e the one shown in Figure 18.1 ? In so ciolog y,econom yrefers to the so cial ins titution through which a so ciety ’s resourc es are e xchang ed and mana ged. The e arlies t economies w ere b ased on trade , which is o ften a simple e xchang e in which p eople trade d one item f or another . While to day’s ec onomic activities are more c omple x than those e arly trades , the underlying g oals remain the same: e xchanging g oods and ser vices allo ws individuals to meet their nee ds and wants . In 1893, Émile Durkheim describ ed wha t he c alled “mechanic al” and “ organic” solidarity tha t correla tes to a so ciety ’s ec onom y.Mechanic al solidarit yexists in simpler so cieties where so cial c ohesion comes from sharing similar w ork, education , and religion .Organic solidarit yarises out o f the mutual interdep endenc e cre ated by the sp ecializa tion o f work. The c omple x U.S. ec onom y, and the ec onomies o f other indus trializ ed na tions , meet the definition o f org anic solidarity . Mos t individuals p erform a sp ecializ ed task to earn mone y the y use to trade f or g oods and ser vices pro vide d by others who p erform diff erent sp ecializ ed tasks . In a simplifie d example , an elementar y scho ol te acher relies on farmers f or food, doctors f or he althc are, carpenters to build shelter , and so on . The farmers , doctors , and c arpenters all rely on the te acher to e ducate their children . The y are all dep endent on e ach other and their w ork. Econom y is one o f human so ciety ’s earlies t social s tructures . Our e arlies t forms o f writing (such as Sumerian clay tablets) w ere dev elop ed to rec ord transactions , payments , and debts b etween merchants . As so cieties grow and chang e, so do their ec onomies . The ec onom y of a small farming c ommunity is v ery diff erent from the18Work and the Economy 522 18 • Work and the Economy economy of a large nation with advanced technology. In this chapte r, we will examine different types of economic systems and how they have functioned in various societies. Detroit, once the roaring headquarters of the country’s large and profitable automotive industry, had already been in a population decline for several decades as auto manufacturing jobs were being outsourced to other countries and foreign car brands began to take increasing portions of U.S. market share. According to State of Michigan population data (State of Michigan, n.d.), Detroit was home to approximately 1.85 million residents in 1950, which dwindled to slightly more than 700,000 in 2010 following the economic crash. The drastic reduction took its toll on the city. It is estimated that a third of the buildings in Detroit have been abandoned. The current average home price hovers around $7,000, while homes nationwide sell on average for around $200,000. The city has filed for bankruptcy, and its unemployment rate hovers around 30 percent. The Wage Gap in the United States The Equal Pay Act, passed by the U.S. Congress in 1963, was designed to reduce the wage gap between men and women. The act in essence required employers to pay equal wages to men and women who were performing substantially similar jobs. Howeve r, more than fifty years late r, women continue to make less money than their male counterparts. According to a report released by the White House in 2013, full-time working women made just 77 cents for every dollar a man made (National Equal Pay Taskforce 2013). Seven years late r, the gap had only closed by four cents, with women making 81 cents for every dollar a man makes (Payscale 2020). A part of the White House report read, “This signifi cant gap is more than a statistic—it has real-life consequences. When women, who make up nearly half the workforce, bring home less money each day, it means they have less for the everyday needs of their families, and over a lifetime of work, far less savings for retirement.” As shocking as it is, the gap actually widens when we add race and ethnicity to the picture. For example, African American women make on average 64 cents for every dollar a White male makes. Latina women make 56 cents, or 44 percent less, for every dollar a White man makes. African American and Latino men also make notably less than White men. Asian Americans tend to be the only minority that earns as much as or more than White men. Certain professions have their own differences in wage gaps, even those whose participants have higher levels of education and supposedly a more merit-based method of promotion and credit. For example, U.S. and Canadian scientists have a significant wage gap that begins as soon as people enter the workforce. For example, of the PhD recipients that have jobs lined up after earning their degree, men reported an initial salary average of $92,000 per yea r, while women's was only $72,500. Men with permanent jobs in the life sciences reported an expected median salary of $87,000, compared with $80,000 for women. In mathematics and computer sciences, men reported an expected median salary of $125,000; for women, that figure was $101,500 (Woolston 2021). Recent Economic Conditions In 2015, the United States continued its recovery from the “Great Recession,” arguably the worst economic downturn since the stock market collapse in 1929 and the Great Depression that ensued. The 2008 recession was brought on by aggressive lending, extremely risky behavior by investment fi rms, and lax oversight by the government. During this time, banks provided mortgages to people with poor credit histories, sometimes with deceptively low introductory interest rates. When the rates rose, borrowers' mortgage payments increased to the point where they couldn't make payments. At the same time, investment firms had purchased these risky mortgages in the form of large bundled investments worth billions of dollars each (mortgage-backed securities or MBS). Rating agencies were supposed to rate mortgage securities according to their level of risk, but they typically rated all MBS as high-quality no matter what types of mortgages they contained. When the mortgages defaulted, the investment fi rms' holdings went down. The Access for free at openstax.org. mas sive ra te of loan defa ults put a s train on the financial ins titutions tha t had made the lo ans as w ell as those that had purchase d the MBS, and this s tres s ripple d throughout the entire ec onom y and around the glob e. With the entire financial s ystem on the v erge of permanent dama ge, the U .S. g overnment b ailed out man y of these firms and pro vide d supp ort to other indus tries , such as airlines and a utomobile c omp anies . But the Recession c ouldn 't be stopp ed. The Unite d Sta tes f ell into a p erio d of high and prolong ed unemplo yment , extreme re ductions in w ealth (e xcept a t the v ery top), s tagnant w ages, and los s of value in p ersonal prop erty (houses and land). Star ting in 2009, ho wever, emplo yment b egan to tick b ack up as c omp anies f ound their f ooting . By 2012, mos t of the c ountr y's emplo yment ra tes w ere similar to the lev els prior to the Gre at Recession . Ho wever, for mos t segments o f the p opula tion , me dian inc ome had not incre ased, and in fact it has rec eded in man y cases . The size, inc ome , and w ealth o f the middle clas s ha ve been declining sinc e the 1970s — eff ects tha t were p erhaps hastene d by the rec ession . Today, wealth is dis tribute d ine quita bly a t the top . Corporate pro fits ha ve incre ased more than 141 p ercent, and CEO p ay has risen b y more than 298 p ercent. Although w ages had not incre ased, and c ertain p arts of the ec onom y, such as brick -and-mor tar retail (dep artment s tores and similar chains) w ere doing p oorly , the ec onom y as a whole grew from the time a fter the Great Recession through 2020. Unemplo yment re ache d a his toric lo w in la te 2019. C OVID-19 chang ed all tha t. As y ou ma y ha ve experienc ed yourself, entire indus tries suff ered incre dible los ses as the y were f orced to shut down or sev erely re duce op erations . Some p eople w ere laid o ff from their jobs , while others had their hours or wages re duced. Unemplo yment skyro cketed again, reaching a new high o f ne arly 15 p ercent, only a bout six months a fter it had b een a t its rec ord lo w. Indus tries as div erse as hospitality and mining rep orted mas sive decre ases in emplo yment , and p art-time w orkers in p articular w ere hard hit . By early 2021, the o verall unemplo yment ra te had returne d to g enerally normal lev els. The imp act on those who had g one without w ork for so long , however, was signific ant (C ongres sional R esearch Ser vice 2021). 18.1 Economic Systems LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Differentiat e types o f economic s ystems and their his torical de velopment •Describe capitalism and socialism both in theor y and in pr actic e •Discus s the w ays functionalis ts, conflict theoris ts, and s ymbolic int eractionis ts vie w the ec onom y and w ork18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 523 FIGURE 18.2 Vladimir Il yich L enin w as one o f the f ounders o f Rus sian c ommunism. J .P. Mor gan w as one o f the mos t influential capitalis ts in his tory. The y ha ve very diff erent vie ws on ho w ec onomies should be run. (Cr edit: Phot os (a) and (b) Wikimedia Commons) The dominant ec onomic s ystems o f the mo dern era are c apitalism and so cialism , and there ha ve been man y varia tions o f each s ystem acros s the glob e. Countries ha ve switche d systems as their r ulers and ec onomic fortunes ha ve chang ed. For e xample , Russia has b een transitioning to a mark et-based ec onom y sinc e the fall of communism in tha t region o f the w orld . Vietnam , where the ec onom y was dev astated by the V ietnam W ar, restructure d to a s tate-run ec onom y in resp onse , and more rec ently has b een mo ving to ward a so cialis t-style mark et ec onom y. In the p ast, other ec onomic s ystems reflecte d the so cieties tha t forme d them . Man y of these earlier s ystems las ted centuries . These chang es in ec onomies raise man y ques tions f or so ciologis ts. Wha t are these older ec onomic s ystems? Ho w did the y dev elop? Wh y did the y fade a way? Wha t are the similarities and differenc es b etween older ec onomic s ystems and mo dern ones?524 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Economics of Agricultur al, Industrial, and P ostindustrial Societies FIGURE 18.3 Agricul tural ec onomies depend on disc overies and t echnologies t o shift fr om subsis tence to prosperity . The Banaue Ric e Terraces w ere car ved int o the landscape b y hand b y the anc estors o f the Ifug ao people . Rice needs flat, c omplet ely submer ged fields in which t o grow, so mountainous ar eas w ould not be natur ally suit ed for ric e. By transforming the mountainsides and maintaining a mas sive irrig ation s ystem, these farmer -engineers produc ed far mor e ric e than the landscape w ould ha ve normal ly yielded. Int erestingl y, the ec onom y of this location is shifting ag ain, as t ourism t o the t erraces gr ows fas ter than farming them. Our e arlies t anc estors liv ed as hunter -gatherers . Small groups o f extende d families ro ame d from plac e to plac e looking f or subsis tenc e. The y would set tle in an are a for a brief time when there w ere a bundant resourc es. The y hunte d animals f or their me at and g athere d wild fr uits , vegetables , and c ereals. The y ate wha t the y caught or g athere d their g oods as so on as p ossible , because the y had
🏭 Economic Evolution Timeline
🌱 Agricultural Revolution transformed nomadic hunter-gatherers into settled farmers 11,000 years ago, creating the first true economies with food surpluses, specialized jobs, and the development of trade systems
💰 Money emerged to solve bartering limitations, evolving from shells and grains to precious metals and coins, establishing symbolic systems of exchange that facilitated economic growth
🔧 Industrial Revolution mechanized production through innovations like the steam engine and assembly lines, dramatically increasing efficiency while creating both vast wealth and significant labor inequalities
💻 Information Age shifted advanced economies from manufacturing to service and knowledge sectors, with digital technology transforming how goods are produced, distributed, and consumed
🏦 Capitalism established private ownership and profit-seeking as economic drivers, with competition determining prices and wages while governments regulate to prevent monopolies and protect workers
no w ay of preser ving or transp orting it . Onc e the resourc es o f an are a ran lo w, the group had to mo ve on , and ev erything the y owne d had to tra vel with them . Food reser ves only c onsis ted of wha t the y could c arry. Man y so ciologis ts contend tha t hunter -gatherers did not ha ve a tr ue ec onom y, because groups did not typic ally trade with other groups due to the sc arcity o f goods. The Agricultur al R evolution The firs t true ec onomies arriv ed when p eople s tarted raising crops and domes ticating animals . Although there is still a gre at deal of disa greement among archeologis ts as to the e xact timeline , rese arch indic ates tha t agriculture b egan indep endently and a t diff erent times in sev eral plac es around the w orld . The e arlies t agriculture w as in the F ertile C resc ent in the Middle Eas t around 11,000–10,000 y ears a go. Next w ere the valleys of the Indus , Yangtz e, and Y ellow riv ers in India and China, b etween 10,000 and 9,000 y ears a go. The people living in the highlands o f New Guine a dev elop ed agriculture b etween 9,000 and 6,000 y ears a go, while people w ere farming in Sub -Saharan Afric a between 5,000 and 4,000 y ears a go. Agriculture dev elop ed later in the w estern hemisphere , arising in wha t would b ecome the e astern Unite d Sta tes, central Me xico, and northern South Americ a between 5,000 and 3,000 y ears a go (Diamond 2003).18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 525 FIGURE 18.4 Agricul tural pr actic es ha ve emer ged in diff erent societies at diff erent times . (Inf ormation: Wikimedia Commons) Agriculture b egan with the simples t of technologies —for e xample , a p ointe d stick to bre ak up the soil—but really to ok o ff when p eople harnes sed animals to pull an ev en more efficient to ol for the same task: a plo w. With this new technolog y, one family c ould gro w enough crops not only to f eed themselv es but also to f eed others . Knowing there w ould b e abundant f ood each y ear as long as crops w ere tende d led people to a bandon the nomadic lif e of hunter -gatherers and set tle do wn to farm . The impro ved efficiency in f ood pro duction me ant tha t not ev eryone had to toil all da y in the fields . As agriculture grew , new jobs emerg ed, along with new technologies . Excess crops nee ded to b e store d, processed, protecte d, and transp orted. Farming e quipment and irrig ation s ystems nee ded to b e built and maintaine d. Wild animals nee ded to b e domes ticated and herds shepherde d. Economies b egan to dev elop because p eople no w had g oods and ser vices to trade . At the same time , farmers ev entually c ame to la bor for the r uling clas s. As more p eople sp ecializ ed in nonfarming jobs , villa ges grew into to wns and then into cities . Urb an are as created the nee d for adminis trators and public ser vants . Disputes o ver o wnership , payments , debts , comp ensa tion f or dama ges, and the lik e led to the nee d for la ws and c ourts—and the judg es, clerks , lawyers, and p olice who adminis tere d and enf orced those la ws. At firs t, mos t goods and ser vices w ere trade d as gifts or through b artering b etween small so cial groups (Ma uss 1922). Ex changing one f orm o f goods or ser vices for another w as kno wn as bartering . This s ystem only w orks when one p erson happ ens to ha ve something the other p erson nee ds a t the same time . To solv e this problem , people dev elop ed the ide a of a me ans o f exchang e tha t could b e use d at an y time: tha t is, mone y.Mone yrefers to an object tha t a so ciety a grees to as sign a v alue to so it c an b e exchang ed for p ayment . In e arly ec onomies , mone y was o ften objects lik e cowry shells , ric e, barle y, or ev en r um. Precious metals quickly b ecame the pref erre d me ans o f exchang e in man y cultures b ecause o f their dura bility and p ortability . The firs t coins w ere minte d in L ydia in wha t is no w Turkey around 650–600 B .C.E. (Goldsb orough 2010). Early leg al codes establishe d the v alue o f mone y and the ra tes o f exchang e for v arious c ommo dities . The y also es tablishe d the rules f or inheritanc e, fines as p enalties f or crimes , and ho w prop erty w as to b e divide d and tax ed (Horne 1915). A s ymb olic interactionis t would note tha t bartering and mone y are s ystems o f symb olic e xchang e. Monetar y objects to ok on a s ymb olic me aning , one tha t carries into our mo dern-da y use o f cash, checks , and debit c ards .526 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The W oman Who Liv es without Money Imagine ha ving no mone y. If y ou w anted some fr ench fries , needed a ne w pair o f shoes , or w ere due t o get an oil chang e for your car , how would y ou g et those g oods and ser vices? This isn ’t jus t a theor etical ques tion. Think about it. What do those on the outskir ts of society do in these situations? Think o f someone escaping domes tic abuse who g ave up e verything and has no r esour ces. Or an immigr ant who wants t o build a ne w lif e but who had t o lea ve another lif e behind t o find that oppor tunity . Or a homeles s person who simpl y wants a meal t o eat. This las t example , homeles snes s, is what caused Heidemarie Sch wermer t o giv e up mone y. She w as a div orced high school t eacher in German y, and her lif e took a turn when she r elocat ed her childr en to a rur al town with a significant homeles s population. She beg an to ques tion what ser ves as curr ency in a society and decided t o try something ne w. Schwermer f ounded a busines s cal ledGib und Nimm —in English, “ give and tak e.” It oper ated on a mone yles s basis and s trived to facilitat e people s wapping g oods and ser vices for other g oods and ser vices—no cash al lowed (Sch wermer 2007). What beg an as a shor t experiment has bec ome a ne w way of life. Sch wermer sa ys the chang e has helped her f ocus on people ’s inner v alue ins tead o f their outw ard wealth. She wr ote tw o book s that t ell her s tory (she ’s donat ed al l proceeds t o charity) and, mos t impor tantl y, a richnes s in her lif e she w as unable t o attain with mone y. How might our thr ee sociological perspectiv es vie w her actions? What w ould mos t interest them about her unconventional w ays? W ould a functionalis t consider her aberr ation o f norms a social dy sfunction that upsets the normal balanc e? Ho w would a c onflict theoris t plac e her in the social hier archy? What might a s ymbolic interactionis t mak e of her choic e not t o use mone y—such an impor tant s ymbol in the modern w orld? What do youmak e ofGib und Nimm ? As city -states grew into c ountries and c ountries grew into empires , their ec onomies grew as w ell. When larg e empires brok e up , their ec onomies brok e up to o. The g overnments o f newly f orme d na tions sought to protect and incre ase their mark ets. The y financ ed voyages o f disc overy to find new mark ets and resourc es all o ver the world , which ushere d in a rapid progres sion o f economic dev elopment . Colonies w ere es tablishe d to secure these mark ets, and w ars w ere financ ed to tak e over territor y. These ventures w ere funde d in p art by raising c apital from in vestors who w ere p aid b ack from the g oods obtaine d. Governments and priv ate citiz ens also set up larg e trading c omp anies tha t financ ed their enterprises around the w orld b y selling s tocks and b onds . Governments trie d to protect their share o f the mark ets b y dev eloping a s ystem c alled merc antilism . Merc antilism is an ec onomic p olicy b ased on ac cumula ting silv er and g old b y controlling c olonial and f oreign mark ets through tax es and other charg es. The resulting res trictiv e practic es and e xacting demands include d monop olies , bans on c ertain g oods, high tariffs , and e xclusivity re quirements . Merc antilis t governments also promote d manufacturing and , with the a bility to fund technologic al impro vements , the y help ed cre ate the equipment tha t led to the Indus trial R evolution . The Industrial R evolution Until the end o f the eighteenth c entur y, mos t manufacturing w as done b y manual la bor. This chang ed as inventors devise d machines to manufacture g oods. A small numb er o f inno vations le d to a larg e numb er o f chang es in the British ec onom y. In the te xtile indus tries , the spinning o f cotton, worsted yarn, and flax c ould be done more quickly and les s expensiv ely using new machines with names lik e the S pinning J enn y and the Spinning Mule (Bond 2003). Another imp ortant inno vation w as made in the pro duction o f iron: C oke from c oalSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 527 could no w be use d in all s tages o f smelting ra ther than charc oal from w ood, which drama tically lo wered the cost of iron pro duction while incre asing a vailability (Bond 2003). J ames W att ushere d in wha t man y scholars recogniz e as the gre atest chang e, rev olutionizing transp ortation and thereb y the entire pro duction o f goods with his impro ved steam engine . As p eople mo ved to cities to fill factor y jobs , factor y pro duction also chang ed. Workers did their jobs in assembly lines and w ere traine d to c omplete only one or tw o steps in the manufacturing pro cess. These advances me ant tha t more finishe d goods c ould b e manufacture d with more efficiency and sp eed than ev er before. The Indus trial R evolution also chang ed agricultural practic es. Until tha t time , man y people practic ed subsis tenc e farming in which the y pro duced only enough to f eed themselv es and p ay their tax es. New technolog y intro duced gasoline -powered farm to ols such as tractors , see d drills , threshers , and c ombine harvesters . Farmers w ere enc oura ged to plant larg e fields o f a single crop to maximiz e pro fits. With impro ved transp ortation and the in vention o f refrig eration , pro duce could b e shipp ed sa fely all o ver the w orld . The Indus trial R evolution mo derniz ed the w orld . With gro wing resourc es c ame gro wing so cieties and economies . Betw een 1800 and 2000, the w orld ’s popula tion grew sixf old, while p er capita inc ome sa w a tenf old jump (Maddison 2003). While man y people 's liv es w ere impro ving , the Indus trial R evolution also bir thed man y so cietal problems . There w ere ine qualities in the s ystem . Owners amas sed vast fortunes while la borers , including y oung children , toile d for long hours in unsa fe conditions . Workers’ rights , wage protection , and sa fe work en vironments are issues tha t arose during this p erio d and remain c oncerns to day. Postindustrial Societies and the Inf ormation Age Postindus trial so cieties , also kno wn as inf orma tion so cieties , have ev olved in mo derniz ed na tions . One o f the mos t valua ble g oods o f the mo dern era is inf orma tion . Those who ha ve the me ans to pro duce, store , and dissemina te inf orma tion are le aders in this typ e of society . One w ay scholars unders tand the dev elopment o f diff erent typ es o f societies ( like agricultural , indus trial , and postindus trial) is b y examining their ec onomies in terms o f four sectors: primar y, sec ondar y, ter tiary, and qua ternar y. Each has a diff erent f ocus. The primar y sector e xtracts and pro duces ra w ma terials ( like metals and crops). The sec ondar y sector turns those ra w ma terials into finishe d goods. The ter tiary sector pro vides services: child c are, healthc are, and mone y mana gement . Finally , the qua ternar y sector pro duces ide as; these include the rese arch tha t leads to new technologies , the mana gement o f inf orma tion , and a so ciety ’s highes t levels o f educ ation and the ar ts (K enes sey 1987). In underdev elop ed countries , the majority o f the p eople w ork in the primar y sector . As ec onomies dev elop , more and more p eople are emplo yed in the sec ondar y sector . In w ell-dev elop ed ec onomies , such as those in the Unite d Sta tes, Japan, and W estern Europ e, the majority o f the w orkf orce is emplo yed in ser vice indus tries . In the Unite d Sta tes, for e xample , almos t 80 p ercent o f the w orkf orce is emplo yed in the ter tiary sector (U .S. Bureau of Labor Sta tistics 2011). The rapid incre ase in c omputer use in all asp ects o f daily lif e is a main re ason f or the transition to an informa tion ec onom y. Fewer p eople are nee ded to w ork in factories b ecause c omputeriz ed rob ots no w handle man y of the tasks . Other manufacturing jobs ha ve been outsourc ed to les s-dev elop ed countries as a result o f the dev eloping glob al ec onom y. The gro wth o f the Internet has cre ated indus tries tha t exist almos t entirely online . Within indus tries , technolog y continues to chang e ho w goods are pro duced. For ins tanc e, the music and film indus tries use d to pro duce ph ysical pro ducts lik e CDs and D VDs f or dis tribution . Now those g oods are incre asingly pro duced digitally and s treame d or do wnlo aded at a much lo wer ph ysical manufacturing c ost. Informa tion and the me ans to use it cre atively ha ve become c ommo dities in a p ostindus trial ec onom y.528 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Capitalism FIGURE 18.5 Capitalism enables incr edible inno vation, but it also empo wers emplo yers and o wners t o mak e man y of their o wn decisions . This br ead c ompan y has aut omat ed the pr ocess of pack aging its pr oducts and pr eparing them f or shipping . As y ou can see , the fact ory floor seems lar gely de void o f people . (Cr edit: KUKA R obot er GmbH, Bachmann) Scholars don ’t alw ays agree on a single definition o f capitalism . For our purp oses , we will define capitalism as an ec onomic s ystem in which there is priv ate ownership (as opp osed to s tate ownership) and where there is an imp etus to pro duce pro fit, and thereb y wealth . This is the typ e of econom y in plac e in the Unite d Sta tes to day. Under c apitalism , people in vest capital (mone y or prop erty in vested in a busines s venture) in a busines s to produce a pro duct or ser vice tha t can b e sold in a mark et to c onsumers . The in vestors in the c omp any are generally entitle d to a share o f an y pro fit made on sales a fter the c osts of pro duction and dis tribution are tak en out. These in vestors o ften rein vest their pro fits to impro ve and e xpand the busines s or ac quire new ones . To illus trate ho w this w orks , consider this e xample . Sarah , Antonio , and Chris e ach in vest $250,000 into a s tart- up c omp any tha t offers an inno vative baby pro duct . When the c omp any nets $1 million in pro fits its firs t year, a portion o f tha t pro fit g oes b ack to Sarah , Antonio , and Chris as a return on their in vestment . Sarah rein vests with the same c omp any to fund the dev elopment o f a sec ond pro duct line , Antonio uses his return to help another s tart-up in the technolog y sector , and Chris buy s a small y acht f or v acations . To pro vide their pro duct or ser vice, owners hire w orkers to whom the y pay wages. The c ost of raw ma terials , the retail pric e the y charg e consumers , and the amount the y pay in w ages are determine d through the la w of supply and demand and b y comp etition . When demand e xceeds supply , pric es tend to rise . When supply exceeds demand , pric es tend to fall . When multiple busines ses mark et similar pro ducts and ser vices to the same buy ers, there is c omp etition . Comp etition c an b e good for c onsumers b ecause it c an le ad to lo wer pric es and higher quality as busines ses tr y to g et consumers to buy from them ra ther than from their c omp etitors . Wages tend to b e set in a similar w ay. People who ha ve talents , skills , educ ation , or training tha t is in shor t supply and is nee ded by busines ses tend to e arn more than p eople without c omp arable skills . Comp etition in18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 529 the w orkf orce helps determine ho w much p eople will b e paid. In times when man y people are unemplo yed and jobs are sc arce, people are o ften willing to ac cept les s than the y would when their ser vices are in high demand . In this sc enario , busines ses are a ble to maintain or incre ase pro fits b y not incre asing w orkers' wages. Capitalism in Pr actice As c apitalis ts began to domina te the ec onomies o f man y countries during the Indus trial R evolution , the rapid growth o f busines ses and their tremendous pro fitability g ave some o wners the c apital the y nee ded to cre ate enormous c orporations tha t could monop olize an entire indus try. Man y comp anies c ontrolle d all asp ects o f the pro duction cy cle f or their indus try, from the ra w ma terials , to the pro duction , to the s tores in which the y were sold . These c omp anies w ere a ble to use their w ealth to buy out or s tifle an y comp etition . In the Unite d Sta tes, the pre datory tactics use d by these larg e monop olies c aused the g overnment to tak e action . Star ting in the la te 1800s , the g overnment p assed a series o f laws tha t brok e up monop olies and regula ted ho w key indus tries —such as transp ortation , steel pro duction , and oil and g as e xplora tion and refining— could c onduct busines s. The Unite d Sta tes is c onsidere d a c apitalis t countr y. Ho wever, the U .S. g overnment has a gre at deal of influenc e on priv ate comp anies through the la ws it p asses and the regula tions enf orced by government a gencies . Through tax es, regula tions on w ages, guidelines to protect w orker sa fety and the en vironment , plus financial rules f or b anks and in vestment firms , the g overnment e xerts a c ertain amount o f control o ver ho w all comp anies do busines s. Sta te and f ederal g
🏭 Economic Systems Spectrum
🏛️ Government involvement in economies ranges from minimal regulation to complete control, with most nations operating as mixed economies rather than pure capitalism or socialism
🔄 Socialism aims to benefit society through government ownership of production and equitable distribution, contrasting with capitalism's focus on individual benefit and private ownership
🌐 Convergence theory suggests that as countries develop economically, their societal structures become increasingly similar regardless of their original economic systems
🧩 Modern socialist movements have evolved beyond traditional models, with democratic socialists advocating for specific public services while maintaining market economies
💰 Even capitalist countries like the U.S. incorporate socialist elements through subsidies, bailouts, government employment, and social programs
🔍 Sociologists analyze economic systems through various theoretical lenses, including functionalism which views stratification and specialized roles as necessary for efficiency
overnments also o wn, operate, or c ontrol larg e parts of certain indus tries , such as the p ost office, scho ols, hospitals , high ways and railro ads, and man y water, sew er, and power utilities . Deb ate over the e xtent to which the g overnment should b e involved in the ec onom y remains an issue o f contention to day. Some criticiz e such in volvements as so cialism (a typ e of state-run ec onom y), while others b eliev e inter vention is nec essary to protect the rights o f workers and the w ell-b eing o f the g eneral popula tion .530 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Socialism FIGURE 18.6 The ec onomies o f China and Rus sia aft er W orld W ar II ar e examples o f one f orm o f socialism. (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) Socialism is an ec onomic s ystem in which there is g overnment o wnership (o ften ref erre d to as “ state run”) of goods and their pro duction , with an imp etus to share w ork and w ealth e qually among the memb ers o f a society . Under so cialism , everything tha t people pro duce, including ser vices, is c onsidere d a so cial pro duct . Everyone who c ontributes to the pro duction o f a g ood or to pro viding a ser vice is entitle d to a share in an y benefits tha t come from its sale or use . To mak e sure all memb ers o f society g et their fair share , governments mus t be able to c ontrol prop erty, pro duction , and dis tribution . The f ocus in so cialism is on b enefit ting so ciety , where as c apitalism seeks to b enefit the individual . Socialis ts claim tha t a c apitalis tic ec onom y leads to ine quality , with unfair dis tribution o f wealth and individuals who use their p ower a t the e xpense o f society . Socialism s trives, ide ally, to c ontrol the ec onom y to a void the problems inherent in c apitalism . Within so cialism , there are div erging view s on the e xtent to which the ec onom y should b e controlle d. One extreme b eliev es all but the mos t personal items are public prop erty. Other so cialis ts believ e only es sential services such as he althc are, education , and utilities (electric al power, telec ommunic ations , and sew age) nee d direct c ontrol . Under this f orm o f socialism , farms , small shops , and busines ses c an b e priv ately o wne d but are subject to g overnment regula tion . The other are a on which so cialis ts disa gree is on wha t lev el so ciety should e xert its c ontrol . In c ommunis t18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 531 countries lik e the f ormer So viet Union , China, V ietnam , and N orth K orea, the na tional g overnment e xerts control o ver the ec onom y centrally . The y had the p ower to tell all busines ses wha t to pro duce, how much to produce, and wha t to charg e for it . Other so cialis ts believ e control should b e dec entraliz ed so it c an b e exerted by those mos t affecte d by the indus tries b eing c ontrolle d. An e xample o f this w ould b e a to wn c ollectiv ely owning and mana ging the busines ses on which its residents dep end . Because o f challeng es in their ec onomies , sev eral o f these c ommunis t countries ha ve mo ved from c entral planning to let ting mark et forces help determine man y pro duction and pricing decisions .Mark et so cialism describ es a subtyp e of socialism tha t adopts c ertain traits o f capitalism , like allo wing limite d priv ate ownership or c onsulting mark et demands . This c ould in volve situa tions lik e pro fits g enera ted by a c omp any going directly to the emplo yees o f the c omp any or b eing use d as public funds (Greg ory and Stuar t 2003). Man y Eastern Europ ean and some South Americ an c ountries ha ve mix ed ec onomies . Key indus tries are na tionaliz ed and directly c ontrolle d by the g overnment; ho wever, mos t busines ses are priv ately o wne d and regula ted by the government . Organiz ed so cialism nev er b ecame p owerful in the Unite d Sta tes. The suc cess of labor unions and the government in securing w orkers’ rights , joine d with the high s tandard o f living enjo yed by mos t of the workf orce, made so cialism les s app ealing than the c ontrolle d capitalism practic ed here . FIGURE 18.7 This map sho ws countries that ha ve adop ted a socialis t econom y at some point. The c olors indicat e the dur ation that socialism pr evailed. (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) Socialism in Pr actice As with c apitalism , the b asic ide as b ehind so cialism g o far b ack in his tory. Pla to, in ancient Greec e, sugg ested a republic in which p eople share d their ma terial g oods. Early Chris tian c ommunities b eliev ed in c ommon ownership , as did the s ystems o f monas teries set up b y various religious orders . Man y of the le aders o f the French R evolution c alled for the a bolition o f all priv ate prop erty, not jus t the es tates o f the aris tocracy the y had overthro wn. Thomas More 'sUtopia , publishe d in 1516, ima gine d a so ciety with lit tle priv ate prop erty and manda tory labor on a c ommunal farm . Autopia has sinc e come to me an an ima gine d plac e or situa tion in which ev erything is p erfect. Mos t experimental utopian c ommunities had the a bolition o f priv ate prop erty as a founding principle . Modern so cialism re ally b egan as a re action to the e xcesses o f unc ontrolle d indus trial c apitalism in the 1800s and 1900s . The enormous w ealth and la vish lif estyles enjo yed by owners c ontras ted sharply with the532 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. misera ble c onditions o f the w orkers. Some o f the firs t gre at sociologic al think ers s tudie d the rise o f socialism . Max W eber admire d some asp ects o f socialism , esp ecially its ra tionalism and ho w it c ould help so cial ref orm , but he w orrie d tha t let ting the government ha ve complete c ontrol c ould result in an "iron c age of future b onda ge" from which there is no escape (Greisman and Ritz er 1981). Pierre -Joseph P roudhon (1809−1865) w as another e arly so cialis t who thought so cialism c ould b e use d to create utopian c ommunities . In his 1840 b ook,Wha t Is P roperty?, he famously s tated tha t “prop erty is theft ” (Proudhon 1840). B y this he me ant tha t if an o wner did not w ork to pro duce or e arn the prop erty, then the owner w as s tealing it from those who did . Proudhon b eliev ed ec onomies c ould w ork using a principle c alled mutualism , under which individuals and c ooperative groups w ould e xchang e pro ducts with one another on the b asis o f mutually sa tisfactor y contracts (P roudhon 1840). By far the mos t imp ortant influential think er on so cialism is K arl Marx . Through his o wn writings and those with his c ollaborator, indus trialis t Friedrich Eng els, Marx use d a scientific analytic al pro cess to sho w tha t throughout his tory, the resolution o f clas s struggles c aused chang es in ec onomies . He sa w the rela tionships evolving from sla ve and o wner , to ser f and lord , to journe yman and mas ter, to w orker and o wner . Neither Marx nor Eng els thought so cialism c ould b e use d to set up small utopian c ommunities . Rather , the y believ ed a socialis t society w ould b e cre ated after w orkers reb elled agains t capitalis tic o wners and seiz ed the me ans o f production . The y felt indus trial c apitalism w as a nec essary step tha t raise d the lev el of pro duction in so ciety to a point it c ould progres s to a so cialis t and then c ommunis t state (Marx and Eng els 1848). These ide as form the basis o f the so ciologic al persp ectiv e of social c onflict theor y. Politicians, Socialism, and Changing P erspectiv es In mos t Presidential elections , as w ell as some s tate and local c ontests, one or mor e of the candidat es is lik ely to be insul ted with a t erm meant t o evoke fear and indicat e their lack o f patriotism: The y are cal led a socialis t. With a f ew exceptions thr oughout U .S. his tory, mains tream politicians w ould ha ve tak en eff orts to shed this label . It may ha ve brought t o mind failed or t otalitarian c ountries , wher e people had f ewer fr eedoms and g ener ally les s prosperity than in America . More recently, however, some political fig ures seem mor e comfortable with the t erm. Mos t notabl y, Vermont Senat or Bernie Sanders has ac cepted the t erm " democr atic socialis t," as has Ne w York R epresentativ e Ale xandr a Ocasio -Cor tez. The y ascribe t o government in volvement models similar t o those o f some Eur opean c ountries . The y advocat e for policies lik e student loan f orgivenes s, free public c ollege, univ ersal heal thcar e, elimination o f for-profit prisons , and so on. In some cases , the y adv ocat e for br eakups or g overnment in volvement in some c orpor ate- dominat ed indus tries , such as po wer utilities . The y also not e that man y semi-socialis t societies , such as German y and the U .K, are among the w orld's lar gest economies , with plenty o f economic oppor tunity and – if the ability t o become rich is one measur e – plenty o f mil lionair es and bil lionair es. Beyond the political damag e that ma y be as sociat ed with socialism, man y people in America do not lik e the idea o f government in volvement in priv ate indus try. Choic e and unlimit ed oppor tunity ar e par ts of the fabric o f the American story, and lar ge corpor ations ha ve had positiv e impacts on our lif estyle. But some o f those notions ar e changing . Man y people fr om diff erent political back grounds ar e decr ying inc ome inequality , which, as has been described else wher e in this t ext, is higher than e ver in the U .S. Another aspect o f the U .S. ec onom y is whether it alr eady has socialis tic tendencies . One e xample might be the practic e of subsidies , wher e politicians (o f both par ties) gr ant pa yments or tax br eaks to certain busines ses or indus tries . Subsidies w ere at some points nec essary to help people lik e smal l farmers r emain viable during crises; in man y years , farm subsidies o f tens o f billions o f dol lars ac count f or over 25 per cent o f total farm inc ome; in 2003 itSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 533 was 41 per cent, and in 2020 it w as 39 per cent (Abbot t 2020). Subsidies ar e also c ommon in indus tries as pr ofitable as oil , and the U .S. g overnment is deepl y involved in man y companies ' work in ener gy production. The g overnment also has a significant r ole in the lending pr actic es o f priv ate bank s, often thr ough action b y the F eder al Reser ve. Add in corpor ate bail -outs , high le vels o f militar y spending , and the fact that the g overnment is b y far the lar gest emplo yer of U.S. citiz ens, and it's clear that the Unit ed Stat es isn 't a pur ely capitalis t society . Mos t economis ts refer to it as a mix ed ec onom y. Is that such a bad thing? Neither s ystem is per fect. Bil lionair e hedg e fund manag er R oy Dal lio, who c ertainl y benefit ed fr om capitalism bef ore turning his at tention t o social equality and philanthr opy, expresses it this w ay: "Mos t capitalis ts don ’t kno w ho w to divide the ec onomic pie w ell and mos t socialis ts don ’t kno w ho w to grow it w ell (Dalio 2019). Convergence Theory We ha ve seen ho w the ec onomies o f some c apitalis t countries such as the Unite d Sta tes ha ve features tha t are very similar to so cialism . Some indus tries , particularly utilities , are either o wne d by the g overnment or controlle d through regula tions . Public programs such as w elfare , Me dicare, and So cial Security e xist to pro vide public funds f or priv ate nee ds. We ha ve also seen ho w sev eral larg e communis t (or f ormerly c ommunis t) countries such as R ussia, China, and V ietnam ha ve mo ved from s tate-controlle d so cialism with c entral planning to mark et so cialism , which allo ws mark et forces to dicta te pric es and w ages and f or some busines s to be priv ately o wne d. In man y formerly c ommunis t countries , these chang es ha ve led to ec onomic gro wth comp ared to the s tagnation the y experienc ed under c ommunism (F idrmuc 2002). In studying the ec onomies o f dev eloping c ountries to see if the y go through the same s tages as previously develop ed na tions did , sociologis ts ha ve obser ved a p attern the y call c onvergence. This describ es the theor y that societies mo ve toward similarity o ver time as their ec onomies dev elop . Convergenc e theor yexplains tha t as a c ountr y's ec onom y gro ws, its so cietal org aniza tion chang es to b ecome more lik e tha t of an indus trializ ed so ciety . Rather than s taying in one job f or a lif etime , people b egin to mo ve from job to job as c onditions impro ve and opp ortunities arise . This me ans the w orkf orce nee ds c ontinual training and retraining . Workers mo ve from r ural are as to cities as the y become c enters o f economic activity , and the g overnment tak es a larg er role in pro viding e xpande d public ser vices (K err et al . 1960). Supp orters o f the theor y point to German y, Franc e, and J apan— countries tha t rapidly rebuilt their ec onomies after W orld W ar II. The y point out ho w, in the 1960s and 1970s , Eas t Asian c ountries lik e Sing apore, South Korea, and T aiwan c onverged with c ountries with dev elop ed ec onomies . The y are no w considere d dev elop ed countries themselv es.534 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 18.8 Sociologis ts look f or signs o f convergence and div ergence in the societies o f countries that ha ve joined and depar ted the Eur opean Union (EU). The Unit ed King dom v oted to lea ve the EU , and aft er years o f policy shifts , several ne w Prime Minis ters, and neg otiations , it formal ly depar ted in 2020 and ended mos t trade agr eements in 2021. Not e that the U .K.'s depar ture means that Britain, Sc otland, Nor thern Ir eland, and the 6.7 squar e kilomet er territ ory of Gibr altar also depar ted. (Cr edit: Hog weard/Wikimedia Commons) To experienc e this rapid gro wth , the ec onomies o f dev eloping c ountries mus t be able to a ttract ine xpensiv e capital to in vest in new busines ses and to impro ve traditionally lo w pro ductivity . The y nee d ac cess to new , interna tional mark ets f or buying the g oods. If these characteris tics are not in plac e, then their ec onomies cannot c atch up . This is wh y the ec onomies o f some c ountries are div erging ra ther than c onverging (Abramo vitz 1986). Another k ey characteris tic o f economic gro wth reg ards the implementa tion o f technolog y. A dev eloping countr y can b ypass some s teps o f implementing technolog y tha t other na tions fac ed earlier . Television and telephone s ystems are a g ood example . While dev elop ed countries sp ent signific ant time and mone y establishing ela borate system infras tructures b ased on metal wires or fib er-optic c ables , dev eloping c ountries today can g o directly to c ell phone and sa tellite transmis sion with much les s investment . Another factor a ffects c onvergence concerning so cial s tructure . Early in their dev elopment , countries such as Brazil and Cub a had ec onomies b ased on c ash crops (c offee or sug arcane, for ins tanc e) gro wn on larg e planta tions b y unskille d workers. The elite ran the planta tions and the g overnment , with lit tle interes t in training and e ducating the p opulac e for other ende avors. This res tricte d ec onomic gro wth until the p ower o f the w ealth y planta tion o wners w as challeng ed (Sok oloff and Eng erman 2000). Impro ved ec onomies g enerally lead to wider so cial impro vement . Society b enefits from impro ved educ ational s ystems , and p eople ha ve more time to dev ote to le arning and leisure .18.1 • E conomic Sy stems 535 Theor etical P erspectives on the Economy Now tha t we’ve dev elop ed an unders tanding o f the his tory and b asic c omp onents o f economies , let’s turn to theor y. Ho w might so cial scientis ts study these topics? Wha t ques tions do the y ask? Wha t theories do the y develop to add to the b ody o f sociologic al kno wledge? Functionalist P erspective Someone taking a functional p ersp ectiv e will mos t lik ely view w ork and the ec onom y as a w ell-oile d machine that is designe d for maximum efficiency . The Da vis-Mo ore thesis , for e xample , sugg ests tha t some so cial stratific ation is a so cial nec essity. The nee d for c ertain highly skille d positions c ombine d with the rela tive difficulty o f the o ccup ation and the length o f time it tak es to qualif y will result in a higher rew ard f or tha t job and will pro vide a financial motiv ation to eng age in more e duc ation and a more difficult pro fession (Da vis and Moore 1945). This theor y can b e use d to e xplain the pres tige and salaries tha t go with c areers only a vailable to those with do ctora tes or me dical degrees . The functionalis t persp ectiv e would as sume tha t the c ontinue d he alth o f the ec onom y is vital to the he alth o f the na tion , as it ensures the dis tribution o f goods and ser vices. For e xample , we nee d food to tra vel from farms (high-functioning and efficient a gricultural s ystems) via ro ads (sa fe and eff ectiv e trucking and rail routes) to urban c enters ( high-density are as where w orkers c an g ather). Ho wever, sometimes a dy sfunction––a function with the p otential to disr upt so cial ins titutions or org aniza tion (Mer ton 1968)––in the ec onom y occurs , usually because some ins titutions fail to adapt quickly enough to changing so cial c onditions . This les son has b een driv en home rec ently with the burs ting o f the housing bubble . Due to risky lending practic es and an underregula ted financial mark et, we are rec overing from the a fter-effects o f the Gre at Recession , which Mer ton w ould lik ely describ e as a major dy sfunction . Some o f this is cy clical. Mark ets pro duce goods as the y are supp osed to, but ev entually the mark et is sa tura ted and the supply o f goods e xceeds the demands . Typic ally the mark et goes through phases o f surplus , or e xcess, infla tion , where the mone y in y our p ocket to day buy s
🌐 Economic Perspectives and Globalization
🔍 Functionalist perspective views the economy as a self-regulating system with natural cycles of growth and recession, while 🥊 conflict perspective sees it as reproducing inequality with wealth concentrated among the undeserving (20% of Americans owning 90% of wealth in 2010)
👪 Symbolic interactionist perspective reveals how micro-level phenomena like career inheritance shape economic participation, with children following parents' occupational paths and job satisfaction stemming from worker autonomy and decision-making involvement
🌍 Globalization integrates governments, cultures, and financial markets through international trade, creating both opportunities and challenges—multinational corporations control vast resources while GDP disparities reveal extreme inequality (poorest countries having 255 times less GDP per capita than wealthiest)
💼 The American workforce has undergone significant transformation through outsourcing of manufacturing and service jobs to developing nations, creating employment challenges in developed countries that haven't adapted with new industries and training
🎮 Virtual economies in online gaming have created real-world entrepreneurial opportunities through scarcity-driven markets, with people earning money through resource gathering, power leveling, streaming, and esports competitions
les s than it did y esterda y, and recession , which o ccurs when there are tw o or more c onsecutiv e quar ters o f economic decline . The functionalis t would sa y to let mark et forces fluctua te in a cy cle through these s tages. In re ality , to c ontrol the risk o f an ec onomic depres sion (a sus taine d rec ession acros s sev eral ec onomic sectors), the U .S. g overnment will o ften adjus t interes t rates to enc oura ge more lending—and c onse quently more sp ending . In shor t, letting the na tural cy cle fluctua te is not a g amble mos t governments are willing to tak e. Conflict P erspective For a c onflict p ersp ectiv e theoris t, the ec onom y is not a sourc e of stability f or so ciety . Ins tead, the ec onom y reflects and repro duces ec onomic ine quality , particularly in a c apitalis t mark etplac e. The c onflict p ersp ectiv e is clas sically Marxis t, with the b ourg eoisie (r uling clas s) ac cumula ting w ealth and p ower b y exploiting and perhaps oppres sing the proletaria t (workers), and regula ting those who c annot w ork (the a ged, the infirm) into the gre at mas s of unemplo yed (Marx and Eng els 1848). F rom the s ymb olic (though prob ably made up) statement o f Marie Antoinet te, who purp ortedly said , “Let them e at cake” when told tha t the p easants w ere starving , to the Oc cup y Wall Street mo vement tha t began during the Gre at Recession , the sense o f ine quity is almos t unchang ed. Conflict theoris ts believ e wealth is c oncentra ted in the hands o f those who do not deser ve it. As o f 2010, 20 p ercent o f Americ ans o wne d 90 p ercent o f U.S. w ealth (Domho ff 2014). While the ine quality might not b e as e xtreme as in pre -rev olutionar y Franc e, it is enough to mak e man y believ e tha t the Unite d States is not the merito cracy it seems to b e. Symbolic Inter actionist P erspective Those w orking in the s ymb olic interaction p ersp ectiv e tak e a micro analytic al view o f society . The y focus on the w ay re ality is so cially c onstructe d through da y-to-day interaction and ho w so ciety is c omp osed of people communic ating b ased on a share d unders tanding o f symb ols.536 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. One imp ortant s ymb olic interactionis t concept rela ted to w ork and the ec onom y is career inheritanc e. This concept me ans simply tha t children tend to enter the same or similar o ccup ation as their p arents , which is a correla tion tha t has b een demons trated in rese arch s tudies (Anton y 1998). F or e xample , the children o f police officers le arn the norms and v alues tha t will help them suc ceed in la w enf orcement , and sinc e the y ha ve a model c areer p ath to f ollow, the y ma y find la w enf orcement ev en more a ttractiv e. Related to c areer inheritanc e is career so cializa tion—le arning the norms and v alues o f a p articular job . Finally , a s ymb olic interactionis t might s tudy wha t contributes to job sa tisfaction . Melvin K ohn and his f ellow rese archers (1990) determine d tha t workers w ere mos t lik ely to b e happ y when the y believ ed the y controlle d some p art of their w ork, when the y felt the y were p art of the decision-making pro cesses as sociated with their work, when the y ha ve free dom from sur veillanc e, and when the y felt integral to the outc ome o f their w ork. Sun yal, Sun yal, and Y asin (2011) f ound tha t a gre ater sense o f vulnera bility to s tres s, the more s tres s experienc ed by a w orker, and a gre ater amount o f perceived risk c onsis tently pre dicte d a lo wer w orker job satisfaction . 18.2 Globaliz ation and the Economy LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define globalization and describe its manif estation in modern society •Discus s the pr os and c ons o f globalization fr om an ec onomic s tandpoint FIGURE 18.9 Instant c ommunications ha ve allowed man y int ernational c orpor ations t o mo ve par ts of their busines ses t o countries such as India , wher e their c osts ar e lowest. (Cr edit: Wikimedia Commons) What Is Globaliz ation? Glob alizat ion refers to the pro cess of integra ting g overnments , cultures , and financial mark ets through interna tional trade into a single w orld mark et. Often , the pro cess begins with a single motiv e, such as mark et expansion (on the p art of a c orporation) or incre ased ac cess to he althc are (on the p art of a nonpro fit organiza tion). B ut usually there is a sno wball eff ect, and glob aliza tion b ecomes a mix ed bag of economic , philanthropic , entrepreneurial , and cultural eff orts. Sometimes the eff orts ha ve ob vious b enefits , even f or those who w orry about cultural c olonialism , such as c amp aigns to bring cle an-w ater technolog y to r ural are as that do not ha ve ac cess to sa fe drinking w ater. Other glob aliza tion eff orts, however, are more c omple x. Let us lo ok, for e xample , at the N orth Americ an F ree Trade Agreement (N AFT A). The a greement w as among the c ountries o f North Americ a, including C anada, the Unite d Sta tes, and Me xico, and allo wed much freer trade opp ortunities without the kind o f tariffs (tax es) and imp ort laws tha t res trict interna tional trade . Often , trade opp ortunities are misrepresente d by politicians and economis ts, who sometimes o ffer them up as a p anac ea to ec onomic w oes. For e xample , trade c an le ad to b oth incre ases and decre ases in job opp ortunities . This is b ecause while e asier , more lax e xport laws me an there is the p otential f or job gro wth in the Unite d Sta tes, imp orts can me an the e xact opp osite . As the Unite d Sta tes imp orts more g oods from outside the c ountr y, jobs typic ally decre ase, as more and more pro ducts are made overse as.18.2 • Globaliza tion and the E conom y537 Man y prominent ec onomis ts believ ed tha t when N AFT A was cre ated in 1994 it w ould le ad to major g ains in jobs . But b y 2010, the evidenc e sho wed an opp osite imp act; the da ta sho wed 682,900 U .S. jobs los t acros s all states (P arks 2011). While N AFT A did incre ase the flo w of goods and c apital acros s the nor thern and southern U.S. b orders , it also incre ased unemplo yment in Me xico, which spurre d gre ater amounts o f illeg al immigra tion motiv ated by a se arch f or w ork. NAFT A was reneg otia ted in 2018, and w as formally replac ed by the Unite d States-Me xico-Canada Agreement in 2020. There are sev eral f orces driving glob aliza tion , including the glob al ec onom y and multina tional c orporations that control as sets , sales , pro duction , and emplo yment (Unite d Nations 1973). Characteris tics o f multina tional corporations include the f ollowing: A larg e share o f their c apital is c ollecte d from a v ariety o f diff erent na tions , their busines s is c onducte d without reg ard to na tional b orders , the y concentra te w ealth in the hands o f core nations and alre ady w ealth y individuals , and the y pla y a k ey role in the glob al ec onom y. We see the emerg ence ofglob al as sembly lines , where pro ducts are as semble d over the c ourse o f sev eral interna tional transactions . For ins tanc e, Apple designs its ne xt-genera tion Mac prototyp e in the Unite d Sta tes, comp onents are made in v arious p eripheral na tions , the y are then shipp ed to another p eripheral na tion such as Mala ysia f or as sembly , and tech supp ort is outsourc ed to India. Glob aliza tion has also le d to the dev elopment o fglob al commo dity chains , where interna tionally integra ted economic links c onnect w orkers and c orporations f or the purp ose o f manufacture and mark eting (Plahe 2005). For e xample , inmaquiladoras , mos tly f ound in nor thern Me xico, workers ma y sew imp orted precut piec es o f fabric into g arments . Glob aliza tion also brings an interna tional division o f labor, in which c omp aratively w ealth y workers from c ore nations c omp ete with the lo w-w age labor p ool of peripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions . This c an le ad to a sense o fxenophobia , which is an illogic al fear and ev en ha tred of foreigners and f oreign g oods. Corporations trying to maximiz e their pro fits in the Unite d Sta tes are c onscious o f this risk and a ttempt to “ Americ aniz e” their pro ducts , selling shir ts printe d with U .S. fla gs tha t were nev ertheles s made in Me xico. Aspects of Globaliz ation Glob alized trade is nothing new . Societies in ancient Greec e and R ome trade d with other so cieties in Afric a, the Middle Eas t, India, and China. T rade e xpande d fur ther during the Islamic Golden Ag e and a fter the rise o f the Mong ol Empire . The es tablishment o f colonial empires a fter the v oyages o f disc overy by Europ ean c ountries meant tha t trade w as g oing on all o ver the w orld . In the nineteenth c entur y, the Indus trial R evolution le d to even more trade o f ever-incre asing amounts o f goods. Ho wever, the adv ance of technolog y, esp ecially communic ations , after W orld W ar II and the C old W ar trigg ered the e xplosiv e ac celera tion in the pro cess occurring to day. One w ay to lo ok a t the similarities and diff erenc es tha t exist among the ec onomies o f diff erent na tions is to comp are their s tandards o f living . The s tatistic mos t commonly use d to do this is the domes tic pro cess per capita. This is the gros s domes tic pro duct , or GDP , of a c ountr y divide d by its p opula tion . The ta ble b elow comp ares the top 11 c ountries with the b ottom 11 out o f the 228 c ountries lis ted in the CIA W orld F actb ook.538 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Countr yGDP P er Capita in U.S. Dol lars Monac o 185,829.00 Liecht enstein 181,402.80 Bermuda 117,089.30 Luxembour g 114,704.60 Isle o f Man 89,108.40 Cayman Islands 85,975.00 Macao SAR, China 84,096.40 Switz erland 81,993.70 Ireland 78,661.00 Norway 75,419.60 Burundi 261.2 Mala wi 411.6 Sudan 441.5 Centr al African R epublic 467.9 Mozambique 503.6 Afghanis tan 507.1 Madag ascar 523.4 Sierr a Leone 527.5 Niger 553.9 Cong o, Dem. R ep. 580.7 TABLE 18.1 Gross Domes tic P roduct P er Capita Not e very countr y is benefiting fr om globalization. The GDP per capita o f the poor est countr y is 255 times les s than that o f the wealthies t countr y. (Cr edit: W orld Bank)18.2 • Globaliza tion and the E conom y539 There are b enefits and dra wbacks to glob aliza tion . Some o f the b enefits include the e xponentially ac celera ted progres s of dev elopment , the cre ation o f interna tional a warenes s and emp owerment , and the p otential f or incre ased wealth (Ab edian 2002). Ho wever, experienc e has sho wn tha t countries c an also b e weakened by glob aliza tion . Some critics o f glob aliza tion w orry about the gro wing influenc e of enormous interna tional financial and indus trial c orporations tha t benefit the mos t from free trade and unres tricte d mark ets. The y fear these c orporations c an use their v ast wealth and resourc es to c ontrol g overnments to act in their interes t rather than tha t of the lo cal popula tion (Bakan 2004). Indee d, when lo oking a t the c ountries a t the b ottom o f the lis t above, we are lo oking a t plac es where the primar y benefactors o f mineral e xploita tion are major corporations and a f ew k ey politic al figures . Other critics opp ose glob aliza tion f or wha t the y see as neg ative imp acts on the en vironment and lo cal economies . Rapid indus trializa tion , often a k ey comp onent o f glob aliza tion , can le ad to widespre ad ec onomic dama ge due to the lack o f regula tory en vironment (S peth 2003). F urther , as there are o ften no so cial institutions in plac e to protect w orkers in c ountries where jobs are sc arce, some critics s tate tha t glob aliza tion leads to w eak la bor mo vements (Bos well and Stevis 1997). F inally , critics are c oncerne d tha t wealth y countries can f orce ec onomic ally w eaker na tions to op en their mark ets while protecting their o wn lo cal pro ducts from comp etition ( Wallers tein 1974). This c an b e particularly tr ue o f agricultural pro ducts , which are o ften one o f the main e xports of poor and dev eloping c ountries (K oroma 2007). In a 2007 ar ticle f or the Unite d Nations , Koroma discus ses the difficulties fac ed by “le ast dev elop ed countries” (LD Cs) tha t seek to p articip ate in glob aliza tion eff orts. These c ountries typic ally lack the infras tructure to b e fle xible and nimble in their production and trade , and theref ore are vulnera ble to ev erything from unfa vorable w eather c onditions to interna tional pric e volatility . In shor t, rather than o ffering them more opp ortunities , the incre ased comp etition and fas t pace of a glob alized mark et can mak e it more challenging than ev er for LD Cs to mo ve forward (Koroma 2007). The incre asing use o f outsourcing o f manufacturing and ser vice-indus try jobs to dev eloping c ountries has caused incre ased unemplo yment in some dev elop ed countries . Countries tha t do not dev elop new jobs to replac e those tha t mo ve, and train their la bor force to do them , will find supp ort for glob aliza tion w eakening . 18.3 Work in the United States LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the curr ent U .S. w orkf orce and the tr end o f polarization •Explain ho w women and immigr ants ha ve chang ed the modern U .S. w orkf orce •Anal yze the basic elements o f poverty in the Unit ed Stat es today540 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 18.10 Man y college students and others at tend job fairs looking f or their firs t job or f or a bet ter one . (Credit: C OD Ne wsroom/flickr) The Americ an Dre am has alw ays been b ased on opp ortunity . There is a gre at deal of mythologizing a bout the energ etic ups tart who c an climb to suc cess based on hard w ork alone . Common wisdom s tates tha t if y ou s tudy hard , dev elop g ood work ha bits, and gradua te high scho ol or , even b etter, colleg e, then y ou'll ha ve the opp ortunity to land a g ood job . Tha t has long b een seen as the k ey to a suc cessful lif e. And although the re ality has alw ays been more c omple x than sugg ested by the m yth, the w orldwide rec ession tha t began in 2008 to ok its toll on the Americ an Dre am. During the rec ession , more than 8 million U .S. w orkers los t their jobs , and unemplo yment ra tes surp assed 10 p ercent on a na tional lev el. Today, while the rec overy is s till inc omplete , man y sectors o f the ec onom y are hiring , and unemplo yment ra tes ha ve rec eded.18.3 • W ork in the Unit ed S tates 541 Real Money , Virtual W orlds FIGURE 18.11 In a vir tual w orld, living the g ood lif e still costs real mone y. (Cr edit: Juan P ablo Amo/flickr) If you ar e not one o f the t ens o f mil lions g amers who enjo y World o f Warcraft, Final F antas y, Fortnite, Ape x, or other online g ames , you might not kno w that f or some people , these ar en't jus t games: The y're emplo yment. The vir tual world has been yielding v ery real pr ofits f or entr epreneurs who ar e able t o buy , sel l, and manag e online r eal es tate, curr ency , and mor e for cash (Hol land and Ew alt 2006). If it seems s trange that people w ould pa y real mone y for imaginar y goods , consider that f or serious g amers the online w orld is o f equal impor tanc e to the r eal one . These entr epreneurs can sel l items because the g aming sit es ha ve intr oduc ed scar city int o the vir tual w orlds . Scar city o f any resour ce, be it f ood, oil , gems , or vir tual g oods , driv es suppl y and demand. When the suppl y is lo w, and demand is high, people ar e often wil ling t o pa y to get what the y want. Ev en though the g ames o ffer enjo yment, scar city builds t ension and leads t o a gr eater sense o f satis faction. So ho w does it w ork? One o f the w ays to mak e such a living is b y farming , gathering , or cr afting c ertain r esour ces, such as mining a par ticular or e or building a pr oduct t o sel l. The buy ers ar e those looking f or a c ompetitiv e edg e or who simpl y don 't want t o spend their time on those task s. Other methods include po wer le veling , in which one person ma y pa y another t o pla y the g ame f or them t o ac quire wealth and po wer in the g ame en vironment. As y ou may ha ve read in the chap ter on Media and T echnolog y, an online pr esenc e can also pa y dividends fr om adv ertisers or even dir ectly from fans . Highl y popular pla yers s tream their g amepla y on T witch and other ser vices; others o ffer coaching , game g uides , or r eviews. Then ther e is priz e mone y or other c ompensation. Gaming t ournaments ma y offer monetar y awards to the winner . Final ly, the gr owth o f college and pr ofessional espor ts indicat es that monetization and vir tual/r eal-world cr ossovers are going t o be c ontinual ly lucr ative in the f orm o f sponsorship , priz es, and scholarships . Polariz ation in the W orkf orce The mix o f jobs a vailable in the Unite d Sta tes b egan changing man y years b efore the rec ession s truck, and , as mentione d above, the Americ an Dre am has not alw ays been e asy to achiev e. Geograph y, rac e, gender , andSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD542 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. other factors ha ve alw ays pla yed a role in the re ality o f suc cess. More rec ently , the incre asedoutsourcing —or contracting a job or set o f jobs to an outside sourc e—of manufacturing jobs to dev eloping na tions has gre atly diminishe d the numb er o f high-p aying , often unioniz ed, blue -collar p ositions a vailable. A similar problem has arisen in the white -collar sector , with man y low-lev el cleric al and supp ort positions also b eing outsourc ed, as evidenc ed by the interna tional technic al-supp ort call c enters in Mumb ai, India, and N ewfoundland , Canada. The numb er o f
🏢 Changing Workplace Landscape
🔄 Job market polarization creates a widening gap between high-skilled, high-paying positions and low-skilled, low-paying jobs while eliminating mid-level opportunities through automation, outsourcing, and corporate restructuring
📈 Education directly impacts employability with projected growth rates of 15% for master's degrees versus just 1.5% for high school diplomas, making higher education increasingly essential for economic stability
👩💼 Women in the workforce are earning more degrees and securing better positions than before, yet still earn only 81% of what men make in equivalent roles
🌎 Immigrant workers span all skill levels and showed remarkable resilience during the 2008 recession, gaining 656,000 jobs while native-born workers lost 1.2 million
💸 Working poverty affects more Americans than in other developed nations, with 10.4 million working poor in 2009—people employed full-time yet unable to escape relative poverty
💰 Poverty perpetuates itself through limited access to education and the "expense of being poor"—where those with fewer resources pay proportionally more for necessities like housing and groceries
sup ervisor y and mana gerial p ositions has b een re duced as c omp anies s treamline their command s tructures and indus tries c ontinue to c onsolida te through merg ers. Even highly e duc ated skille d workers such as c omputer programmers ha ve seen their jobs v anish o verse as. The automat ion of the w orkplac e, which replac es w orkers with technolog y, is another c ause o f the chang es in the job mark et. Computers c an b e programme d to do man y routine tasks fas ter and les s expensiv ely than people who use d to do such tasks . Jobs lik e bookkeeping , cleric al w ork, and rep etitiv e tasks on pro duction assembly lines all lend themselv es to a utoma tion . En vision y our lo cal sup ermark et’s self -scan check out aisles . The a utoma ted cashiers a ffixed to the units tak e the plac e of paid emplo yees. Now one c ashier c an o versee transactions a t six or more self -scan aisles , which w as a job tha t use d to re quire one c ashier p er aisle . Despite the ong oing ec onomic rec overy, the job mark et is actually gro wing in some are as, but in a v ery polariz ed fashion .Polarizat ion means tha t a g ap has dev elop ed in the job mark et, with mos t emplo yment opp ortunities a t the lo west and highes t lev els and f ew jobs f or those with mid-lev el skills and e duc ation . At one end , there has b een s trong demand f or lo w-skille d, low-p aying jobs in indus tries lik e food ser vice and retail . On the other end , some rese arch sho ws tha t in c ertain fields there has b een a s teadily incre asing demand f or highly skille d and e ducated pro fessionals , technologis ts, and mana gers. These high-skille d positions also tend to b e highly p aid (A utor 2010). The fact tha t some p ositions are highly p aid while others are not is an e xample o f the clas s system , an economic hierarch y in which mo vement ( both up ward and do wnward) b etween v arious r ungs o f the socioeconomic ladder is p ossible . Theoretic ally, at least, the clas s system as it is org aniz ed in the Unite d Sta tes is an e xample o f a merito cracy , an ec onomic s ystem tha t rew ards merit ––typic ally in the f orm o f skill and hard work––with up ward mobility . A theoris t working in the functionalis t persp ectiv e might p oint out tha t this system is designe d to rew ard hard w ork, which enc oura ges p eople to s trive for e xcellenc e in pursuit o f rew ard. A theoris t working in the c onflict p ersp ectiv e might c ounter with the thought tha t hard w ork do es not guarantee suc cess ev en in a merito cracy , because so cial c apital––the ac cumula tion o f a netw ork o f social rela tionships and kno wledge tha t will pro vide a pla tform from which to achiev e financial suc cess––in the f orm of connections or higher e ducation are o ften re quire d to ac cess the high-p aying jobs . Incre asingly , we are realizing intellig ence and hard w ork aren ’t enough . If y ou lack kno wledge of ho w to lev erage the right names , connections , and pla yers, you are unlik ely to e xperienc e up ward mobility . With so man y jobs b eing outsourc ed or elimina ted by automa tion , wha t kind o f jobs are there a demand f or in the Unite d Sta tes? While fishing and f ores try jobs are in decline , in sev eral mark ets jobs are incre asing . These include c ommunity and so cial ser vice, personal c are and ser vice, financ e, computer and inf orma tion ser vices, and he althc are. The char t below, from the U .S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics, illus trates are as o f projecte d gro wth .18.3 • W ork in the Unit ed S tates 543 FIGURE 18.12 Project ed P ercent Chang e, by Select ed Oc cupational Gr oups , 2019-29 — This char t sho ws the project ed gr owth o f several oc cupational gr oups . (Cr edit: Bur eau o f Labor Statis tics) Professions tha t typic ally re quire signific ant e duc ation and training and tend to b e lucra tive career choic es. In particular , jobs tha t require some typ e of license or f ormal c ertific ation – b e it he althc are, technolog y, or a trade – usually ha ve a higher salar y than those tha t do not . Ser vice jobs , according to the B ureau of Labor Statistics, can include ev erything from jobs with the fire dep artment to jobs sc ooping ic e cre am (B ureau of Labor Sta tistics 2019). There is a wide v ariety o f training nee ded, and theref ore an e qually larg e wage potential discrep ancy . One o f the larg est are as o f gro wth b y indus try, rather than b y occup ational group (as seen a bove), is in the he alth field . This gro wth is acros s occup ations , from as sociate-lev el nurse ’s aides to mana gement - level as sisted-living s taff. As b aby boomers a ge, the y are living long er than an y genera tion b efore, and the growth o f this p opula tion segment re quires an incre ase in c apacity throughout our c ountr y’s elder c are system , from home he althc are nursing to g eria tric nutrition . Notably, jobs in farming are in decline . This is an are a where those with les s educ ation traditionally c ould b e assure d of finding s teady, if lo w-w age, work. With these jobs disapp earing , more and more w orkers will find themselv es untraine d for the typ es o f emplo yment tha t are a vailable. Another projecte d trend in emplo yment rela tes to the lev el of educ ation and training re quire d to g ain and k eep a job . As the char t below sho ws us , gro wth ra tes are higher f or those with more e duc ation . Those with a professional degree or a mas ter’s degree ma y expect job gro wth o f 20 and 22 p ercent resp ectiv ely, and jobs that require a b achelor ’s degree are projecte d to gro w 17 p ercent. At the other end o f the sp ectr um, jobs tha t require a high scho ol diploma or e quiv alent are projecte d to gro w at only 12 p ercent, while jobs tha t require less than a high scho ol diploma will gro w 14 p ercent. Quite simply , without a degree , it will b e more difficult to find a job . It is w orth noting tha t these projections are b ased on o verall gro wth acros s all o ccup ation c ategories , so ob viously there will b e varia tions within diff erent o ccup ational are as. Ho wever, onc e again, those who are the le ast educ ated will b e the ones le ast able to fulfill the Americ an Dre am.544 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Typical entr y-level educa tionEmplo yment chang e, 2019–29 (per cent)Median annual w age, 2019(1) Total, all occupa tions 3.7 $39,810 Doct oral or pr ofessional degr ee 5.9 $107,660 Mas ter's degr ee 15.0 $76,180 Bachelor 's degr ee 6.4 $75,440 Associa te's degr ee 6.2 $54,940 Postsec ondar y nondegr ee a ward 5.6 $39,940 Some c ollege, no degr ee -0.1 $36,790 High school diploma or equiv alent 1.5 $37,930 No f ormal educa tional cr edential 3.3 $25,700 TABLE 18.2 More education means mor e jobs ( gener ally) and a higher amount o f compensation. (Credit: Bur eau o f Labor Statis tics) In the p ast, rising e ducation lev els in the Unite d Sta tes had b een a ble to k eep p ace with the rise in the numb er of education-dep endent jobs . Ho wever, sinc e the la te 1970s , men ha ve been enrolling in c olleg e at a lo wer ra te than w omen , and gradua ting a t a ra te of almos t 10 p ercent les s. The lack o f male c andida tes re aching the education lev els nee ded for skille d positions has op ened opp ortunities f or w omen , minorities , and immigrants (Wang 2011). Women in the W orkf orce As discus sed in the chapter intro duction , women ha ve been entering the w orkf orce in ev er-incre asing numb ers f or sev eral dec ades . The y ha ve also b een finishing c olleg e and g oing on to e arn higher degrees a t higher ra te than men do . This has resulte d in man y women b eing b etter p ositione d to obtain high-p aying , high-skill jobs (A utor 2010). While w omen are g etting more and b etter jobs and their w ages are rising more quickly than men 's wages are , U.S. C ensus s tatistics sho w tha t the y are s till e arning only 81 p ercent o f wha t men are f or the same p ositions (U.S. C ensus B ureau 2020). Immigr ation and the W orkf orce Simply put , people will mo ve from where there are f ew or no jobs to plac es where there are jobs , unles s something prev ents them from doing so . The pro cess of mo ving to a c ountr y is c alled immigra tion . Due to its reputa tion as the land o f opp ortunity , the Unite d Sta tes has long b een the des tina tion o f all skill lev els o f workers. While the ra te decre ased somewha t during the ec onomic slo wdown o f 2008, immigrants , both documente d and undo cumente d, continue to b e a major p art of the U .S. w orkf orce. In 2005, b efore the rec ession arriv ed, immigrants made up a his toric high o f 14.7 p ercent o f the w orkf orce (Lowell et al . 2006). During the 1970s through 2000s , the Unite d Sta tes e xperienc ed both an incre ase in colleg e-educated immigrants and in immigrants who lack ed a high scho ol diploma. W ith this rang e acros s the18.3 • W ork in the Unit ed S tates 545 spectr um, immigrants are w ell p ositione d for b oth the higher -paid jobs and the lo w-w age low-skill jobs tha t are pre dicte d to gro w in the ne xt dec ade (Lo well et al . 2006). In the e arly 2000s , it c ertainly seeme d tha t the Unite d Sta tes w as c ontinuing to liv e up to its reputa tion o f opp ortunity . But wha t about during the rec ession o f 2008, when so man y jobs w ere los t and unemplo yment ho vered close to 10 p ercent? Ho w did immigrant workers fare then? The ans wer is tha t as o f June 2009, when the N ational B ureau of Economic R esearch (NEBR) declare d the recession o fficially o ver, “foreign-b orn w orkers g aine d 656,000 jobs while na tive-born w orkers los t 1.2 million jobs” (K ochhar 2010). As these numb ers sugg est, the unemplo yment ra te tha t year decre ased for immigrant workers and incre ased for na tive workers. The re asons f or this trend are not entirely cle ar. Some P ew rese arch sugg ests immigrants tend to ha ve gre ater fle xibility to mo ve from job to job and tha t the immigrant p opula tion may ha ve been e arly victims o f the rec ession , and thus w ere quick er to reb ound (K ochhar 2010). R egardles s of the re asons , the 2009 job g ains are far from enough to k eep them inure d from the c ountr y’s ec onomic w oes. Immigrant e arnings are in decline , even as the numb er o f jobs incre ases , and some theoriz e tha t incre ase in emplo yment ma y come from a willingnes s to ac cept signific antly lo wer w ages and b enefits . While the p olitic al deb ate is o ften fuele d by conversa tions a bout lo w-w age-earning immigrants , there are actually as man y highly skille d––and high-e arning––immigrant w orkers as w ell. Man y immigrants are sponsore d by their emplo yers who claim the y possess talents , educ ation , and training tha t are in shor t supply in the U .S. These sp onsore d immigrants ac count f or 15 p ercent o f all leg al immigrants (Ba talo va and T errazas 2010). Interes tingly , the U .S. p opula tion g enerally supp orts these high-lev el w orkers, believing the y will help lead to ec onomic gro wth and not b e a drain on g overnment ser vices (Hainmueller and Hisc ox 2010). On the other hand , undo cumente d immigrants tend to b e trapp ed in e xtremely lo w-p aying jobs in a griculture , service, and c onstruction with f ew w ays to impro ve their situa tion without risking e xposure and dep ortation . Poverty in the United States When p eople lose their jobs during a rec ession or in a changing job mark et, it tak es long er to find a new one , if they can find one a t all . If the y do , it is o ften a t a much lo wer w age or not full time . This c an f orce people into poverty. In the Unite d Sta tes, we tend to ha ve wha t is c alled rela tive poverty, define d as b eing una ble to liv e the lifestyle o f the a verage person in y our c ountr y. This mus t be contras ted with the a bsolute p overty tha t is frequently f ound in underdev elop ed countries and define d as the ina bility , or ne ar-ina bility , to a fford b asic necessities such as f ood (B yrns 2011). We cannot ev en rely on unemplo yment s tatistics to pro vide a cle ar picture o f total unemplo yment in the Unite d Sta tes. First, unemplo yment s tatistics do not tak e into ac count underemplo yment , a s tate in which a person ac cepts a lo wer p aying , lower status job than their e duc ation and e xperienc e qualifies them to p erform . Second , unemplo yment s tatistics only c ount those: 1. who are activ ely lo oking f or w ork 2. who ha ve not e arne d inc ome from a job in the p ast four w eeks 3. who are re ady, willing , and a ble to w ork The unemplo yment s tatistics pro vide d by the U .S. g overnment are rarely ac cura te, because man y of the unemplo yed become disc oura ged and s top lo oking f or w ork. Not only tha t, but these s tatistics underc ount the young est and oldes t workers, the chronic ally unemplo yed (e.g., homeles s), and se asonal and migrant w orkers. A certain amount o f unemplo yment is a direct result o f the rela tive infle xibility o f the la bor mark et, considere d structural unemplo yment , which describ es when there is a so cietal lev el of disjuncture b etween p eople seeking jobs and the a vailable jobs . This misma tch c an b e geographic (the y are hiring in one are a, but mos t unemplo yed liv e somewhere else), technologic al (workers are replac ed by machines , as in the a uto indus try), educational (a lack o f specific kno wledge or skills among the w orkf orce) or c an result from an y sudden chang e in the typ es o f jobs p eople are seeking v ersus the typ es o f comp anies tha t are hiring .546 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Because o f the high s tandard o f living in the Unite d Sta tes, man y people are w orking a t full-time jobs but are still p oor b y the s tandards o f rela tive poverty. The y are the w orking p oor. The Unite d Sta tes has a higher percenta ge of working p oor than man y other dev elop ed countries (Brady , Fuller ton and C ross 2010). In terms of emplo yment , the B ureau of Labor Sta tistics defines the w orking p oor as those who ha ve sp ent a t least 27 weeks w orking or lo oking f or w ork, and y et remain b elow the p overty line . Man y of the facts a bout the w orking poor are as e xpecte d: Those who w ork only p art time are more lik ely to b e clas sifie d as w orking p oor than those with full-time emplo yment; higher lev els o f educ ation le ad to les s lik eliho od of being among the w orking poor; and those with children under 18 are f our times more lik ely than those without children to fall into this category. In 2009, the w orking p oor include d 10.4 million Americ ans, up almos t 17 p ercent from 2008 (U .S. Bureau of Labor Sta tistics 2011). FIGURE 18.13 Working P overty vs . Non working P overty Rates, Circa 2000 — A higher per centag e of the people living in po verty in the Unit ed Stat es ha ve jobs c ompar ed to other de veloped nations .18.3 • W ork in the Unit ed S tates 547 FIGURE 18.14 Poverty rates vary by states and r egion. As y ou can see , areas with the highes t level of poverty ar e relaiv ely tightl y clus tered, but the sec ond-highes t rates o f poverty oc cur in s tates acr oss the nation, fr om Ne vada and Ariz ona in the South west to Ne w York in the Nor theas t. (Cr edit: U .S. Census Bur eau) Mos t dev elop ed countries protect their citiz ens from a bsolute p overty by pro viding diff erent lev els o f social services such as unemplo yment insuranc e, welfare , food as sistanc e, and so on . The y ma y also pro vide job training and retraining so tha t people c an reenter the job mark et. In the p ast, the elderly w ere p articularly vulnera ble to falling into p overty after the y stopp ed working; ho wever, pensions , retirement plans , and So cial Security w ere designe d to help prev ent this . A major c oncern in the Unite d Sta tes is the rising numb er o f young p eople gro wing up in p overty. Gro wing up p oor c an cut o ff ac cess to the e duc ation and ser vices p eople need to mo ve out o f poverty and into s table emplo yment . As w e sa w, more e duc ation w as o ften a k ey to stability , and those raise d in p overty are the ones le ast able to find w ell-p aying w ork, perpetua ting a cy cle. Another notion imp ortant to so ciologis ts and citiz ens is the e xpense o f being p oor. In a practic al sense , people with more mone y on hand , better cre dit, a more s table inc ome , and relia ble insuranc e can purchase items or services in diff erent w ays than p eople who lack those things . For e xample , someone with a higher inc ome c an pay bills more relia bly, as w ell as ha ve more cre dit e xtende d to them through cre dit c ards or lo ans. When it comes time f or those p eople to purchase a c ar, for e xample , the y can lik ely neg otia te a lo wer monthly p ayment or les s mone y do wn. In an ev en more simplis tic situa tion , people with more sp ending mone y can buy groceries in bulk , spending far les s per unit than those who mus t purchase smaller p ortions . The single greatest expense f or mos t adults is housing; b eyond its signific ant p ortion o f a family 's expenses , housing driv es man y other c osts, such as transp ortation ( how close do es someone liv e to the plac es the y nee d to g o), childc are, and other are as. And p eople in p overty p ay signific antly more f or their housing than others – sometimes 70-80 p ercent o f their total inc ome . Those with f ewer resourc es are also more lik ely to rent ra ther than o wn, so the y do not build cre dit in the same w ay, nor do the y ha ve the opp ortunity to sell the prop erty later and utiliz e their
🌐 Economic Systems Worldwide
💼 Economic systems shape how societies manage resources, with capitalism emphasizing private ownership and profit while socialism focuses on government ownership and wealth distribution
🔄 Globalization integrates governments, cultures, and financial markets through international trade, creating both opportunities and challenges for different nations
👩💼 The U.S. job market aims to be a meritocracy but faces challenges from polarization, with growing gaps between high-paying skilled jobs and low-paying manual work
📊 Multinational corporations wield significant influence in the global economy, raising concerns about their power over political decisions and environmental impacts
👷♀️ Women's workforce participation has increased but gender equality remains elusive, with persistent pay gaps and career advancement challenges
🌍 Economic convergence theory suggests countries' economic structures become more similar as they develop, though cultural and political factors create variations
e quity (N obles 2019). The w ays tha t governments , org aniza tions , individuals , and so ciety as a whole help the p oor are ma tters o f signific ant deb ate, inf orme d by extensiv e study . Sociologis ts and other pro fessionals c ontribute to these conversa tions and pro vide evidenc e of the imp acts o f these circums tanc es and inter ventions to chang e them .548 18 • W ork and the E conom y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The decisions made on these is sues ha ve a pro found eff ect on w orking in the Unite d Sta tes.18.3 • W ork in the Unit ed S tates 549 Key T erms automat ion workers b eing replac ed by technolog y bartering a pro cess where p eople e xchang e one f orm o f goods or ser vices for another capitalism an ec onomic s ystem in which there is priv ate ownership (as opp osed to s tate ownership) and where there is an imp etus to pro duce pro fit, and thereb y wealth career inheritanc e a practic e where children tend to enter the same or similar o ccup ation as their p arents convergenc e theor y a so ciologic al theor y to e xplain ho w and wh y so cieties mo ve toward similarity o ver time as their ec onomies dev elop depres sion a sus taine d rec ession acros s sev eral ec onomic sectors econom y the so cial ins titution through which a so ciety ’s resourc es (goods and ser vices) are mana ged glob al as sembly lines a practic e where pro ducts are as semble d over the c ourse o f sev eral interna tional transactions glob al commo dity chains interna tionally integra ted ec onomic links tha t connect w orkers and c orporations for the purp ose o f manufacture and mark eting mark et so cialism a subtyp e of socialism tha t adopts c ertain traits o f capitalism , like allo wing limite d priv ate ownership or c onsulting mark et demand mechanic al solidarit y a form o f social c ohesion tha t comes from sharing similar w ork, educ ation , and religion , as might b e found in simpler so cieties merc antilism an ec onomic p olicy b ased on na tional p olicies o f accumula ting silv er and g old b y controlling mark ets with c olonies and other c ountries through tax es and cus toms charg es mone y an object tha t a so ciety a grees to as sign a v alue to so it c an b e exchang ed as p ayment mutualism a form o f socialism under which individuals and c ooperative groups e xchang e pro ducts with one another on the b asis o f mutually sa tisfactor y contracts organic solidarit y a form o f social c ohesion tha t arises out o f the mutual interdep endenc e cre ated by the specializa tion o f work outsourcing a practic e where jobs are c ontracte d to an outside sourc e, often in another c ountr y polarizat ion a practic e where the diff erenc es b etween lo w-end and high-end jobs b ecome gre ater and the numb er o f people in the middle lev els decre ases recession two or more c onsecutiv e quar ters o f economic decline socialism an ec onomic s ystem in which there is g overnment o wnership (o ften ref erre d to as “ state run”) of goods and their pro duction , with an imp etus to share w ork and w ealth e qually among the memb ers o f a society structural unemplo yment a so cietal lev el of disjuncture b etween p eople seeking jobs and the jobs tha t are available subsis tenc e farming farming where farmers gro w only enough to f eed themselv es and their families underemplo yment a state in which a p erson ac cepts a lo wer p aying , lower status job than his or her education and e xperienc e qualifies him or her to p erform xenophobia an illogic al fear and ev en ha tred of foreigners and f oreign g oods Section Summary 18.1 Economic Systems Econom y ref ers to the so cial ins titution through which a so ciety ’s resourc es (goods and ser vices) are mana ged. The Agricultural R evolution le d to dev elopment o f the firs t economies tha t were b ased on trading g oods. Mechaniza tion o f the manufacturing pro cess led to the Indus trial R evolution and g ave rise to tw o major comp eting ec onomic s ystems . Under c apitalism , priv ate owners in vest their c apital and tha t of others to produce goods and ser vices the y can sell in an op en mark et. Prices and w ages are set b y supply and demand and c omp etition . Under so cialism , the me ans o f pro duction is c ommonly o wne d, and the ec onom y is controlle d centrally b y government . Sev eral c ountries’ ec onomies e xhibit a mix o f both s ystems . Convergence550 18 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. theor y seeks to e xplain the c orrela tion b etween a c ountr y’s lev el of dev elopment and chang es in its ec onomic structure . 18.2 Globaliz ation and the Economy Glob aliza tion ref ers to the pro cess of integra ting g overnments , cultures , and financial mark ets through interna tional trade into a single w orld mark et. There are b enefits and dra wbacks to glob aliza tion . Often the countries tha t fare the w orst are those tha t dep end on na tural resourc e extraction f or their w ealth . Man y critics fear glob aliza tion giv es to o much p ower to multina tional c orporations and tha t politic al decisions are influenc ed by these major financial pla yers. 18.3 Work in the United States The job mark et in the Unite d Sta tes is me ant to b e a merito cracy tha t cre ates so cial s tratific ations b ased on individual achiev ement . Economic f orces, such as outsourcing and a utoma tion , are p olarizing the w orkf orce, with mos t job opp ortunities b eing either lo w-lev el, low-p aying manual jobs or high-lev el, high-p aying jobs based on a bstract skills . Women 's role in the w orkf orce has incre ased, although w omen ha ve not y et achiev ed full e quality . Immigrants pla y an imp ortant role in the U .S. la bor mark et. The changing ec onom y has f orced more p eople into p overty ev en if the y are w orking . Welfare , Social Security , and other so cial programs e xist to protect p eople from the w orst eff ects o f poverty. Section Quiz 18.1 Economic Systems 1.Which o f these is an e xample o f a c ommo dity? a.A res taurant me al b.Corn c.A colleg e lecture d.A book, blog entr y, or ma gazine ar ticle 2.When did the firs t economies b egin to dev elop? a.When all the hunter -gatherers die d b.When mone y was in vente d c.When p eople b egan to gro w crops and domes ticate animals d.When the firs t cities w ere built 3.Wha t is the mos t imp ortant c ommo dity in a p ostindus trial so ciety? a.Electricity b.Mone y c.Informa tion d.Computers 4.In which sector o f an ec onom y would someone w orking as a so ftware dev elop er b e? a.Primar y b.Secondar y c.Tertiary d.Qua ternar y18 • Section Quiz 551 5.Which is an ec onomic p olicy b ased on na tional p olicies o f accumula ting silv er and g old b y controlling mark ets with c olonies and other c ountries through tax es and cus toms charg es? a.Capitalism b.Communism c.Merc antilism d.Mutualism 6.Who w as the le ading theoris t on the dev elopment o f socialism? a.Karl Marx b.Heidimarie Sch wermer c.Émile Durkheim d.Adam Smith 7.The typ e of socialism no w carrie d on b y Russia is a f orm o f ______ so cialism . a.centrally planne d b.mark et c.utopian d.zero-sum 8.Among the re asons so cialism nev er dev elop ed into a p olitic al mo vement in the Unite d Sta tes w as tha t trade unions _________. a.secure d workers’ rights b.guarantee d he alth c are c.brok e up monop olies d.diversifie d the w orkf orce 9.Which c ountr y ser ves as an e xample o f convergence? a.Sing apore b.North K orea c.England d.Canada 18.2 Globaliz ation and the Economy 10.Ben los t his job when General Motors close d U.S. factories and op ened factories in Me xico. Now, Ben is very anti-immigra tion and c amp aigns f or larg e-scale dep ortation o f Me xican na tionals , even though , logic ally, their presenc e do es not harm him and their a bsenc e will not res tore his job . Ben might b e experiencing _____________. a.xenophobia b.glob al commo dity chains c.xenophilia d.glob al as sembly line 11.Which o f the f ollowing is not an asp ect o f glob aliza tion? a.Integra ting g overnments through interna tional trade b.Integra ting cultures through interna tional trade c.Integra ting financ e through interna tional trade d.Integra ting child c are through interna tional trade552 18 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.One re ason critics opp ose glob aliza tion is tha t it: a.has p ositiv e imp acts on w orld trade b.has neg ative imp acts on the en vironment c.concentra tes w ealth in the p oores t countries d.has neg ative imp acts on p olitic al stability 13.All of the f ollowing are characteris tics o f glob al cities ,except: a.headquar ter multina tional c orporations b.exercise signific ant interna tional p olitic al influenc e c.host he adquar ters o f interna tional NG Os d.host influential philosophers 14.Which o f the f ollowing is not a characteris tic o f multina tional c orporations? a.A larg e share o f their c apital is c ollecte d from a v ariety o f na tionalities . b.Their busines s is c onducte d without reg ard to na tional b orders . c.The y concentra te w ealth in the hands o f core na tions . d.The y are he adquar tere d primarily in the Unite d Sta tes. 18.3 Work in the United States 15.Which is evidenc e tha t the Unite d Sta tes w orkf orce is larg ely a merito cracy? a.Job opp ortunities are incre asing f or highly skille d jobs . b.Job opp ortunities are decre asing f or midlev el jobs . c.Highly skille d jobs p ay better than lo w-skill jobs . d.Women tend to mak e les s than men do f or the same job . 16.If someone do es not e arn enough mone y to p ay for the es sentials o f life he or she is said to b e _____ p oor. a.absolutely b.essentially c.really d.working 17.Wha t is the practic e where the diff erenc es b etween lo w-end and high-end jobs b ecome gre ater and the numb er o f people in the middle lev els decre ases? a.polariza tion b.merito cracy c.outsourcing d.structural unemplo yment Short Answer 18.1 Economic Systems 1.Explain the diff erenc e between s tate so cialism with c entral planning and mark et so cialism . 2.In wha t ways can c apitalis tic and so cialis tic ec onomies c onverge? 3.Describ e the imp act a rapidly gro wing ec onom y can ha ve on families . 4.How do y ou think the Unite d Sta tes ec onom y will chang e as w e mo ve closer to a technolog y-driv en ser vice econom y?18 • Shor t Ans wer 553 18.2 Globaliz ation and the Economy 5.Wha t imp act has glob aliza tion had on the music y ou lis ten to , the b ooks y ou re ad, or the mo vies or television y ou w atch? 6.Wha t eff ect c an immigra tion ha ve on the ec onom y of a dev eloping c ountr y? 7.Is glob aliza tion a dang er to lo cal cultures? Wh y, or wh y not? 18.3 Work in the United States 8.As p olariza tion o ccurs in the U .S. job mark et, this will a ffect other so cial ins titutions . For e xample , if midlev el education w on’t lead to emplo yment , we could see p olariza tion in e duc ational lev els as w ell. Use the so ciologic al ima gina tion to c onsider wha t social ins titutions ma y be imp acte d, and ho w. 9.Do y ou b eliev e we ha ve a tr ue merito cracy in the Unite d Sta tes? Wh y, or wh y not? Further R esear ch 18.1 Economic Systems Green jobs ha ve the p otential to impro ve not only y our prosp ects o f getting a g ood job , but the en vironment as well.Visit this w eb site to le arn more a bout the green rev olution in jobs (http://openstax.org/l/greenjobs) One alterna tive to traditional c apitalism is to ha ve the w orkers o wn the c omp any for which the y work.To learn more a bout c omp any-owne d busines ses check out this w ebsite (http://openstax.org/r/emplo yee-owne d). 18.2 Globaliz ation and the Economy The W orld So cial F orum ( WSF) w as cre ated in resp onse to the cre ation o f the W orld E conomic F orum ( WEF). The W SF is a c oalition o f org aniza tions de dicated to the ide a of a w orldwide civil so ciety and presents itself as an alterna tive to WEF , which it sa ys is to o focuse d on c apitalism .Learn more a bout the W SF here rights (http://openstax.org/l/W SF) . 18.3 Work in the United States The role o f women in the w orkplac e is c onstantly changing . To learn more , check out this page on the U .S. Dep artment o f Labor's web site (http://openstax.org/l/w omen_ workplac e). To see some jobs and emplo yment trends f or the ne xt dec ade, check out the Emplo yment P rojections P rogram of the U .S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics (http://openstax.org/l/BLS ). References Intr oduction to W ork and the Economy National E qual P ay Task F orce. 2013. "F ifty Y ears After the E qual P ay Act: As sessing the P ast, Taking Sto ck o f the F uture ." Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2014. ( http://www.whitehouse .gov/sites /defa ult/files /equalp ay/ equal_ pay_task _force_progres s_rep ort_june _2013_new .pdf). Payscale.com. 2020. "Sta te of the Gender P ay Gap 2020. " Payscale.com. (https:/ /www.payscale.com/da ta/ gender -pay-gap) State of Michig an, The . n.d. "Detrioit 's Financial C risis: Wha t You N eed to K now." Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2014. (http://www.michig an.gov/documents /detroitc antw ait/DetroitF actSheet _412909_7. pdf). U.S. Dep artment o f Agriculture . 2014. "Supplemental Nutrition As sistanc e Program P articip ation and C osts." Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2014. ( http://www.fns.usda. gov/sites /defa ult/files /pd/SN APsummar y.pdf). Woolston, Chris . 2021. "P ay gap widens b etween men and w omen scientis ts in N orth Americ a."Nature C areer News. February 11 2021. ( https:/ /www.nature .com/ar ticles /d41586-021-00387-3)554 18 • F urther R esear ch Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 18.1 Economic Systems Abb ott, Chuck . 2020. "R ecord High Ag Subsidies T o Supply 39% o f Farm Inc ome ." Agriculture .com, Dec emb er 2020. ( https:/ /www.agriculture .com/new s/busines s/rec ord-high-a g-subsidies -to-supply -39- of-farm- income) Abramo vitz, Moses . 1986. “ Catching Up , Forging A head and F alling Behind .”Journal o f Economic His tory 46(2):385–406. R etriev ed February 6, 2012 ( http://www.jstor.org/pss/2122171). Anton y, James . 1998. “Exploring the F actors tha t Influenc e Men and W omen to F orm Me dical Career Aspira tions .”Journal o f Colleg e Student Dev elopment 39:417–426. Bond , Eric , Sheena Ging erich , Oliv er Archer -Antonsen , Liam Purc ell, and Eliza beth Macklem . 2003. The Indus trial R evolution—Inno vations . Retriev ed February 6, 2012 ( http://indus trialrev olution .sea.ca/ inno vations .html). Congres sional R esearch Ser vice. 2021. " Unemplo yment Ra tes During the C OVID-19 P andemic ." Januar y 2021. (https:/ /fas.org/sgp/crs /misc /R46554. pdf) Dalio , Ray. 2019. " Why and Ho w Capitalism N eeds T o Be R eforme d Parts 1&2. " Link edIn P ersonal P ost. April 5 2019. ( https:/ /www.link edin.com/pulse/wh y-how-capitalism-nee ds-reforme d-parts-1-2-ra y-dalio/) Davis, Kingsle y, and W ilbert Mo ore. 1945. “ Some P rinciples o f Stra tific ation .”Americ an So ciologic al Review 10:242–249. Diamond , J., and P . Bellw ood. 2003. “F armers and Their Langua ges: The F irst Exp ansions .”Scienc eApril 25, pp. 597-603. Domho ff, G . William . 2011. “ Wealth Inc ome and P ower.” Who R ules Americ a. Retriev ed Januar y 25, 2012 (http://www2.ucsc .edu/whor ulesameric a/power/wealth .html). Europ ean Union . 2014. "On the R oad to EU Memb ership ." Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2014. ( http://europ a.eu/ about-eu/c ountries /on-the -road-to -eu-memb ership/inde x_en.htm). Europ ean Union . 2014. "EU Memb er C ountries ". Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2014. ( http://europ a.eu/a bout-eu/ countries /memb er-countries /). 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Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts o f 1844 and the Communis t Manif esto, transla ted by M. Millig an. New Y ork: P rometheus Bo oks. Mauss, Marc el. 1990 [1922]. The Gift: The F orm and R eason f or Ex chang e in Archaic So cieties , London: Routle dge. Mer ton, Robert. 1968. So cial Theor y and So cial Str ucture . New Y ork: F ree P ress. Proudhon , Pierre -Joseph . 2010 [1840]. Property Is Theft! A Pierre -Joseph P roudhon Antholog y. Iain McK ay Ed. Retriev ed February 15, 2012 ( http://anarchism .pageabode.com/pjproudhon/prop erty-is-theft). Schwermer , Heidemarie . 2007. “ Gib und Nimm .” Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 (http://www.heidemariesch wermer .com/). Schwermer , Heidemarie . 2011. Living W ithout Mone y. Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 (http://www.living withoutmone y.org). Sokoloff, K enneth L., and Stanle y L. 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The C orporation: The P athologic al Pursuit o f Profit and P ower.New Y ork: F ree P ress. Bha gwati, Jagdish . 2004. In Def ense o f Glob aliza tion . New Y ork: Oxf ord Univ ersity P ress. Boswell, Terry and Dimitris Stevis . 1997. “ Glob aliza tion and Interna tional La bor Org aniza tion .”Work and Occup ations 24:288–308. Central Intellig ence Ag ency (CIA). 2014. " The W orld F actb ook: C ountr y Comp arison: GDP P er C apita (PPP). " Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2014. ( https:/ /www.cia.gov/librar y/public ations /the -world-factb ook/rank order / 2004rank .html). Koroma, Suff yan.
🏥 Global Health Dynamics
🌍 Globalization dramatically transforms healthcare systems, as seen in the stark contrast between the 2014 Ebola outbreak (primarily affecting West Africa) and the worldwide COVID-19 pandemic
🦠 Pandemic responses reveal deep sociopolitical divides, with countries like Brazil and the U.S. experiencing higher death rates due to political leaders rejecting containment measures despite scientific guidance
🧠 Medical sociology examines how illness is socially constructed, revealing how cultural factors determine which diseases are stigmatized, contested, or legitimized in society
💊 The illness experience varies dramatically between individuals and cultures, shaping how patients reveal their conditions, adapt their lifestyles, and perceive their identities through disease
👩⚕️ Medical knowledge itself is socially constructed, reflecting and sometimes reproducing inequalities based on gender, class, race, and ethnicity
🎗️ Health awareness campaigns like breast cancer's pink ribbon marketing demonstrate how medical conditions become culturally embedded, raising questions about commercialization of disease advocacy
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R etriev ed Januar y 30, 2012 ( http://thec aucus .blogs .nytimes .com/2011/09/15/p erry-rep eats-socialis t- charg e-agains t-obama-p olicies).558 18 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 19.1 Medical personnel ar e at the fr ont lines o f extremel y dang erous w ork. P ersonal pr otectiv e clothing is essential f or an y heal th w orker ent ering an inf ection z one. (Cr edit: Na vy Medicine/flickr) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 19.1 The Social Cons truction o f Heal th 19.2 Global Heal th 19.3 Heal th in the Unit ed Stat es 19.4 Compar ative Heal th and Medicine 19.5 Theor etical P erspectiv es on Heal th and Medicine On March 19, 2014 a "m ystery" hemorrha gic f ever outbre ak o ccurre d in Lib eria and Sierra Leone . This outbre ak w as la ter c onfirme d to b e Eb ola, a dise ase firs t disc overed in wha t is no w the Demo cratic Republic o f Cong o. The 2014-2016 outbre ak sick ened more than 28,000 p eople and left more than 11,000 dead (CD C 2020). For the p eople in W est Afric a, the outbre ak w as p ersonally tra gic and terrif ying . In much o f the res t of the world , the outbre ak incre ased tensions , but did not chang e an yone's behavior . Inf ection o f U.S. me dical staff (both in W est Afric a and a t home) le d to f ear and dis trust, and res trictions on flights from W est Afric a was one prop osed way to s top the spre ad o f the dise ase. Eb ola firs t entere d the Unite d Sta tes via U .S. mis sionar y medical staff who w ere inf ecte d in W est Afric a and then transp orted home f or tre atment . Sev eral other Eb ola outbre aks o ccurre d in W est Afric a in subse quent y ears, killing thousands o f people . Six y ears a fter the mas sive 2014 epidemic , the p eople o f West Afric a fac ed another dise ase, but this time the y were not alone . The C orona virus p andemic s wept acros s the glob e in a ma tter o f months . While some19Health and Medicine countries mana ged the dise ase far b etter than others , it a ffecte d ev eryone. Highly indus trializ ed countries , such as China, Italy , and the Unite d Sta tes, were e arly c enters o f the outbre ak. Brazil and India had la ter incre ases , as did the U .K. and R ussia. Mos t countries to ok me asures tha t were c onsidere d extreme —closing their b orders , forcing scho ols and busines ses to close , trans forming their p eople 's liv es. Other na tions w ent further , completely shut ting do wn a t the disc overy of jus t a few c ases . And some c ountries had mix ed resp onses , typic ally resulting in high ra tes o f inf ection and o verwhelming los ses o f life. In Brazil and the Unite d Sta tes, for e xample , politic al le aders and larg e swaths o f the p opula tions rejecte d me asures to c ontain the vir us. By the time v accines b ecame widely a vailable, those tw o countries had the highes t numb ers o f corona virus de ath w orldwide . Did the w orld le arn from the Eb ola vir us epidemics? Or did only p arts of it le arn? P rior to the Unite d Sta tes facing the w orst COVID-19 outbre ak in the w orld , the g overnment shut do wn tra vel, as did man y countries in Europ e. This w as c ertainly an imp ortant s tep, but other me asures f ell shor t; conflicting mes sages a bout mask wearing and so cial dis tancing b ecame p olitic al w eapons amid the c ountr y's Presidential election , and localized outbre aks and spik es o f deaths w ere c ontinually trac ed to g atherings tha t occurre d agains t scientific guidanc e. Brazil's president activ ely dispute d me dical opinions , rejecte d an y tra vel or busines s res trictions , and w as in c onflict with man y people in his o wn g overnment (ev en his p olitic al allies); with Brazil's slo wer pace of vaccina tion c omp ared to the U .S., it sa w a s teep incre ase in c ases and de aths jus t as the Unite d Sta tes' numb ers s tarted to decline . Both those opp osed to he avy res trictions and those who use d them to fight the dise ase ackno wledge tha t the imp acts w ent far b eyond ph ysical he alth . Families sha ttere d by the los s of a lo ved one had to g o through the pain without rela tives to supp ort them a t funerals or other g atherings . Man y who rec overed from the vir us had serious he alth is sues to c ontend with , while other p eople who dela yed imp ortant tre atments had larg er problems than the y normally w ould ha ve. Fear, isola tion , and s traine d familial rela tionships le d to emotional problems . Man y families los t inc ome . Learning w as c ertainly imp acte d as e duc ation practic es w ent through sudden shifts . The tr ue outc omes will lik ely not b e fully unders tood for y ears a fter the p andemic is under control . So no w, after the height o f the c orona virus p andemic , wha t do es “he alth ” me an to y ou? Do es y our opinion o f it differ from y our pre -COVID a ttitudes? Man y people who b ecame sev erely ill or die d from C OVID had other health is sues ( kno wn as c omorbidities) such as h ypertension and ob esity . Do y ou kno w people whose a ttitudes about their g eneral he alth chang ed? Do y ou kno w people who are more or les s suspicious o f the g overnment , more or les s lik ely to lis ten to do ctors or scientis ts? Wha t do y ou think will b e the b est way to prev ent illnes s and de ath should another p andemic s trike? Medical so ciolog yis the s ystema tic s tudy o f ho w humans mana ge issues o f he alth and illnes s, dise ase and disorders , and he althc are f or b oth the sick and the he alth y. Me dical so ciologis ts study the ph ysical, mental , and so cial c omp onents o f he alth and illnes s. Major topics f or me dical so ciologis ts include the do ctor /patient rela tionship , the s tructure and so cioeconomics o f he althc are, and ho w culture imp acts a ttitudes to ward dise ase and w ellnes s. 19.1 The Social Construction of Health LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define the t erm medical sociolog y •Differentiat e betw een the cul tural meaning o f illnes s, the social c onstruction o f illnes s, and the social construction o f medical kno wledg e The so cial c onstruction o f he alth is a major rese arch topic within me dical so ciolog y. At firs t glanc e, the c oncept of a so cial c onstruction o f he alth do es not seem to mak e sense . After all , if dise ase is a me asura ble, physiologic al problem , then there c an b e no ques tion o f socially c onstructing dise ase, right? W ell, it’s not tha t560 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. simple . The ide a of the so cial c onstruction o f he alth emphasiz es the so cio-cultural asp ects o f the discipline ’s appro ach to ph ysical, objectiv ely defina ble phenomena. Sociologis ts Conrad and Bark er (2010) o ffer a c omprehensiv e framew ork f or unders tanding the major findings of the las t fifty y ears o f dev elopment in this c oncept. Their summar y categoriz es the findings in the field under three subhe adings: the cultural me aning o f illnes s, the so cial c onstruction o f the illnes s experienc e, and the social c onstruction o f me dical kno wledge. The Cultur al Meaning of Illness Man y me dical so ciologis ts contend tha t illnes ses ha ve both a biologic al and an e xperiential c omp onent and that these c omp onents e xist indep endently o f each other . Our culture , not our biolog y, dicta tes which illnes ses are s tigma tized and which are not , which are c onsidere d disa bilities and which are not , and which are deeme d contes table (me aning some me dical pro fessionals ma y find the e xistenc e of this ailment ques tiona ble) as opp osed to definitiv e (illnes ses tha t are unques tiona bly rec ogniz ed in the me dical pro fession) (C onrad and Bark er 2010). For ins tanc e, sociologis t Erving Go ffman (1963) describ ed ho w so cial s tigmas hinder individuals from fully integra ting into so ciety . In es senc e, Go ffman (1963) sugg ests w e might view illnes s as a s tigma tha t can push others to view the ill in an undesira ble manner . The stigmat izat ion of illnes soften has the gre atest eff ect on the p atient and the kind o f care the y rec eive. Man y contend tha t our so ciety and ev en our he althc are institutions discrimina te agains t certain dise ases —lik e mental disorders , AIDS, se xually transmit ted dise ases , and skin disorders (Sar torius 2007). F acilities f or these dise ases ma y be sub -par; the y ma y be segreg ated from other he althc are are as or releg ated to a p oorer en vironment . The s tigma ma y keep p eople from seeking help for their illnes s, making it w orse than it nee ds to b e. Contes ted illnes ses are those tha t are ques tione d or ques tiona ble b y some me dical pro fessionals . Disorders like fibrom yalgia or chronic fa tigue s yndrome ma y be either tr ue illnes ses or only in the p atients’ he ads, dep ending on the opinion o f the me dical pro fessional . This dynamic c an a ffect ho w a p atient seeks tre atment and wha t kind o f tre atment the y rec eive. The Social Construction of the Illness Experience The ide a of the so cial c onstruction o f the illnes s experienc e is b ased on the c oncept o f reality as a so cial construction . In other w ords , there is no objectiv e re ality; there are only our o wn p erceptions o f it. The so cial construction o f the illnes s experienc e de als with such is sues as the w ay some p atients c ontrol the manner in which the y rev eal their dise ases and the lif estyle adapta tions p atients dev elop to c ope with their illnes ses. In terms o f constructing the illnes s experienc e, culture and individual p ersonality b oth pla y a signific ant role . For some p eople , a long-term illnes s can ha ve the eff ect o f making their w orld smaller , more define d by the illnes s than an ything else . For others , illnes s can b e a chanc e for disc overy, for re -ima ging a new self (C onrad and Bark er 2007). Culture pla ys a hug e role in ho w an individual e xperienc es illnes s. Widespre ad dise ases lik e AIDS or bre ast cancer ha ve sp ecific cultural mark ers tha t ha ve chang ed over the y ears and tha t govern ho w individuals —and so ciety —view them . Today, man y ins titutions o f wellnes s ackno wledge the degree to which individual p erceptions shap e the na ture of he alth and illnes s. Regarding ph ysical activity , for ins tanc e, the C enters f or Dise ase C ontrol (CD C) recommends tha t individuals use a s tandard lev el of exertion to as sess their ph ysical activity . This Ra ting o f Perceived Ex ertion (RPE) giv es a more c omplete view o f an individual ’s actual e xertion lev el, sinc e he artrate or pulse me asurements ma y be affecte d by me dication or other is sues (C enters f or Dise ase C ontrol 2011a). Similarly , man y me dical pro fessionals use a c omp arable sc ale f or p erceived pain to help determine p ain mana gement s trategies .19.1 • The Social Cons truction o f Heal th 561 FIGURE 19.2 PAIN AS SESSMENT T OOL . The Mosb y pain r ating scale helps heal th car e providers as sess an individual ’s level of pain. What might a s ymbolic int eractionis t obser ve about this method? (Cr edit: Ar vin61r58/ openclipar t) The Social Construction of Medical Knowledge Conrad and Bark er sho w ho w me dical kno wledge is so cially c onstructe d; tha t is, it c an b oth reflect and repro duce ine qualities in g ender , clas s, rac e, and ethnicity . Conrad and Bark er (2011) use the e xample o f the social c onstruction o f women ’s he alth and ho w me dical kno wledge has chang ed signific antly in the c ourse o f a few g enera tions . For ins tanc e, in the e arly nineteenth c entur y, pregnant w omen w ere disc oura ged from driving or dancing f or fear o f harming the unb orn child , much as the y are disc oura ged, with more v alid re ason , from smoking or drinking alc ohol to day. Has Br east Cancer A wareness Gone T oo F ar? FIGURE 19.3 Pink ribbons ar e a ubiquit ous r eminder o f breast canc er. But do pink ribbon choc olates do an ything t o eradicat e the disease? (Cr edit: wishuponacupcak e/Wikimedia Commons) Every Oct ober , the w orld turns pink. F ootbal l and basebal l pla yers w ear pink ac cessories . Sky scrapers and lar ge public buildings ar e lit with pink lights at night. Shoppers can choose fr om a hug e arr ay of pink pr oducts . In 2014, people w anting t o suppor t the fight ag ains t breast canc er could pur chase an y of the f ollowing pink pr oducts: KitchenAid mix ers, Mas ter Lock padlock s and bik e chains , Wilson t ennis r ackets, Fiat cars , and Smith & W esson handg uns. You read that c orrectly. The g oal o f all these pink pr oducts is t o raise a warenes s and mone y for br east canc er. Ho wever, the r elentles s creep o f pink has man y people w ondering if the pink mark eting jug gernaut has g oneSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE562 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. too far . Pink has been as sociat ed with br east canc er sinc e 1991, when the Susan G. K omen F oundation handed out pink ribbons at its 1991 R ace for the Cur e event. Sinc e then, the pink ribbon has appear ed on c ountles s products , and then b y extension, the c olor pink has c ome t o represent suppor t for a cur e of the disease . No one can ar gue about the Susan G. K omen F oundation ’s mis sion—t o find a cur e for br east canc er—or the fact that the gr oup has r aised millions o f dol lars
🛍️ Pink Capitalism and Global Health
🎀 Pinkwashing exploits breast cancer awareness through products that may actually contribute to cancer risk, as seen in the controversial KFC-Komen Foundation partnership
🔍 Breast Cancer Action serves as a watchdog organization, encouraging consumers to question how much money from pink products actually reaches cancer research
🌍 Social epidemiology reveals stark health disparities between high-income and low-income nations, with cardiovascular disease now the leading killer in both
🍔 Obesity rates continue rising in wealthy nations due to sedentary lifestyles, processed foods, and technological advances that reduce physical activity
💉 Health inequalities persist in the United States along racial, socioeconomic, and gender lines, with Black Americans facing significantly shorter life expectancies
💊 Medicalization transforms normal life experiences into medical conditions requiring treatment, particularly affecting women's health issues like childbirth and sleep patterns
f or resear ch and car e. Ho wever, some people ques tion if , or ho w much, al l these pr oducts r eally help in the fight ag ains t breast canc er (Beg os 2011). The adv ocacy gr oup Br east Canc er Action (BCA) position themsel ves as w atchdogs o f other ag encies fighting br east canc er. The y accept no funding fr om entities , like those in the pharmac eutical indus try, with pot ential pr ofit connections t o this heal th indus try. The y’ve de veloped a tr ademark ed “ Think Bef ore You Pink ” campaign t o provoke consumer ques tioning o f the end c ontributions made t o breast canc er by companies ha wking pink w ares. The y do not advise ag ains t “pink ” pur chases; the y jus t want c onsumers t o be inf ormed about ho w much mone y is in volved, wher e it c omes fr om, and wher e it wil l go. For ins tanc e, what per centag e of each pur chase g oes t o breast canc er causes? BCA does not judg e ho w much is enough, but it inf orms cus tomers and then enc ourages them t o consider whether the y feel the amount is enough ( Think Bef ore You Pink 2012). BCA also sug gests that c onsumers mak e sur e that the pr oduct the y are buying does not actual lycontribut eto breast canc er, a phenomenon the y cal l “pinkw ashing .” This is sue made national headlines in 2010, when the Susan G. Komen F oundation par tner ed with K entucky F ried Chick en (KF C) on a pr omotion cal led “Buck ets f or the Cur e.” For every buck et of gril led or r egular fried chick en, KF C would donat e fifty c ents t o the K omen F oundation, with the g oal of reaching 8 mil lion dol lars: the lar gest single donation r eceived b y the f oundation. Ho wever, some critics sa w the partnership as an unhol y allianc e. Higher body fat and eating fat ty foods has been link ed to incr eased canc er risk s, and detr actors, including BCA , cal led the K omen F oundation out on this appar ent c ontr adiction o f goals . Komen ’s response w as that the pr ogram did a gr eat deal t o raise a warenes s in lo w-income c ommunities , wher e Komen previousl y had lit tle outr each (Hut chison 2010). What do y ou think? Ar e fundr aising and a warenes s impor tant enough t o trump is sues o f heal th? What other examples o f “pinkw ashing ” can y ou think o f? 19.2 Global Health LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Define social epidemiolog y •Appl y theories o f social epidemiolog y to an unders tanding o f global heal th is sues •Differentiat e high-inc ome and lo w-income nations Social epidemiolog yis the s tudy o f the c auses and dis tribution o f dise ases . Social epidemiolog y can rev eal how so cial problems are c onnecte d to the he alth o f diff erent p opula tions . These epidemiologic al studies sho w that the he alth problems o f high-inc ome na tions diff er from those o f low-inc ome na tions , but also tha t dise ases and their dia gnosis are changing . Cardio vascular dise ase, for e xample , is no w the b oth mos t prev alent dise ase and the dise ase mos t lik ely to b e fatal in lo wer-inc ome c ountries . And glob ally, 70 p ercent o f cardio vascular dise ase c ases and de aths are due to mo difia ble risks (Da genais 2019). Some theoris ts diff erentia te among three typ es o f countries: c ore na tions , semi-p eripheral na tions , and peripheral na tions . Core na tions are those tha t we think o f as highly dev elop ed or indus trializ ed, semi- peripheral na tions are those tha t are o ften c alled dev eloping or newly indus trializ ed, and p eripheral na tions are those tha t are rela tively undev elop ed. While the mos t pervasiv e issue in the U .S. he althc are s ystem is afforda ble ac cess to he althc are, other c ore c ountries ha ve diff erent is sues , and semi-p eripheral and p eripheral nations are fac ed with a hos t of additional c oncerns . Reviewing the s tatus o f glob al he alth o ffers insight into the various w ays tha t politics and w ealth shap e ac cess to he althc are, and it sho ws which p opula tions are mos t19.2 • Global Heal th 563 affecte d by he alth disp arities . Health in High-Income Nations Obesity , which is on the rise in high-inc ome na tions , has b een link ed to man y dise ases , including cardio vascular problems , musculosk eletal problems , dia betes , and respira tory issues . According to the Organiza tion f or E conomic C ooperation and Dev elopment (2011), ob esity ra tes are rising in all c ountries , with the gre atest gains b eing made in the highes t-inc ome c ountries . The Unite d Sta tes has the highes t ob esity ra te at 42 p ercent; some o f these p eople are c onsidere d sev erely ob ese, which o ccurs in 9 p ercent o f U.S. adults (Hales 2020). Wallac e Huffman and his f ellow rese archers (2006) c ontend tha t sev eral factors are c ontributing to the rise in obesity in dev elop ed countries: •Impro vements in technolog y and re duced family siz e ha ve led to a re duction o f work to b e done in household pro duction . •Unhe alth y mark et goods, including pro cessed foods, sweetene d drinks , and s weet and salty snacks are replacing home -pro duced goods. •Leisure activities are gro wing more se dentar y, for e xample , computer g ames , web sur fing , and television viewing . •More w orkers are shifting from activ e work (a griculture and manufacturing ) to ser vice indus tries . •Incre ased ac cess to p assive transp ortation has le d to more driving and les s walking . Obesity and w eight is sues ha ve signific ant so cietal c osts, including lo wer lif e expectancies and higher share d healthc are c osts. While ischemic he art dise ase is the single mos t prev alent c ause o f death in higher -inc ome c ountries , cancers of all typ es c ombine to b e a higher o verall c ause o f death. Cancer ac counts f or twic e as man y de aths as cardio vascular dise ase in higher -inc ome c ountries (Mahase 2019). Health in Low-Income Nations In p eripheral na tions with lo w per capita inc ome , it is not the c ost of he althc are tha t is the mos t pres sing concern. Rather , low-inc ome c ountries mus t mana ge such problems as inf ectious dise ase, high infant mor tality ra tes, scarce me dical personnel , and inade qua te w ater and sew er systems . Due to such he alth concerns , low-inc ome na tions ha ve higher ra tes o f infant mor tality and lo wer a verage life sp ans. One o f the bigg est contributors to me dical is sues in lo w-inc ome c ountries is the lack o f access to cle an w ater and b asic sanita tion resourc es. According to a 2014 UNICEF rep ort, almos t half o f the dev eloping w orld ’s popula tion lacks impro ved sanita tion facilities . The W orld He alth Org aniza tion ( WHO) tracks he alth-rela ted data for 193 c ountries , and org aniz es them b y region . In their 2011 W orld He alth Sta tistics rep ort, the y document the f ollowing s tatistics: •Glob ally in 2019, the ra te of mor tality f or children under fiv e was 38 p er 1,000 liv e bir ths, which is a drama tic chang e from previous dec ades . (In 1990, the ra te w as 93 de aths p er 1,000 bir ths ( World He alth Organiza tion 2020.)) In lo w-inc ome c ountries , however, tha t rate is much higher . The child mor tality ra te in lo w-inc ome na tions w as 11 times higher than tha t of high-inc ome c ountries —76 de aths p er 1,000 bir ths comp ared to 7 de aths p er 1,000 bir ths (K eck 2020). T o consider it regionally , the highes t under -five mor tality ra te remains in the WHO Afric an R egion (74 p er 1000 liv e bir ths), around 9 times higher than that in the WHO Europ ean R egion (8 p er 1000 liv e bir ths) ( World He alth Org aniza tion 2021). •The mos t fre quent c auses o f death in children under fiv e years old are pneumonia, diarrhe a, cong enital anomalies , preterm bir th complic ations , bir th asph yxia /trauma, and malaria, all o f which c an b e prev ente d or tre ated with a fforda ble inter ventions including immuniza tion , ade qua te nutrition , safe water and f ood and quality c are b y a traine d he alth pro vider when nee ded. The a vailability o f do ctors and nurses in lo w-inc ome c ountries is one -tenth tha t of na tions with a high inc ome .564 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Challeng es in ac cess to me dical education and ac cess to p atients e xacerbate this is sue f or w ould-b e me dical professionals in lo w-inc ome c ountries ( World He alth Org aniza tion 2011). 19.3 Health in the United States LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Appl y social epidemiolog y to heal th in the Unit ed Stat es •Explain disparities o f heal th based on g ender , socioec onomic s tatus , race, and ethnicity •Summariz e mental heal th and disability is sues in the Unit ed Stat es •Explain the t erms s tigma and medicalization Health in the Unite d Sta tes is a c omple x and o ften c ontradictor y issue. One the one hand , as one o f the wealthies t na tions , the Unite d Sta tes fares w ell in he alth c omp arisons with the res t of the w orld . Ho wever, the Unite d Sta tes also la gs b ehind almos t every indus trializ ed countr y in terms o f pro viding c are to allits citiz ens. The f ollowing sections lo ok a t diff erent asp ects o f he alth in the Unite d Sta tes. Health by R ace and Ethnicity When lo oking a t the so cial epidemiolog y of the Unite d Sta tes, it is hard to mis s the disp arities among rac es. The discrep ancy b etween Black and White Americ ans sho ws the g ap cle arly; in 2018, the a verage life expectancy f or White males w as appro xima tely fiv e years long er than f or Black males: 78.8 c omp ared to 74.7 (Wamsle y 2021). (N ote tha t in 2020 lif e expectancies o f all rac es decline d fur ther , though the unprec edente d COVID-19 p andemic w as a signific ant c ause.) Other indic ates sho w a similar disp arity . The 2018 infant mor tality ra tes f or diff erent rac es and ethnicities are as f ollows: •Non-Hisp anic Black p eople: 10.8 •Native Ha waiian p eople or other P acific Islanders: 9.4 •Native Americ an/A laska N ative people: 8.2 •Hisp anic p eople: 4.9 •Non-Hisp anic White p eople: 4.6 •Asian and Asian Americ an p eople: 3.6 (C enters f or Dise ase C ontrol 2021) According to a rep ort from the Henr y J. Kaiser F ounda tion (2007), Afric an Americ ans also ha ve higher incidenc e of sev eral dise ases and c auses o f mor tality , from c ancer to he art dise ase to dia betes . In a similar vein, it is imp ortant to note tha t ethnic minorities , including Me xican Americ ans and N ative Americ ans, also have higher ra tes o f these dise ases and c auses o f mor tality than White p eople . Lisa Berkman (2009) notes tha t this g ap s tarted to narro w during the Civil Rights mo vement in the 1960s , but it began widening a gain in the e arly 1980s . Wha t accounts f or these p erpetual disp arities in he alth among different ethnic groups? Much o f the ans wer lies in the lev el of he althc are tha t these groups rec eive. The National He althc are Disp arities R eport sho ws tha t even a fter adjus ting f or insuranc e diff erenc es, racial and ethnic minority groups rec eive poorer quality o f care and les s ac cess to c are than dominant groups . The Report identifie d these racial ine qualities in c are: •Black p eople , Native Americ ans, and A laska N ative people rec eived worse c are than Whites f or a bout 40 percent o f quality me asures . •Hisp anic p eople , Native Ha waiian p eople , and P acific Islanders rec eived worse c are than White p eople f or more than 30 p ercent o f quality me asures . •Asian p eople rec eived worse c are than White p eople f or ne arly 30 p ercent o f quality me asures but b etter care f or ne arly 30 p ercent o f quality me asures (Ag ency f or He althc are R esearch and Quality 2020). Health by Socioeconomic Status Discus sions o f he alth b y rac e and ethnicity o ften o verlap with discus sions o f he alth b y so cioeconomic s tatus, sinc e the tw o concepts are inter twine d in the Unite d Sta tes. As the Ag ency f or He alth R esearch and Quality19.3 • Heal th in the Unit ed S tates 565 (2010) notes , “racial and ethnic minorities are more lik ely than non-Hisp anic whites to b e poor or ne ar p oor,” so much o f the da ta p ertaining to sub ordina te groups is also lik ely to b e pertinent to lo w so cioeconomic groups . Marilyn W inkleb y and her rese arch as sociates (1992) s tate tha t “one o f the s trong est and mos t consis tent pre dictors o f a p erson 's morbidity and mor tality e xperienc e is tha t person 's so cioeconomic s tatus (SES ). This finding p ersis ts acros s all dise ases with f ew e xceptions , continues throughout the entire lif espan, and e xtends acros s numerous risk factors f or dise ase.”Morbidit yis the incidenc e of dise ase. It is imp ortant to rememb er tha t economics are only p art of the SES picture; rese arch sugg ests tha t education also pla ys an imp ortant role . Phelan and Link (2003) note tha t man y behavior -influenc ed dise ases lik e lung cancer (from smoking ), coronar y ar tery dise ase (from p oor e ating and e xercise ha bits), and AIDS initially w ere widespre ad acros s SES groups . Ho wever, onc e inf orma tion linking ha bits to dise ase w as dis semina ted, these dise ases decre ased in high SES groups and incre ased in lo w SES groups . This illus trates the imp ortant role o f education initia tives reg arding a giv en dise ase, as w ell as p ossible ine qualities in ho w those initia tives effectiv ely re ach diff erent SES groups . Health by Gender Women are a ffecte d adv ersely b oth b y une qual ac cess to and ins titutionaliz ed se xism in the he althc are indus try. According to a rec ent rep ort from the K aiser F amily F ounda tion , women e xperienc ed a decline in their a bility to see nee ded sp ecialis ts between 2001 and 2008. In 2008, one quar ter o f women ques tione d the quality o f their he althc are (Ranji and Salg anic o 2011). Quality is p artially indic ated by ac cess and c ost. In 2018, roughly one in f our (26%) w omen— comp ared to one in fiv e (19%) men—rep orted dela ying he althc are or let ting conditions g o untre ated due to c ost. Bec ause o f costs, appro xima tely one in fiv e women p ostpone d prev entiv e care, skipp ed a rec ommende d tes t or tre atment , or re duced their use o f me dication due to c ost (Kaiser F amily Founda tion 2018). We can see an e xample o f ins titutionaliz ed se xism in the w ay tha t women are more lik ely than men to b e diagnose d with c ertain kinds o f mental disorders . Psychologis t Dana Beck er notes tha t 75 p ercent o f all diagnoses o f Borderline P ersonality Disorder (BPD) are f or w omen ac cording to the Diagnos tic Sta tistical Manual o f Mental Disorders . This dia gnosis is characteriz ed by ins tability o f identity , of mo od, and o f behavior , and Beck er argues tha t it has b een use d as a c atch-all dia gnosis f or to o man y women . She fur ther decries the pejora tive connota tion o f the dia gnosis , saying tha t it pre disp oses man y people , both within and outside o f the profession o f psychotherap y, agains t women who ha ve been so dia gnose d (Beck er). Man y critics also p oint to the me dicaliza tion o f women ’s issues as an e xample o f ins titutionaliz ed se xism . Medicalizat ion refers to the pro cess by which previously normal asp ects o f life are re define d as deviant and needing me dical attention to reme dy. His toric ally and c ontemp oraneously , man y asp ects o f women ’s liv es have been me dicalized, including mens truation , premens trual s yndrome , pregnancy , childbir th, and menop ause. The me dicaliza tion o f pregnancy and childbir th has b een p articularly c ontentious in rec ent decades , with man y women opting a gains t the me dical pro cess and cho osing a more na tural childbir th. Fox and W orts (1999) find tha t all w omen e xperienc e pain and anxiety during the bir th pro cess, but tha t social supp ort reliev es b oth as eff ectiv ely as me dical supp ort. In other w ords , me dical inter ventions are no more effectiv e than so cial ones a t helping with the difficulties o f pain and childbir th. Fox and W orts fur ther f ound that women with supp ortive partners ende d up with les s me dical inter vention and f ewer cases o f postpartum depres sion . Of c ourse , access to quality bir th care outside the s tandard me dical mo dels ma y not b e re adily available to w omen o f all so cial clas ses.566 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Medicaliz ation of Sleeplessness FIGURE 19.4 Man y people fail t o get enough sleep . But is insomnia a disease that should be cur ed with medication? (Credit: Wikimedia Commons) How is y our “ sleep h ygiene? ” Sleep h ygiene r efers t o the lif estyle and sleep habits that c ontribut e to sleeples snes s. Bad habits that can lead t o sleeples snes s include inc onsis tent bedtimes , lack o f exercise, late-night emplo yment, napping during the da y, and sleep en vironments that include noise , lights , or scr een time (National Ins titut es o f Heal th 2011a). According t o the National Ins titut e of Heal th, e xamining sleep h ygiene is the firs t step in tr ying t o sol ve a pr oblem with sleeples snes s. For man y people in the Unit ed Stat es, however, making chang es in sleep h ygiene does not seem t o be enough. According t o a 2006 r epor t from the Ins titut e of Medicine , sleeples snes s is an underr ecogniz ed public heal th problem aff ecting up t o 70 mil lion people . It is int eresting t o not e that in the months (or y ears) aft er this r epor t was released, adv ertising b y the pharmac eutical c ompanies behind Ambien, L unes ta, and Sepr acor (thr ee sleep aids) averaged $188 mil lion w eekl y promoting these drugs (Gel lene 2009). According t o a s tudy in the American Journal o f Public Heal th(2011), pr escrip tions f or sleep medications incr eased dramatical ly from 1993 t o 2007. While c omplaints o f sleeples snes s during doct or’s office visits mor e than doubled during this time , insomnia diagnoses incr eased mor e than se venfold, fr om about 840,000 t o 6.1 mil lion. The authors of the s tudy c onclude that sleeples snes s has been medicaliz ed as
🏥 Mental Health and Disability Landscape
🧠 Mental disorders affect 20% of U.S. adults (50+ million people), with anxiety disorders (18% annually) and mood disorders (10% annually) being most common, creating significant personal and societal challenges
👨👩👧👦 Childhood conditions like ADHD (9% of children) and Autism Spectrum Disorders (1 in 54 children) face increasing diagnosis rates, yet often encounter social misunderstanding and stigmatization
♿ Disability creates both physical limitations (impairments) and social limitations, with the Americans with Disabilities Act (1990) addressing accessibility issues that many able-bodied people take for granted
💰 Healthcare access remains problematic with 31 million Americans uninsured (2020) despite improvements from the Affordable Care Act, leaving many vulnerable to both acute and chronic health conditions
🏋️ Obesity stigmatization persists as perhaps "the last acceptable prejudice," with overweight individuals facing discrimination in education, employment, media representation, and even healthcare settings
🌐 Healthcare systems vary globally, with core nations focusing on modern medicine while peripheral countries often rely more heavily on traditional approaches, creating structural differences in care delivery
insomnia , and that “insomnia ma y be a public heal th concern, but pot ential o vertreatment with mar ginal ly eff ectiv e, expensiv e medications with nontrivial side effects r aises definit e population heal th concerns” (Molone y, Konrad, and Zimmer 2011). Indeed, a s tudy published in 2004 in the Archiv es o f Int ernal Medicine shows that c ognitiv e beha vioral ther apy, not medication, w as the mos t effectiv e sleep int ervention (Jac obs, Pace-Schot t, Stick gold, and Ot to 2004). A centur y ag o, people who c ouldn ’t sleep w ere told t o count sheep . No w the y pop a pil l, and al l those pil ls add up t o a very lucr ative mark et for the pharmac eutical indus try. Is this indus try behind the medicalization o f sleeples snes s,SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD19.3 • Heal th in the Unit ed S tates 567 or is it jus t responding t o a need? Mental Health and Disability The tre atment rec eived by those define d as mentally ill or disa bled varies gre atly from c ountr y to c ountr y. In the p ost-millennial Unite d Sta tes, those o f us who ha ve nev er experienc ed such a disadv anta ge tak e for grante d the rights our so ciety guarantees f or e ach citiz en. We do not think a bout the rela tively rec ent na ture o f the protections , unles s, of course , we kno w someone c onstantly inc onvenienc ed by the lack o f accommo dations or mis fortune o f suddenly e xperiencing a temp orar y disa bility . Mental Health People with mental disorders (a c ondition tha t mak es it more difficult to c ope with ev eryday life) and p eople with mental illnes s (a sev ere, las ting mental disorder tha t requires long-term tre atment) e xperienc e a wide rang e of eff ects . According to the N ational Ins titute o f Mental He alth (NIMH), the Unite d Sta tes has o ver 50 million adults with mental illnes s or mental disorder , or 20 p ercent o f the total adult p opula tion . Of these , 13 million ha ve wha t is c onsidere d serious mental illnes s or mental disorder (5 p ercent o f the adult p opula tion); serious mental illnes s is tha t which c auses imp airment or disa bility (N ational Ins titute o f Mental He alth 2021). Finally , 16.5 p ercent o f children a ged 6-17 e xperienc ed mental illnes s or disorder (N ational A llianc e on Mental Illnes s 2021). The mos t common mental disorders in the Unite d Sta tes are anxiet y disorders . Almos t 18 p ercent o f U.S. adults are lik ely to b e affecte d in a single y ear, and 28 p ercent are lik ely to b e affecte d over the c ourse o f a lifetime (Anxiety and Depres sion Ins titute o f Americ a 2021). It is imp ortant to dis tinguish b etween o ccasional feelings o f anxiety and a tr ue anxiety disorder . Anxiety is a normal re action to s tres s tha t we all f eel a t some point , but anxiety disorders are f eelings o f worry and f earfulnes s tha t las t for months a t a time . Anxiety disorders include obses sive compulsiv e disorder (O CD), p anic disorders , posttrauma tic s tres s disorder (PT SD), and b oth so cial and sp ecific phobias . The sec ond mos t common mental disorders in the Unite d Sta tes are mood disorders ; roughly 10 p ercent o f U.S. adults are lik ely to b e affecte d yearly , while 21 p ercent are lik ely to b e affecte d over the c ourse o f a lif etime (National Ins titute o f Mental He alth 2005). Mo od disorders are the mos t common c auses o f illnes s-rela ted hospitaliza tion in the U .S. (Ag ency f or He althc are R esearch and Quality 2021). Major mo od disorders are depres sion and dy sthymic disorder . Lik e anxiety , depres sion might seem lik e something tha t everyone experienc es a t some p oint , and it is tr ue tha t mos t people f eel sad or “blue ” at times in their liv es. A tr ue depres sive episo de, however, is more than jus t feeling sad f or a shor t perio d. It is a long-term , debilita ting illnes s tha t usually nee ds tre atment to cure . Bip olar disorder is characteriz ed by drama tic shifts in energ y and mood, often a ffecting the individual ’s ability to c arry out da y-to-day tasks . Bip olar disorder use d to b e called manic depres sion b ecause o f the w ay people w ould s wing b etween manic and depres sive episo des. Dep ending on wha t definition is use d, there is some o verlap b etween mo od disorders and personalit y disorders , which a ffect 9 p ercent o f people in the Unite d Sta tes y early . A p ersonality disorder is an enduring and infle xible p attern o f long dura tion le ading to signific ant dis tres s or imp airment , tha t is not due to use o f subs tanc es or another me dical condition . In other w ords , personality disorders c ause p eople to b ehave in w ays that are seen as a bnormal to so ciety but seem normal to them . The dia gnosis and clas sific ation reg arding p ersonality disorders has b een ev olving and is somewha t contro versial . To guide dia gnosis and p otential tre atments o f mental disorders , the Americ an P sychologic al Association publishes the Diagnos tic and Sta tistical Manual on Mental Disorders (DSM). Exp erts w orking on the la test version initially prop osed changing the c ategories o f personality disorders . Ho wever, the final public ation retains the original ten c ategories , but c ontains an alterna te/emerging appro ach f or clas sifying them . This ev olution demons trates the challeng es and the wide arra y of tre ating c onditions , and also represents are as o f diff erenc e between theoris ts, practitioners , governing b odies , and other s takeholders . As568 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. discus sed in the So ciologic al Research chapter , study and in vestigation is a dilig ent and multi-dimensional process. As the dia gnos tic applic ation ev olves, we will see ho w their definitions help scholars acros s disciplines unders tand the intersection o f he alth is sues and ho w the y are define d by so cial ins titutions and cultural norms . FIGURE 19.5 Medication is a c ommon op tion f or childr en with ADHD . (Cr edit: De viation56/Wikimedia Commons) Another c ommonly dia gnose d mental disorder is A ttention-Deficit /Hyp eractivity Disorder (ADHD), which affects 9 p ercent o f U.S. children and 4 p ercent o f adults on a lif etime b asis (Danielson 2018). Sinc e ADHD is one o f the mos t common childho od disorders , it is o ften inc orrectly c onsidere d only a dise ase f ound in children . But ADHD c an b e a serious is sue f or adults who either had b een dia gnose d as children or who are diagnose d as adults . ADHD is mark ed by difficulty p aying a ttention , difficulty c ontrolling b ehavior , and hyperactivity . As a result , it c an le ad to e duc ational and b ehavioral is sues in children , suc cess issues in c olleg e, and challeng es in w orkplac e and family lif e. Ho wever, there is some so cial deb ate over whether such dr ugs are being o verprescrib ed (Americ an P sychologic al As sociation). A signific ant difficulty in dia gnosis , tre atment , and so cietal unders tanding o f ADHD is tha t it chang es in e xpres sion b ased on a wide rang e of factors , including a ge (CHADD 2020). Autism S pectr um Disorders (ASD) enc omp ass a group o f dev elopmental brain disorders tha t are characteriz ed by "deficits in so cial interaction , verbal and non verbal communic ation , and eng agement in rep etitiv e behaviors or interes ts” (N ational Ins titute o f Mental He alth). As o f 2021, the CD C es tima tes tha t 1 in 54 children has an a utism sp ectr um disorder . Beyond the v ery high incidenc e, the ra te of dia gnosis has b een incre asing s teadily as a warenes s became more widespre ad. In 2005, the ra te w as 1 in 166 children; in 2012 it was 1 in 88 children . The ra te of incre ase and a warenes s has as sisted dia gnosis and tre atment , but a utism is a cause o f signific ant f ear among p arents and families . Bec ause o f its imp act on rela tionships and esp ecially verbal communic ation , children with a utism (and their p arents) c an b e shunne d, gros sly misunders tood, and mis treated. For e xample , people with an a utism sp ectr um disorder who c annot v erbalize are o ften as sume d to be unintellig ent, or are sometimes left out o f conversa tions or activities b ecause others f eel the y cannot particip ate. Parents ma y be reluctant to let their children pla y with or as sociate with children with ASD . Adults with ASD g o through man y of the same misc onceptions and mis treatments , such as b eing denie d opp ortunities or b eing made to f eel un welcome (A pplie d Beha vior Analy sis).19.3 • Heal th in the Unit ed S tates 569 Disability FIGURE 19.6 The handicapped ac cessible sign indicat es that people with disabilities can ac cess the facility . The Americans with Disabilities Act r equir es that ac cess be pr ovided t o everyone. (Cr edit: L tljltlj/Wikimedia Commons) Disabilit yrefers to a re duction in one ’s ability to p erform ev eryday tasks . The W orld He alth Org aniza tion mak es a dis tinction b etween the v arious terms use d to describ e handic aps tha t’s imp ortant to the so ciologic al persp ectiv e. The y use the term imp airment to describ e the ph ysical limita tions , while reser ving the term disa bility to ref er to the so cial limita tion . Before the p assage of the Americ ans with Disa bilities A ct (AD A) in 1990, p eople in the Unite d Sta tes with disa bilities w ere o ften e xclude d from opp ortunities and so cial ins titutions man y of us tak e for grante d. This occurre d not only through emplo yment and other kinds o f discrimina tion but also through c asual ac ceptanc e by mos t people in the Unite d Sta tes o f a w orld designe d for the c onvenienc e of the a ble-bodied. Ima gine b eing in a wheelchair and tr ying to use a sidew alk without the b enefit o f wheelchair -accessible curbs . Ima gine as a blind p erson tr ying to ac cess inf orma tion without the widespre ad a vailability o f Braille . Ima gine ha ving limite d motor c ontrol and b eing fac ed with a difficult -to-grasp round do or handle . Issues lik e these are wha t the AD A tries to addres s. Ramps on sidew alks , Braille ins tructions , and more ac cessible do or lev ers are all accommo dations to help p eople with disa bilities . People with disa bilities c an b e stigma tized by their illnes ses.Stigmat izat ion means their identity is sp oiled; they are la beled as diff erent , discrimina ted agains t, and sometimes ev en shunne d. The y are la beled (as an interactionis t might p oint out) and ascrib ed a mas ter s tatus (as a functionalis t might note), b ecoming “ the blind girl ” or “ the b oy in the wheelchair ” ins tead o f someone a fforde d a full identity b y so ciety . This c an b e especially tr ue for p eople who are disa bled due to mental illnes s or disorders . As discus sed in the section on mental he alth , man y mental he alth disorders c an b e debilita ting and c an a ffect a person ’s ability to c ope with ev eryday life. This c an a ffect so cial s tatus, housing , and esp ecially emplo yment . According to the B ureau of Labor Sta tistics (2011), p eople with a disa bility had a higher ra te of unemplo yment than p eople without a disa bility in 2010: 14.8 p ercent to 9.4 p ercent. This unemplo yment ra te ref ers only to people activ ely lo oking f or a job . In fact , eight out o f ten p eople with a disa bility are c onsidere d “out o f the la bor force;” tha t is, the y do not ha ve jobs and are not lo oking f or them . The c ombina tion o f this p opula tion and the high unemplo yment ra te le ads to an emplo yment -popula tion ra tio o f 18.6 p ercent among those with disa bilities . The emplo yment -popula tion ra tio f or p eople without disa bilities w as much higher , at 63.5 p ercent (U.S. B ureau of Labor Sta tistics 2011).570 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Obesity: The Last Acceptable Prejudice? Many people who see a person with obesity may make negative assumptions about them based on their size. According to a study from the Yale Rudd Center for Food Policy and Obesity, large people are the object of “widespread negative stereotypes that overweight and obese persons are lazy, unmotivated, lacking in self- discipline, less competent, noncompliant, and sloppy” (Puhl and Heuer 2009). Historically, both in the United States and elsewhere, it was considered acceptable to discriminate against people based on prejudiced opinions. Even after slavery was abolished through the 13th Amendment in 1865, institutionalized racism and prejudice against Black people persisted. In an example of stereotype interchangeability, the same insults that are flung today at the overweight and obese population (lazy, for instance) have been flung at various racial and ethnic groups in earlier history. Why is it considered acceptable to feel prejudice toward—even to hate—people with obesity? Puhl and Heuer suggest that these feelings stem from the perception that obesity is preventable through self-control, better diet, and more exercise. Highlighting this contention is the fact that studies have shown that people’s perceptions of obesity are more positive when they think the obesity was caused by non-controllable factors like biology (a thyroid condition, for instance) or genetics. Health experts emphasize that obesity is a disease, and that it is not the result of simple overeating. There are often a number of contributing factors that make it more difficult to avoid. Even with some understanding of non- controllable factors that might affect obesity, people with obesity are still subject to stigmatization. Puhl and Heuer’s study is one of many that document discrimination at work, in the media, and even in the medical profession. Large people are less likely to get into college than thinner people, and they are less likely to succeed at work. Stigmatization of people with obesity comes in many forms, from the seemingly benign to the potentially illegal. In movies and television shows, overweight people are often portrayed negatively, or as stock characters who are the butt of jokes. One study found that in children’s movies “obesity was equated with negative traits (evil, unattractive, unfriendly, cruel) in 64 percent of the most popular children's videos. In 72 percent of the videos, characters with thin bodies had desirable traits, such as kindness or happiness” (Hines and Thompson 2007). In movies and television for adults, the negative portrayal is often meant to be funny. Think about the way you have seen obese people portrayed in movies and on television; now think of any other subordinate group being openly denigrated in such a way. It is dif ficult to fi nd a parallel example. 19.4 Comparative Health and Medicine LEARNING OBJECTIVES By the end of this section, you should be able to: • Explain the different types of health care available in the United States • Compare the health care system of the United States with that of other countries There are broad, structural differences among the healthcare systems of different countries. In core nations, those differences might arise in the administration of healthcare, while the care itself is similar. In peripheral and semi-peripheral countries, a lack of basic healthcare administration can be the defining feature of the system. Most countries rely on some combination of modern and traditional medicine. In core countries with large investments in technology, research, and equipment, the focus is usually on modern medicine, with traditional (also called alternative or complementary) medicine playing a secondary role. In the United States, for instance, the American Medical Association (AMA) resolved to support the incorporation of complementary and alternative medicine in medical education. In developing countries, even quickly modernizing ones like China, traditional medicine (often understood as “complementary” by the western world) may still play aSOCIOLOGY IN THE REAL WORLD19.4 • Comparative Health and Medicine 571 larg er role . U.S. Healthcar e U.S. he althc are c overage can bro adly b e divide d into tw o main c ategories: public he althc are (government - funde d) and priv ate he althc are (priv ately funde d). The tw o main publicly funde d he althc are programs are Me dicare, which pro vides he alth ser vices to p eople over sixty -five years old as w ell as p eople who meet other s tandards f or disa bility , and Me dicaid, which provides ser vices to p eople with v ery low inc omes who meet other eligibility re quirements . Other g overnment - funde d programs include ser vice agencies f ocuse d on N ative Americ ans (the Indian He alth Ser vice), V eterans (the V eterans He alth A dminis tration), and children (the Children ’s He alth Insuranc e Program). Private insuranc e is typic ally c ategoriz ed as either emplo yment -based insuranc e or direct -purchase insuranc e. Emplo yment -based insuranc e is he alth plan c overage tha t is pro vide d in whole or in p art by an emplo yer or union; it c an c over jus t the emplo yee, or the emplo yee and their family . Direct purchase insuranc e is coverage tha t an individual buy s directly from a priv ate comp any. Even with all these options , a siza ble p ortion o f the U .S. p opula tion remains uninsure d. In 2019, a bout 26 million p eople , or 8 p ercent o f U.S. residents , had no he alth insuranc e. 2020 sa w tha t numb er g o up to 31 million (K eith 2020). Sev eral more million had he alth insuranc e for p art of the y ear (K eisler -Stark ey 2020). Uninsure d people are a t risk o f both sev ere illnes s and also chronic illnes ses tha t dev elop o ver time . Fewer uninsure d people eng age in regular check -ups or prev enta tive me dicine , and rely on urg ent c are f or a rang e of acute he alth is sues . The numb er o f uninsure d people is far lo wer than in previous dec ades . In 2013 and in man y of the y ears prec eding it , the numb er o f uninsure d people w as in the 40 million rang e, or roughly 18 p ercent o f the popula tion . The Aff orda ble C are A ct, which c ame into full f orce in 2014, allo wed more p eople to g et afforda ble insuranc e. The uninsure d numb er re ache d its lo west point in 2016, b efore b eginning to climb a gain (G arfield 2019). People ha ving some insuranc e ma y mask the fact tha t the y could b e underinsure d; tha t is, people who p ay at least 10 p ercent o f their inc ome on he althc are c osts not c overed by insuranc e or, for lo w-inc ome adults , those whose me dical expenses or de ductibles are a t least 5 p ercent o f their inc ome (Scho en, Doty , Robertson , and Collins 2011). Why are so man y people uninsure d or underinsure d? Skyro cketing he althc are c osts are p art of the is sue. While mos t people g et their insuranc e through their emplo yer, not all emplo yers o ffer it , esp ecially retail comp anies or small busines ses in which man y of the w orkers ma y be part time . Finally , for man y years insurers c ould den y coverage to p eople with pre -existing c onditions --previous illnes ses or chronic dise ases . The P atient P rotection and Aff orda ble C are A ct (o ften a bbrevia ted ACA or nickname d Ob amac are) w as a landmark chang e in U .S. he althc are. Passed in 2010 and fully implemente d in 2014, it incre ased eligibility to programs lik e Me dicaid, help ed guarantee insuranc e coverage for p eople with pre -existing c onditions , and establishe d regula tions to mak e sure tha t the premium funds c ollecte d by insurers and c are pro viders g o directly to me dical care. It also include d an individual mandate , which re quires ev eryone to
🏥 Healthcare Systems Compared
🔄 The Affordable Care Act (ACA) has provided health insurance to 29 million Americans while remaining politically contentious, with ongoing legal challenges and shifting public opinion despite its widespread impact
🌍 Universal healthcare systems in countries like Canada and Britain differ significantly from the U.S. model, with various approaches to government involvement ranging from public funding with private providers to fully socialized medicine
🌱 Global health disparities remain severe, with developing nations facing dramatically higher maternal and infant mortality rates, alongside preventable diseases like malaria that the WHO has targeted through Millennium Development Goals
🔍 Theoretical perspectives offer different interpretations: functionalists view illness as sanctioned deviance with specific social roles, conflict theorists see healthcare inequalities as products of capitalism, and interactionists examine how conditions become medicalized or demedicalized
💰 Health commodification creates significant disparities along lines of class, race, gender, age, and sexuality, with dominant groups maintaining power through healthcare access while subordinate groups suffer disproportionately
🧠 The social construction of illness transforms how we perceive conditions—alcoholism shifted from moral failing to disease, while other conditions like homosexuality underwent demedicalization as social attitudes evolved
ha ve insuranc e coverage by 2014 or p ay a p enalty . A series o f pro visions , including signific ant subsidies , are intende d to addres s the discrep ancies in inc ome tha t are currently c ontributing to high ra tes o f uninsuranc e and underinsuranc e. In 2012 the U .S. Supreme C ourt upheld the c onstitutionality o f the A CA's individual manda te. 29 million p eople in the Unite d Sta tes ha ve gaine d he alth insuranc e under A CA (E conomic P olicy Ins titute 2021).572 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 19.7 The Aff ordable Car e Act has been a sa vior f or some and a tar get for others . As Congr ess and v arious state governments sought t o ha ve it o verturned with la ws or t o ha ve it diminished b y the c ourts, suppor ters t ook t o the s treets t o express its impor tanc e to them. (Cr edit: Mol ly Adams) The A CA remains c ontentious . The Supreme C ourt ruled in the c ase o fNational F edera tion o f Indep endent Busines ses v . Seb elius in 2012, tha t states c annot b e forced to p articip ate in the PP ACA's Me dicaid e xpansion . This r uling op ened the do or to fur ther challeng es to the A CA in C ongres s and the F ederal c ourts, some s tate governments , conser vative groups and indep endent busines ses. The A CA has b een a driving factor in elections and public opinion . In 2010 and 2014, man y Republic an g ains in C ongres sional se ats w ere rela ted to fierc e concern a bout Ob amac are. Ho wever, onc e millions o f people w ere c overed by the la w and the ec onom y continue d to impro ve, public sentiment and elections s wung the other w ay. He althc are w as the top is sue f or voters , and desire to preser ve the la w w as cre dite d for man y of the Demo cratic g ains in the election , which carrie d over to 2020. Healthcar e Elsewher e Clearly , healthc are in the Unite d Sta tes has some are as for impro vement . But ho w do es it c omp are to healthc are in other c ountries? Man y people in the Unite d Sta tes are f ond o f saying tha t this c ountr y has the best he althc are in the w orld , and while it is tr ue tha t the Unite d Sta tes has a higher quality o f care a vailable than man y peripheral or semi-p eripheral na tions , it is not nec essarily the “b est in the w orld .” In a rep ort on how U.S. he althc are c omp ares to tha t of other c ountries , rese archers f ound tha t the Unite d Sta tes do es “rela tively w ell in some are as—such as c ancer care—and les s well in others —such as mor tality from c onditions amena ble to prev ention and tre atment ” (Do cteur and Berenson 2009). One critique o f the P atient P rotection and Aff orda ble C are A ct is tha t it will cre ate a s ystem o f socializ ed medicine , a term tha t for man y people in the Unite d Sta tes has neg ative connota tions ling ering from the C old War era and e arlier . Under a socializ ed me dicine system , the g overnment o wns and r uns the s ystem . It emplo ys the do ctors , nurses , and other s taff, and it o wns and r uns the hospitals (Klein 2009). The b est example of socializ ed me dicine is in Gre at Britain , where the N ational He alth Sy stem (NHS ) giv es free he althc are to all its residents . And despite some U .S. citiz ens’ knee -jerk re action to an y he althc are chang es tha t hint o f19.4 • Compar ative Heal th and Medicine 573 socialism , the Unite d Sta tes has one so cializ ed system with the V eterans He alth A dminis tration . It is imp ortant to dis tinguish b etween so cializ ed me dicine , in which the g overnment o wns the he althc are system , and univ ersal he althc are, which is simply a s ystem tha t guarantees he althc are c overage for ev eryone. German y, Sing apore, and C anada all ha ve univ ersal he althc are. People o ften lo ok to C anada ’s univ ersal healthc are s ystem , Me dicare, as a mo del f or the s ystem . In C anada, he althc are is publicly funde d and is adminis tere d by the sep arate pro vincial and territorial g overnments . Ho wever, the c are itself c omes from priv ate pro viders . This is the main diff erenc e between univ ersal he althc are and so cializ ed me dicine . The Canada He alth A ct of 1970 re quire d tha t all he alth insuranc e plans mus t be “available to all eligible C anadian residents , comprehensiv e in c overage, accessible , portable among pro vinc es, and publicly adminis tere d” (Interna tional He alth Sy stems C anada 2010). Heated discus sions a bout so cializa tion o f me dicine and mana ged-care options seem friv olous when c omp ared with the is sues o f he althc are s ystems in dev eloping or underdev elop ed countries . In man y countries , per capita inc ome is so lo w, and g overnments are so fracture d, tha t he althc are as w e kno w it is vir tually non- existent . Care tha t people in dev elop ed countries tak e for grante d—lik e hospitals , healthc are w orkers, immuniza tions , antibiotics and other me dications , and ev en sanitar y water f or drinking and w ashing—are una vailable to much o f the p opula tion . Org aniza tions lik e Do ctors W ithout Borders , UNICEF , and the W orld Health Org aniza tion ha ve pla yed an imp ortant role in helping these c ountries g et their mos t basic he alth needs met . FIGURE 19.8 This map sho ws the c ountries wher e malaria is kno wn t o oc cur. In lo w-income c ountries , malaria is still a c ommon cause o f death. (Cr edit: CDC/Wikimedia Commons) WHO , which is the he alth arm o f the Unite d Nations , set eight Millennium Dev elopment Go als (MD Gs) in 2000 with the aim o f reaching these g oals b y 2015. Some o f the g oals de al more bro adly with the so cioeconomic factors tha t influenc e he alth , but MD Gs 4, 5, and 6 all rela te sp ecific ally to larg e-scale he alth c oncerns , the lik es of which mos t people in the Unite d Sta tes will nev er contempla te. MD G 4 is to re duce child mor tality , MD G 5 aims to impro ve ma ternal he alth , and MD G 6 s trives to c omb at HIV /AIDS, malaria, and other dise ases . The goals ma y not seem p articularly drama tic, but the numb ers b ehind them sho w ho w serious the y are . For MD G 4, the WHO rep orts tha t 2009 infant mor tality ra tes in “ children under 5 y ears old in the WHO Afric an Region (127 p er 1000 liv e bir ths) and in lo w-inc ome c ountries (117 p er 1000 liv e bir ths) [had dropp ed], but they were s till higher than the 1990 glob al lev el of 89 p er 1000 liv e bir ths” ( World He alth Org aniza tion 2011). The fact tha t these de aths c ould ha ve been a voide d through appropria te me dicine and cle an drinking w ater shows the imp ortanc e of he althc are.574 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Much progres s has b een made on MD G 5, with ma ternal de aths decre asing b y 34 p ercent. Ho wever, almos t all maternal de aths o ccurre d in dev eloping c ountries , with the Afric an region s till e xperiencing high numb ers (World He alth Org aniza tion 2011). On MD G 6, the WHO is seeing some decre ases in p er capita incidenc e ra tes o f malaria, tub erculosis , HIV /AIDS, and other dise ases . Ho wever, the decre ases are o ften o ffset b y popula tion incre ases ( World He alth Organiza tion 2011). Ag ain, the lo west-inc ome c ountries , esp ecially in the Afric an region , experienc e the w orst problems with dise ase. An imp ortant c omp onent o f dise ase prev ention and c ontrol is epidemiolog y, or the study o f the incidenc e, dis tribution , and p ossible c ontrol o f dise ases . Fear o f Eb ola c ontamina tion , primarily in Western Afric a but also to a smaller degree in the Unite d Sta tes, became na tional new s in the summer and fall of 2014. 19.5 Theor etical P erspectives on Health and Medicine LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Appl y functionalis t, conflict theoris t, and int eractionis t perspectiv es to heal th is sues Each o f the three major theoretic al persp ectiv es appro aches the topics o f he alth , illnes s, and me dicine differently . You ma y pref er jus t one o f the theories tha t follow, or y ou ma y find tha t combining theories and persp ectiv es pro vides a fuller picture o f ho w w e experienc e he alth and w ellnes s. Functionalism According to the functionalis t persp ectiv e, health is vital to the s tability o f the so ciety , and theref ore sicknes s is a sanctione d form o f devianc e. Talcott Parsons (1951) w as the firs t to discus s this in terms o f the sick role : patterns o f expecta tions tha t define appropria te behavior f or the sick and f or those who tak e care o f them . According to P arsons , the sick p erson has a sp ecific role with b oth rights and resp onsibilities . To start with , the sick p erson has not chosen to b e sick and should not b e tre ated as resp onsible f or her c ondition . The sick person also has the right o f being e xempt from normal so cial roles; the y are not re quire d to fulfill the oblig ation o f a w ell p erson and c an a void her normal resp onsibilities without c ensure . Ho wever, this exemption is temp orar y and rela tive to the sev erity o f the illnes s. The e xemption also re quires legit imat ion by a ph ysician; tha t is, a ph ysician mus t certify tha t the illnes s is g enuine . The resp onsibility o f the sick p erson is tw ofold: to tr y to g et w ell and to seek technic ally c omp etent help from a physician . If the sick p erson s tays ill long er than is appropria te (maling ers), the y ma y be stigma tized. Parsons argues tha t sinc e the sick are una ble to fulfill their normal so cietal roles , their sicknes s weakens the society . Theref ore, it is sometimes nec essary for v arious f orms o f social c ontrol to bring the b ehavior o f a sick person b ack in line with normal e xpecta tions . In this mo del o f he alth , doctors ser ve as g atekeepers, deciding who is he alth y and who is sick —a rela tionship in which the do ctor has all the p ower. But is it appropria te to allow do ctors so much p ower o ver deciding who is sick? And wha t about p eople who are sick , but are un willing to le ave their p ositions f or an y numb er o f reasons (p ersonal/so cial oblig ations , financial nee d, or lack o f insuranc e, for ins tanc e). Conflict P erspective Theoris ts using the c onflict p ersp ectiv e sugg est tha t issues with the he althc are s ystem , as with mos t other social problems , are ro oted in c apitalis t society . According to c onflict theoris ts, capitalism and the pursuit o f profit le ad to the commo dific ation of he alth: the changing o f something not g enerally thought o f as a commo dity into something tha t can b e bought and sold in a mark etplac e. In this view , people with mone y and power—the dominant group —are the ones who mak e decisions a bout ho w the he althc are s ystem will b e run. The y theref ore ensure tha t the y will ha ve he althc are c overage, while simultaneously ensuring tha t sub ordina te groups s tay sub ordina te through lack o f access. This cre ates signific ant he althc are—and he alth— disp arities between the dominant and sub ordina te groups .19.5 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Heal th and Medicine 575 Alongside the he alth disp arities cre ated by clas s ine qualities , there are a numb er o f he alth disp arities cre ated by racism , sexism , ageism , and heterose xism . When he alth is a c ommo dity , the p oor are more lik ely to experienc e illnes s caused by poor diet , to liv e and w ork in unhe alth y en vironments , and are les s lik ely to challeng e the s ystem . In the Unite d Sta tes, a disprop ortiona te numb er o f racial minorities also ha ve les s economic p ower, so the y bear a gre at deal of the burden o f poor he alth . It is not only the p oor who suff er from the c onflict b etween dominant and sub ordina te groups . For man y years no w, same -sex couples ha ve been denie d sp ousal b enefits , either in the f orm o f he alth insuranc e or in terms o f me dical resp onsibility . Further adding to the is sue, doctors hold a disprop ortiona te amount o f power in the do ctor /patient rela tionship , which provides them with e xtensiv e so cial and ec onomic b enefits . While c onflict theoris ts are ac cura te in p ointing out c ertain ine qualities in the he althc are s ystem , the y do not give enough cre dit to me dical adv ances tha t would not ha ve been made without an ec onomic s tructure to supp ort and rew ard rese archers: a s tructure dep endent on pro fitability . Additionally , in their criticism o f the power diff erential b etween do ctor and p atient , the y are p erhaps dismis sive of the hard-w on me dical expertise possessed by do ctors and not p atients , which renders a tr uly eg alitarian rela tionship more elusiv e. Symbolic Inter actionism According to theoris ts w orking in this p ersp ectiv e, health and illnes s are b oth so cially c onstructe d. As w e discus sed in the b eginning o f the chapter , interactionis ts focus on the sp ecific me anings and c auses p eople attribute to illnes s. The term medicalizat ion of de vianc erefers to the pro cess tha t chang es “b ad” behavior into “ sick ” behavior . A rela ted pro cess is deme dicalizat ion, in which “ sick ” behavior is normaliz ed again. Medicaliza tion and deme dicaliza tion a ffect who resp onds to the p atient , how people resp ond to the p atient , and ho w people view the p ersonal resp onsibility o f the p atient (C onrad and Schneider 1992). FIGURE 19.9 In this engr aving fr om the ninet eenth c entur y, “King Alc ohol ” is sho wn with a sk eleton on a barr el of alcohol . The w ords “poverty,” “miser y,” “crime ,” and “ death ” hang in the air behind him. (Cr edit: Libr ary of Congr ess/ Wikimedia Commons) An e xample o f me dicaliza tion is illus trated by the his tory of ho w our so ciety view s alc ohol and alc oholism . During the nineteenth c entur y, people who drank to o much w ere c onsidere d bad, lazy p eople . The y were called dr unks , and it w as not unc ommon f or them to b e arres ted or r un out o f a to wn. Drunks w ere not tre ated576 19 • Heal th and Medicine Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. in a s ymp athetic w ay because, at tha t time , it w as thought tha t it w as their o wn fa ult tha t the y could not s top drinking . During the la tter half o f the tw entieth c entur y, however, people who drank to o much w ere incre asingly define d as alc oholics: p eople with a dise ase or a g enetic pre disp osition to addiction who w ere not resp onsible f or their drinking . With alc oholism define d as a dise ase and not a p ersonal choic e, alc oholics c ame to b e view ed with more c omp assion and unders tanding . Thus , “badnes s” w as trans forme d into “ sicknes s.” There are numerous e xamples o f deme dicaliza tion in his tory as w ell. During the Civil W ar era, ensla ved people who esc aped from their ensla vers w ere dia gnose d with a mental disorder c alled drap etomania. This has sinc e been reinterprete d as a c ompletely appropria te resp onse to b eing ensla ved. A more rec ent e xample is homose xuality , which w as la beled a mental disorder or a se xual orienta tion dis turb ance by the Americ an Psychologic al As sociation until 1973. While interactionism do es ackno wledge the subjectiv e na ture o f dia gnosis , it is imp ortant to rememb er who mos t benefits when a b ehavior b ecomes define d as illnes s. Pharmac eutic al comp anies mak e billions tre ating illnes ses such as fa tigue , insomnia, and h yperactivity tha t ma y not actually b e illnes ses in nee d of tre atment , but opp ortunities f or c omp anies to mak e more mone y.19.5 • Theor etical P erspectiv es on Heal th and Medicine 577 Key T erms anxiet y disorders feelings o f worry and f earfulnes s tha t las t for months a t a time commo dific ation the changing o f something not g enerally thought o f as a c ommo dity into something tha t can b e bought and sold in a mark etplac e contes ted illnes ses illnes ses tha t are ques tione d or c onsidere d ques tiona ble b y some me dical professionals deme dicalizat ion the so cial pro cess tha t normaliz es “sick ” behavior disabilit y a re duction in one ’s ability to p erform ev eryday tasks; the W orld He alth Org aniza tion notes tha t this is a so cial limita tion epidemiolog y the s tudy o f the incidenc e, dis tribution , and p ossible c ontrol o f dise ases imp airment the ph ysical limita tions a les s-able p erson fac es individual mandate a government r ule tha t requires ev eryone to ha ve insuranc e coverage or the y will ha ve to p ay a p enalty legit imat ion the act o f a ph ysician c ertifying tha t an illnes s is g enuine medical so ciolog y the s ystema tic s tudy o f ho w humans mana ge issues o f he alth and illnes s, dise ase and disorders , and he althc are f or b oth the sick and the he alth y medicalizat ion the pro cess by which asp ects o f life tha t were c onsidere d bad or deviant are re define d as sicknes s and nee ding me dical attention to reme dy medicalizat ion of de vianc e the pro cess tha t chang es “b ad” behavior into “ sick ” behavior mood disorders long-term , debilita ting illnes ses lik e depres sion and bip olar disorder morbidit y the incidenc e of dise ase mor talit y the numb er o f deaths in a giv en time or plac e personalit y disorders disorders tha t cause p eople to b ehave in w ays tha t are seen as a bnormal to so ciety but seem normal to them priv ate he althc are health insuranc e tha t a p erson buy s from a priv ate comp any; priv ate he althc are c an either b e emplo yer-sponsore d or direct -purchase public he althc are health insuranc e tha t is funde d or pro vide d by the g overnment sick role the p attern o f expecta tions tha t define appropria te behavior f or the sick
🏥 Social Construction of Health and Healthcare Systems
🔍 Medical sociology examines how societies manage health, illness, and healthcare, revealing how medical ideas both shape and are shaped by social forces
🌎 Global health disparities follow economic lines—high-income nations battle cancer and obesity-related diseases while low-income countries struggle with infectious diseases, high infant mortality, and inadequate healthcare infrastructure
🧠 Mental health and disability issues are significantly influenced by social norms, with conditions like anxiety disorders being the most commonly diagnosed mental disorders in the United States
🏛️ Healthcare systems vary structurally across nations, from public funding to private insurance to hybrid models, with each approach reflecting different societal values and priorities
🔄 Theoretical perspectives offer different lenses: functionalism examines how illness fits into society, conflict theory analyzes healthcare inequalities, and interactionism explores how social interactions construct health concepts
🚫 Stigmatization affects certain illnesses and their sufferers, creating discrimination and social barriers that compound health challenges
and f or those who tak e care o f them social epidemiolog y the s tudy o f the c auses and dis tribution o f dise ases socializ ed me dicine when the g overnment o wns and r uns the entire he althc are s ystem stereot ype interchang eabilit y stereotyp es tha t don ’t chang e and tha t get recy cled for applic ation to a new subordina te group stigmat izat ion the act o f spoiling someone 's identity; the y are la beled as diff erent , discrimina ted agains t, and sometimes ev en shunne d due to an illnes s or disa bility stigmat izat ion of illnes s illnes ses tha t are discrimina ted agains t and whose suff erers are lo oked do wn upon or ev en shunne d by so ciety underinsure d people who sp end a t least 10 p ercent o f their inc ome on he althc are c osts tha t are not covered by insuranc e univ ersal he althc are a system tha t guarantees he althc are c overage for ev eryone Section Summary 19.1 The Social Construction of Health Medical so ciolog y is the s ystema tic s tudy o f ho w humans mana ge issues o f he alth and illnes s, dise ase and disorders , and he althc are f or b oth the sick and the he alth y. The so cial c onstruction o f he alth e xplains ho w society shap es and is shap ed by me dical ide as.578 19 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 19.2 Global Health Social epidemiolog y is the s tudy o f the c auses and dis tribution o f dise ases . From a glob al persp ectiv e, the health is sues o f high-inc ome na tions tend to ward dise ases lik e cancer as w ell as those tha t are link ed to obesity , like he art dise ase, dia betes , and musculosk eletal disorders . Low-inc ome na tions are more lik ely to contend with c ardio vascular dise ase, inf ectious dise ase, high infant mor tality ra tes, scarce me dical personnel , and inade qua te w ater and sanita tion s ystems . 19.3 Health in the United States Although p eople in the Unite d Sta tes are g enerally in g ood he alth c omp ared to les s dev elop ed countries , the Unite d Sta tes is s till facing challenging is sues such as a prev alenc e of ob esity and dia betes . Moreo ver, people in the Unite d Sta tes o f his toric ally disadv anta ged racial groups , ethnicities , socioeconomic s tatus, and g ender experienc e lower lev els o f he althc are. Mental he alth and disa bility are he alth is sues tha t are signific antly imp acte d by so cial norms . 19.4 Compar ative Health and Medicine There are bro ad, structural diff erenc es among the he althc are s ystems o f diff erent c ountries . In c ore na tions , those diff erenc es include publicly funde d he althc are, priv ately funde d he althc are, and c ombina tions o f both. In p eripheral and semi-p eripheral c ountries , a lack o f basic he althc are adminis tration c an b e the defining feature o f the s ystem . 19.5 Theor etical P erspectives on Health and Medicine While the functionalis t persp ectiv e looks a t ho w he alth and illnes s fit into a fully functioning so ciety , the conflict p ersp ectiv e is c oncerne d with ho w he alth and illnes s fit into the opp ositional f orces in so ciety . The interactionis t persp ectiv e is c oncerne d with ho w so cial interactions c onstruct ide as o f he alth and illnes s. Section Quiz 19.1 The Social Construction of Health 1.Who determines which illnes ses are s tigma tized? a.Therapis ts b.The p atients themselv es c.Society d.All of the a bove 2.Chronic fa tigue s yndrome is an e xample o f _______________. a.a stigma tized dise ase b.a contes ted illnes s c.a disa bility d.deme dicaliza tion 3.The Ra ting o f Perceived Ex ertion (RPE) is an e xample o f ________________ a.the so cial c onstruction o f he alth b.medicaliza tion c.disa bility ac commo dations d.a contes ted illnes s19 • Section Quiz 579 19.2 Global Health 4.Wha t is so cial epidemiolog y? a.The s tudy o f wh y some dise ases are s tigma tized and others are not b.The s tudy o f wh y dise ases spre ad c.The s tudy o f the mental he alth o f a so ciety d.The s tudy o f the c auses and dis tribution o f dise ases 5.Core na tions are also kno wn as __________________ a.high-inc ome na tions b.newly indus trializ ed na tions c.low-inc ome na tions d.developing na tions 6.Man y de aths in high-inc ome na tions are link ed to __________________ a.cancer b.obesity c.mental illnes s d.lack o f cle an w ater 7.According to the W orld He alth Org aniza tion , wha t was the mos t fre quent c ause o f death for children under five in lo w-inc ome c ountries? a.Star vation b.Thirs t c.Pneumonia and diarrhe al dise ases d.All of the a bove 19.3 Health in the United States 8.Which o f the f ollowing s tatements is not true? a.The lif e expectancy o f Black males in the Unite d Sta tes is appro xima tely fiv e years shor ter than f or White males . b.The infant mor tality ra te for Black p eople in the Unite d Sta tes is almos t double than it is f or White people c.Black p eople ha ve lower cancer ra tes than White p eople . d.Hisp anic p eople ha ve worse ac cess to c are than non-Hisp anic White p eople . 9.The pro cess by which asp ects o f life tha t were c onsidere d bad or deviant are re define d as sicknes s and needing me dical attention to reme dy is c alled: a.devianc e b.medicaliza tion c.deme dicaliza tion d.intersection theor y 10.Wha t are the mos t commonly dia gnose d mental disorders in the Unite d Sta tes? a.ADHD b.Mood disorders c.Autism sp ectr um disorders d.Anxiety disorders580 19 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 11.Sidew alk ramps and Braille signs are e xamples o f _______________. a.disa bilities b.accommo dations re quire d by the Americ ans with Disa bilities A ct c.forms o f accessibility f or p eople with disa bilities d.both b and c 12.The high unemplo yment ra te among p eople with disa bilities ma y be a result o f ____________. a.medicaliza tion b.obesity c.stigma tization d.all o f the a bove 19.4 Compar ative Health and Medicine 13.Which public he althc are s ystem o ffers insuranc e primarily to p eople o ver sixty -five years old? a.Medicaid b.Medicare c.Veterans He alth A dminis tration d.All of the a bove 14.Which program is an e xample o f socializ ed me dicine? a.Canada ’s system b.The Unite d Sta tes’ V eterans He alth A dminis tration c.The Unite d Sta tes’ new s ystem under the P atient P rotection and Aff orda ble C are A ct d.Medicaid 15.Wha t do es the individual manda te pro vision o f the 2010 U .S. he althc are ref orm do? a.Requires ev eryone to buy insuranc e from the g overnment b.Requires ev eryone to sign up f or Me dicaid c.Requires ev eryone to ha ve insuranc e or p ay a p enalty d.None o f the a bove 16.Great Britain ’s he althc are s ystem is an e xample o f ______________ a.socializ ed me dicine b.priv ate he althc are c.single -payer priv ate he althc are d.univ ersal priv ate he althc are 17.Wha t group cre ated the Millennium Dev elopment Go als? a.UNICEF b.The K aiser F amily F ounda tion c.Doctors W ithout Borders d.The W orld He alth Org aniza tion19 • Section Quiz 581 19.5 Theor etical P erspectives on Health and Medicine 18.Which o f the f ollowing is not part of the rights and resp onsibilities o f a sick p erson under the functionalis t persp ectiv e? a.The sick p erson is not resp onsible f or his c ondition . b.The sick p erson mus t try to g et better. c.The sick p erson c an tak e as long as she w ants to g et better. d.The sick p erson is e xempt from the normal duties o f society . 19.The clas s, rac e, and g ender ine qualities in our he althc are s ystem supp ort the _____________ p ersp ectiv e. a.conflict b.interactionis t c.functionalis t d.all o f the a bove 20.The remo val of homose xuality from the DSM is an e xample o f ____________. a.medicaliza tion b.devianc e c.interactionis t theor y d.deme dicaliza tion Short Answer 19.1 The Social Construction of Health 1.Pick a c ommon illnes s and describ e which p arts of it are me dically c onstructe d, and which p arts are socially c onstructe d. 2.Wha t dise ases are the mos t stigma tized? Which are the le ast? Is this diff erent in diff erent cultures or so cial clas ses? 19.2 Global Health 3.If so cial epidemiologis ts studie d the Unite d Sta tes in the c olonial p erio d, wha t diff erenc es w ould the y find between no w and then? 4.Wha t do y ou think are some o f the c ontributing factors to ob esity -rela ted dise ases in the Unite d Sta tes? 19.3 Health in the United States 5.Wha t factors c ontribute to the disp arities in he alth among racial , ethnic , and g ender groups in the Unite d States? 6.Do y ou kno w an yone with a mental disorder? Ho w do es it a ffect his or her lif e? 19.4 Compar ative Health and Medicine 7.Wha t do y ou think are the b est and w orst parts of the PP ACA? Wh y? 8.Comp are and c ontras t the he althc are s ystem o f the Unite d Sta tes with the WHO ’s Millennium Dev elopment Goals. 19.5 Theor etical P erspectives on Health and Medicine 9.Wha t do y ou think are the b est and w orst parts of the PP ACA? Wh y? 10.Comp are and c ontras t the he althc are s ystem o f the Unite d Sta tes with the WHO ’s Millennium Dev elopment Go als.582 19 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Further R esear ch 19.1 The Social Construction of Health Read this article , which discus ses the me asures na tions and p eople ma y tak e to prev ent or mana ge future pandemics (https:/ /openstax.org/l/pandemics1) . It c ontains man y links to interna tional eff orts and s tudies . Wha t do y ou think a bout our c ommitment to these s teps? 19.2 Global Health Study this map on glob al lif e expectancies (http://openstax.org/l/glob al_lif e_expectancies) . Wha t trends do y ou notic e? 19.3 Health in the United States People with disa bilities , disorders , and neuro diversity are o ften mis treated ev en b y others who do not kno w the b est way to act around them . Children with a utism e xperienc e this c ontinually . Evalua te this guide from parents o f children with a utism (https:/ /openstax.org/l/behavior1) to le arn more a bout ho w to tre at and think a bout p eople with a utism . 19.4 Compar ative Health and Medicine Project Mosquito N et(http://openstax.org/l/project _mosquito _net) says tha t mosquito nets spra yed with insecticide c an re duce childho od malaria de aths b y half. 19.5 Theor etical P erspectives on Health and Medicine A mas sive surg e in subs tanc e use disorders and o verdoses o ccurre d in the Unite d Sta tes b ased on usa ge of prescription dr ugs. The c auses w ere widespre ad and w ere ro oted in pharmac eutic al comp any appro aches , medical policies , and so cial c auses . Read more in article a bout the c auses o f the U .S. opioid crisis (https:/ /openstax.org/l/subs tanc e_disorders) . References Intr oduction ABC N ews He alth N ews. "Eb ola in Americ a, Timeline o f a De adly V irus." 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📚 Academic References Collection
📊 Health research citations span mental health statistics, sleep disorders, and mortality rates from major institutions like Kaiser Family Foundation, NIH, and WHO
🏥 Healthcare systems analysis examines insurance coverage gaps, the Affordable Care Act's impact, and international healthcare comparisons across different economic systems
🌍 Population dynamics research explores demographic transitions, urbanization patterns, and environmental impacts of human settlement
⚡ Environmental controversies like fracking highlight tensions between economic growth, energy independence, and ecological concerns, revealing complex sociological perspectives
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(https:/ /www.who .int/new s-room/fact -sheets /detail/children-re ducing-mor tality ) World He alth Org aniza tion . 2021. " Child Mor tality ." Retriev ed April 1 2020. ( https:/ /www.who .int/data/gho/ data/themes /topics /topic -details /GHO /child-mor tality ) 19.4 Compar ative Health and Medicine Anders , Georg e. 1996. Health Ag ains t Wealth: HMOs and the Bre akdown o f Me dical Trust. Bos ton: Houghton Mifflin . Centers f or Dise ase C ontrol and P revention . 2014 " Attention Deficit /Hyp eractivity Disorder (ADHD) Da ta and Statistics." Retriev ed Octob er 13, 2014 ( http://www.cdc.gov/ncb ddd/adhd/da ta.html) Docteur , Eliza beth, and R obert A. Berenson . 2009. “Ho w Do es the Quality o f U.S. He alth C are C omp are Interna tionally? ”Timely Analy sis o f Imme diate He alth P olicy Is sues 9:1–14. Economic P olicy Ins titute . 2021. "Ho w w ould rep ealing the A CA affect he althc are and jobs in y our s tate?" (https:/ /www.epi.org/aca-ob amac are-rep eal-imp act/) Garfield , Rachel and Org era, K endal and Damic o, Anthon y. 2019. " The Uninsure d and the A CA: A P rimer - K ey Facts a bout He alth Insuranc e and the Uninsure d amids t Chang es to the Aff orda ble C are A ct" Faiser F amily Founda tion . (https:/ /www.kff. org/rep ort-section/the -uninsure d-and-the -aca-a-primer -key-facts -about- health-insuranc e-and-the -uninsure d-amids t-chang es-to-the -afforda ble-care-act -how-man y-people -are - uninsure d/) Kaiser F amily F ounda tion . 2011. “He alth C overage of Children: The R ole o f Me dicaid and CHIP .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 13, 2011 ( http://www.kff. org/uninsure d/uplo ad/7698-05. pdf). Kaiser F amily F ounda tion . 2010. “Interna tional He alth Sy stems: C anada. ” Retriev ed Dec emb er 14, 2011 (http://www.kaisere du.org/Issue-Mo dules /Interna tional-He alth-Sy stems /Canada.asp x). Keisler -Stark ey, Katherine and B unch , Lisa. 2020. "He alth Insuranc e Coverage In the Unite d Sta tes 2019. " Unite d Sta tes C ensus B ureau. (https:/ /www.census .gov/librar y/public ations /2020/demo/p60-271.html) Keith , Katie. 2020. " Tracking the uninsure d ra te in 2019-20. " He alth Affairs . Octob er 7 2020. (https:/ /www.healtha ffairs .org/do/10.1377/hblog20201007.502559/full/)19 • R eferences 587 Klein , Ezra. 2009. “He alth R eform f or Beginners: The Diff erenc e between So cializ ed Me dicine , Single -Payer Health C are, and Wha t We'll Be Get ting .”The W ashington P ost, Dec emb er 14. R etriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2011 (http://www.bloomb erg.com/new s/2011-12-15/don-t -let-death-p anels -kill-a-b etter-way-to-die - commentar y-by-ezra-klein .html). Kogan, Richard . 2011. “P rogram Cuts Under a Balanc ed Budg et Amendment: Ho w Sev ere Might The y Be? ” Center on B udg et and P olicy P riorities . Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2011 ( http://www.cbpp .org/ cms /?fa=view &id=3619). Pear, Robert. 2011. “In Cuts to He alth P rograms , Exp erts See Difficult T ask in P rotecting P atients .”The N ew York Times , Septemb er 20. R etriev ed Dec emb er 13, 2011 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2011/09/21/us /politics / wielding-the -ax-on-me dicaid-and-me dicare-without -wounding-the -patient .html). Rooney, Kate and Mo yer, Liz. 2018. "He alth c are topp ed the ec onom y as the bigg est issue f or v oters no w, here ’s why." CNBC . Novemb er 8, 2018. ( https:/ /www.cnb c.com/2018/11/07/he althc are-topp ed-the -econom y-as- the-bigg est-issue-for-voters -now-heres -wh y.html) Scho en, C., M.M. Doty , R.H. R obertson , and S.R . Collins . 2011. " Afforda ble C are A ct R eforms C ould R educe the Numb er o f Underinsure d U.S. A dults b y 70 P ercent."Health Affairs 30(9):1762–71. R etriev ed Dec emb er 13, 2011 ( http://www.common wealthfund .org/Public ations /In-the -Litera ture/2011/Sep/R educe- Uninsure d.asp x). Uchiyma, T ., M. K urosa wa, Y. Ina ba. 2007. "MMR -Vaccine and R egres sion in A utism S pectr um Disorders: Negative Results P resente d from J apan."Journal o f Autism and Deviant Disorders 37(2):210–7. U.S. C ensus . 2011. “ Coverage by Type of He alth Insuranc e: 2009 and 2010. ” U.S. C ensus B ureau, Current Popula tion Sur vey, 2010 and 2011 Annual So cial and E conomic Supplements . Retriev ed Dec emb er 13, 2011 (http://www.census .gov/hhes /www/hlthins /data/incp ovhlth/2010/ta ble10. pdf). U.S. C ensus . 2011. “ CPS He alth Insuranc e Definitions .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 13, 2011 ( http://www.census .gov/ hhes /www/hlthins /metho dolog y/definitions /cps .html). Washington Univ ersity C enter f or He alth P olicy . n.d. “He alth C are A ccess for Me dicaid P atients —Ph ysicians and Dentis ts Inter view Study .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 15, 2011 ( http://healthp olicy .wus tl.edu/C ontent / HealthC areA ccess.html?Op enDo cument). World He alth Org aniza tion . 2011. “ World He alth Sta tistics 2011. ” Retriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2011 (http://www.who .int/gho/public ations /world_he alth_ statistics/EN _WHS2011_P art1.pdf). World He alth Org aniza tion . 2014. "Eb ola V irus Dise ase F act Sheet , Up dated Septemb er 2014. " Retriev ed Octob er 19, 2014 ( http://www.who .int/me diac entre/factsheets /fs103/en/). 19.5 Theor etical P erspectives on Health and Medicine Conrad , Peter , and J oseph W . Schneider . 1992. Devianc e and Me dicaliza tion: F rom Badnes s to Sicknes s. Philadelphia, P A: T emple Univ ersity P ress Parsons , Talcott. 1951. The So cial Sy stem . Glenc oe, IL: F ree P ress. Scheff, Thomas . 1963. “ The R ole o f the Mentally Ill and the Dynamics o f Mental Disorder .”Sociometr y 26:436–453.588 19 • R eferences Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 20.1 A vie w from spac e mak es it eas y to see diff erences in population. Light ed ar eas ar e urban c enters, containing lar ger and lar ger por tions o f the w orld’ s population. Dark er ar eas ar e sparsel y populat ed. Be yond the global scale , the diff erences within r egions is notable . Africa is mos tly emp ty of lights with the e xception o f a few densel y populat ed ar eas t o the south, w est, and nor th. India is almos t clearl y outlined b y its lights , sho wing a s tark contr ast with the nations t o its nor th and w est, with a line o f light indicating the cities along the Indus Riv er in Pakis tan. The Unit ed Stat es almos t seems t o be split in half at the line f ormed b y Dal las, Oklahoma City , and Wichita . (Cr edit NASA Goddar d Spac e Flight Cent er) INTR ODUC TIONCHAP TER OUTLINE 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation 20.2 Urbanization 20.3 The En vironment and Society Fracking , another w ord f or h ydraulic fracturing , is a metho d use d to rec over g as and oil from shale b y drilling do wn into the e arth and directing a high-pres sure mixture o f water, sand , and proprietar y chemic als into the ro ck. While energ y comp anies view fracking as a pro fitable rev olution in the indus try, there are a numb er o f concerns as sociated with the practic e. First, fracking re quires hug e amounts o f water. Water transp ortation c omes a t a high en vironmental c ost. Onc e mix ed with fracking chemic als, water is unsuita ble f or human and animal c onsumption , though it is es tima ted that between 10 p ercent and 90 p ercent o f the c ontamina ted water is returne d to the w ater cy cle. Sec ond , the chemic als use d in a fracking mix are p otentially c arcinog enic . These chemic als ma y pollute groundw ater ne ar the e xtraction site (C olborn, Kwiatkowski, Schultz, and Bachran 2011; Unite d Sta tes 2011). Indus try leaders sugg est tha t such c ontamina tion is unlik ely, and tha t when it do es o ccur, it is incidental and rela ted to una voida ble human error ra ther than an e xpecte d risk o f the practic e, but the U .S. En vironmental P rotection Agency ’s study o f fracking is ong oing (En vironmental P rotection Ag ency 2014). The third c oncern is tha t fracking c auses minor e arthquak es b y undermining the seismic s tability o f an are a, though far more induc ed20Population, Urbaniz ation, and the Envir onment earthquak es are c aused by traditional oil and g as pro duction (USGS n .d.) Finally , gas is not a renew able sourc e of energ y; this is a neg ative in the e yes o f those who opp ose c ontinue d relianc e on f ossil fuels . Fracking is not without its adv anta ges. Its supp orters o ffer statistics tha t sugg est it re duces unemplo yment and contributes to ec onomic gro wth (IHS Glob al Insights 2012). Sinc e it allo ws energ y comp anies ac cess to previously non viable and c ompletely untapp ed oil and g as reser ves, fracking b oosts domes tic oil pro duction and lo wers energ y costs (IHS Glob al Insights 2012). F inally , sinc e na tural g as is a lo wer-emis sion fuel than coal, fracking re duces the airb orne en vironmental imp acts o f indus trial energ y. One c omple xity o f lower-pric ed na tural g as pro duction is tha t demand f or c oal has plummete d. Coal is b oth more e xpensiv e to pro duce and more en vironmentally dama ging than na tural g as, and the c oal indus try is concentra ted in a f ew are as, such as P enns ylvania, W est Virginia, and K entucky . Automa tion had alre ady deplete d the emplo yment opp ortunities in the indus try; dec ades b efore fracking b ecame widespre ad, coal comp anies b egan widespre ad replac ement o f people with machines ( Vavra 2017). A lthough the U .S. w as producing more c oal than it had in previous dec ades , it w as doing so with f ewer w orkers than it ev er had . At its peak, the c oal indus try emplo yed ne arly a million p eople , and its thriving to wns dro ve other busines ses. By 2015, the indus try emplo ys about 50,000 p eople (Mone y Illusion 2016). Ine xpensiv e na tural g as is jus t another factor tha t is c ontributing to the indus try’s continue d issues . Coal comp anies c ontinually shut ter, and entire regions are full o f newly laid o ff workers who c annot find emplo yment . As y ou re ad this chapter , consider ho w an incre asing glob al popula tion c an b alanc e en vironmental c oncerns with opp ortunities f or indus trial and ec onomic gro wth . Think a bout ho w much w ater p ollution c an b e jus tifie d by the nee d to lo wer U .S. dep endenc e of foreign energ y supplies . Is the ec onomic gro wth as sociated with fracking w orth some en vironmental degrada tion? As w e see a rela ted indus try – c oal – fur ther diminishe d due to fracking , do w e owe its w orkers some c omp ensa tion or additional supp ort? FIGURE 20.2 This is a Mar cellus shale g as-dril ling sit e in L ycoming County , Penns ylvania . (Cr edit: Nicholas A . Tonel li/flickr) As the discus sion o f fracking illus trates, there are imp ortant so cietal is sues c onnecte d to the en vironment and how and where p eople liv e. Sociologis ts begin to e xamine these is sues through demograph y, or the s tudy o f590 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. popula tion and ho w it rela tes to urb aniza tion , the s tudy o f the so cial, politic al, and ec onomic rela tionships in cities . En vironmental so ciologis ts lo ok a t the s tudy o f ho w humans interact with their en vironments . Today, as has b een the c ase man y times in his tory, we are a t a p oint o f conflict in a numb er o f these are as. The w orld ’s popula tion re ache d sev en billion b etween 2011 and 2012. When will it re ach eight billion? C an our planet sustain such a p opula tion? W e genera te more trash than ev er, from Starbucks cups to obsolete c ell phones containing to xic chemic als to f ood waste tha t could b e comp osted. You ma y be una ware o f where y our trash ends up . And while this problem e xists w orldwide , trash is sues are o ften more acute in urb an are as. Cities and city living cre ate new challeng es for b oth so ciety and the en vironment tha t mak e interactions b etween p eople and plac es o f critic al imp ortanc e. How do so ciologis ts study p opula tion and urb aniza tion is sues? F unctionalis t sociologis ts might f ocus on the way all asp ects o f popula tion , urb aniza tion , and the en vironment ser ve as vital and c ohesiv e elements , ensuring the c ontinuing s tability o f society . The y might s tudy ho w the gro wth o f the glob al popula tion encoura ges emigra tion and immigra tion , and ho w emigra tion and immigra tion ser ve to s trengthen ties between na tions . Or the y might rese arch the w ay migra tion a ffects en vironmental is sues; f or e xample , how have forced migra tions , and the resulting chang es in a region ’s ability to supp ort a new group , affecte d both the displac ed people and the are a of relo cation? Another topic a functionalis t might rese arch is the w ay various urban neighb orho ods sp ecializ e to ser ve cultural and financial nee ds. A conflict theoris t, interes ted in the cre ation and repro duction o f ine quality , might ask ho w peripheral na tions’ lack o f family planning a ffects their o verall p opula tion in c omp arison to c ore na tions tha t tend to ha ve lower fertility ra tes. Or, how do inner cities b ecome ghet tos, nearly dev oid o f jobs , educ ation , and other opp ortunities? A c onflict theoris t might also s tudy en vironmental racism and other f orms o f environmental inequality . For e xample , which p arts of New Orle ans so ciety w ere the mos t resp onsiv e to the ev acua tion order during Hurric ane K atrina? Which are a was mos t affecte d by the flo oding? And where (and in wha t conditions) were p eople from those are as house d, both during and b efore the ev acua tion? A symb olic interactionis t interes ted in the da y-to-day interaction o f groups and individuals might rese arch topics lik e the w ay family -planning inf orma tion is presente d to and unders tood by diff erent p opula tion groups , the w ay people e xperienc e and unders tand urb an lif e, and the langua ge people use to c onvinc e others of the presenc e (or a bsenc e) of glob al clima te chang e. For e xample , some p oliticians wish to present the s tudy of glob al w arming as junk scienc e, and other p oliticians insis t it is a pro ven fact . 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain demogr aphic measur ements lik e fertility and mor tality r ates •Describe a v ariety o f demogr aphic theories , such as Mal thusian, c ornuc opian, z ero population gr owth, and demogr aphic tr ansition theories •Evaluat e curr ent population tr ends and pat terns •Differentiat e betw een an int ernal ly displac ed person, an as ylum-seek er, and a r efug ee20.1 • Demogr aphy and P opula tion 591 FIGURE 20.3 At nearl y 8 bil lion, Ear th’s population is al ways on the mo ve, but the methods v ary. As y ou see her e, bicy cles , mot orcycles , and sc ooters ar e mor e common in Vietnam than the y are in man y U.S. cities . And in some countries , mask s were common w ell bef ore COVID-19. (Cr edit: Esin Üs tün/flickr) Betw een 2011 and 2012, w e re ache d a p opula tion miles tone o f 7 billion humans on the e arth’s sur face. The rapidity with which this happ ened demons trated an e xponential incre ase from the time it to ok to gro w from 5
🌍 Population Dynamics & Urbanization
📊 Demographic patterns reveal critical global population trends, with Earth's inhabitants increasing to 8 billion while growth rates vary dramatically across regions through the interplay of 🐣 fertility, ⚰️ mortality, and 🧳 migration
🔮 Population theories offer competing visions of humanity's future—from Malthus's dire resource scarcity predictions to cornucopian optimism about human ingenuity solving environmental challenges
🌐 Demographic transition theory maps societies' predictable evolution through four stages, with high-fertility nations (primarily in sub-Saharan Africa) projected to triple in population while low-fertility countries face population decline
🏙️ Urbanization patterns and 🛂 immigration trends reshape communities, with the United States hosting approximately 45 million foreign-born residents while public opinion increasingly supports pathways to citizenship
🧩 Population composition varies dramatically between countries, with Afghanistan showing high fertility (4.4 children per woman) and mortality rates compared to developed nations like Finland (1.4) and the United States (1.7)
🚸 Migration crises at borders highlight the complex humanitarian challenges when population pressures, violence, and poverty drive mass movement of people, particularly unaccompanied minors seeking asylum
billion to 6 billion p eople . In shor t, the planet is filling up . We'll ha ve 8 billion p eople in this dec ade. While the popula tion is incre asing o verall , there are c ertain c ountries and regions where gro wth is slo wing . Relocation and migra tion also chang e the mak eup and quantity o f people in an are a. In order to prop erly unders tand these dynamics and mak e decisions reg arding them , we turn to demograph y, or the s tudy o f popula tions . Three critic al asp ects o f demograph y are f ertility , mor tality , and migra tion . The fertility rate of a so ciety is a me asure noting the numb er o f children b orn. The f ertility numb er is generally lo wer than the f ecundity numb er, which me asures the p otential numb er o f children tha t could b e born to w omen o f childb earing a ge. Sociologis ts me asure f ertility using the cr ude bir thra te (the numb er o f live births p er 1,000 p eople p er year). J ust as f ertility me asures childb earing , the mor talit y rate is a me asure o f the numb er o f people who die . The cr ude de ath ra te is a numb er deriv ed from the numb er o f deaths p er 1,000 people p er year. When analyz ed tog ether , fertility and mor tality ra tes help rese archers unders tand the o verall growth o ccurring in a p opula tion . Another k ey element in s tudying p opula tions is the mo vement o f people into and out o f an are a. Migra tion ma y take the f orm o f immigra tion , which describ es mo vement into an are a to tak e up p ermanent residenc e, or emigra tion , which ref ers to mo vement out o f an are a to another plac e of permanent residenc e. Migra tion might b e voluntar y (as when c olleg e students s tudy a broad), in voluntar y (as when Syrians ev acua ted war-torn areas), or f orced (as when man y Native Americ an trib es w ere remo ved from the lands the y’d liv ed in f or genera tions).592 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Mass Migr ation Crises FIGURE 20.4 This Mar ch 2021 imag e of dozens o f childr en in plas tic-lined holding ar eas w as one o f a gr oup o f phot os that spark ed public out cry in the earl y da ys of the Biden adminis tration, y ears aft er similar sc enes and situations in the 2014 and 2018 bor der crises . (Cr edit: Def ense Visual Inf ormation Dis tribution Ser vice) At leas t onc e during each o f the las t thr ee P residential adminis trations , the Unit ed Stat es has fac ed a crisis at its southern bor der. While imag es o f childr en in cr owded holding ar eas, covered in piles o f shin y plas tic emer gency blank ets, were often as sociat ed with the T rump P residency , Presidents Obama and Biden sa w childr en in the same c onditions . The holding facilities , described as cag es b y some and o ften referred to as “ perr eras” (dog kennels) or “hieler as” (ic e bo xes) b y the migr ating people , are meant t o be t empor ary stopovers while people await hearings or r elated refug ee pr ocesses. But during a number o f occasions , the number o f people cr ossing the bor der w as so lar ge – including , at times , tens o f thousands o f childr en – that the s ystem became overwhelmed. The c onditions ar e deplor able . The out comes ar e unc ertain. But the people cr oss the bor der anyway. How did w e get her e? Bipar tisan legislation pas sed in 2008 g uarantees unac companied minors a hearing with an immigr ation judg e wher e the y ma y reques t asylum based on a “ credible ” fear o f persecution or t orture (U .S. Congr ess 2008). In some cases , these childr en ar e looking f or relativ es and can be plac ed with famil y while awaiting a hearing on their immigr ation s tatus; in other cases , the y bec ome in volved with the f oster system or ar e plac ed in o f the 170 housing facilities run b y nonpr ofit or f or-profit gr oups . Final ly, for people who turn 18 while still in the pr ocess, the y ma y be tr ansferred to det ention c enters, sometimes on their bir thda y (Mont oya-Gal vez 2021). Man y people in America w ere either ac cepting or una ware of these policies and situations until crises occurr ed in 2014 and 2018-19. A t those points o f incr edible influx es o f migr ant childr en, bor der c ontr ol, refug ee services, and adv ocacy or ganizations w ere overwhelmed b y the sur ge. Both the Obama and T rump adminis trations pushed f or chang es in la ws or g uidelines f or enf orcement (Gome z 2014 and K anno -Youngs 2020). The Obama adminis tration sought t o mak e the decision pr ocess fas ter. In 2014, o ver 50,000 unac companied minors w ere tak en int o cus tody, creating the backlog discus sed abo ve. The T rump adminis tration sought t o disc ourage immigr ation thr ough policies such as separ ating par ents and childr en who arriv ed together . The policy w as decried b y members o f Trump 's own par ty, as w ell as man y other or ganizations , and w as e ventual ly deal t a series o f leg al blo ws bef ore the P resident r eversed it. L ater in vestigations det ermined that hundr eds, ifBIG PICTURE20.1 • Demogr aphy and P opula tion 593 not thousands , of childr en remained separ ated fr om their par ents f or extended periods o f time (Spag at 2019). While the situations at the bor der ar e extremel y thr eatening t o childr en's heal th and saf ety, people and policymak ers in the Unit ed Stat es ar e divided on ho w to addr ess the situation. In man y cases , these childr en ar e fleeing v arious kinds o f violenc e and e xtreme po verty. The U .S. g overnment has r epeat edly indicat ed that the best way to avoid these crises is t o addr ess those c onditions in the migr ants ' home c ountries . But e ven with financial aid f or those nations and pr essure on their g overnments t o crack do wn on il legal activity , it is unlik ely that the situation wil l chang e quickl y or c onsis tently. The Biden adminis tration ma y not be the las t to fac e a sur ge of immigr ant childr en at its bor der. A functional p ersp ectiv e theoris t might f ocus on the dy sfunctions c aused by the sudden influx o f undera ge asylum seek ers, while a c onflict p ersp ectiv e theoris t might lo ok a t the w ay so cial s tratific ation influenc es ho w the memb ers o f a dev elop ed countr y are tre ating the lo wer-status migrants from les s-dev elop ed countries in Latin Americ a. An interactionis t theoris t might see signific ance in the a ttitude o f those protes ting the presenc e of migrant children . Which theoretic al persp ectiv e mak es the mos t sense to y ou? Population Gr owth Changing f ertility , mor tality , and migra tion ra tes mak e up the total populat ion c omp osit ion, a snapshot o f the demographic pro file o f a p opula tion . This numb er can b e me asure d for so cieties , nations , world regions , or other groups . The p opula tion c omp osition includes the sex rat io, the numb er o f men f or ev ery hundre d women , as w ell as the populat ion p yramid , a picture o f popula tion dis tribution b y se x and a ge (Figure 20.5 ).594 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 20.5 This population p yramid sho ws the br eakdown o f the 2019 U .S. population ac cording t o ag e and se x. (Credit: P opulationp yramid.net) Countr yPopula tion (in millions)Fertility R ate (number o f childr en per adul t women)Mor tality R ate (per 1,000 bir ths)Sex Ratio Male to Female Afghanis tan 38.4 4.4 48 1.05 Finland 5.52 1.4 2.0 1.04 Unit ed Stat es of America32.8 1.7 5.7 0.97 TABLE 20.1 Varying F ertility and Mor tality R ated b y Countr yAs the table il lustrates, countries v ary greatly in fertility r ates and mor tality r ates—the c omponents that mak e up a population c omposition. This data is fr om 2018, and chang es oc cur c ontinual ly. For example , in 2014, the number o f childr en per adul t woman in Af ghanis tan w as 5.4 – g ener ally an a verage of one mor e child per famil y. And the U .S. w as slightl y higher at 2.0 ( World Bank 2019) Comp aring the three c ountries in Table 20.1 reveals tha t there are more men than w omen in Afghanis tan and Finland , where as the rev erse is tr ue in the Unite d Sta tes. Afghanis tan also has signific antly higher f ertility and mor tality ra tes than either o f the other tw o countries . In all three c ases , the f ertility ra tes ha ve dropp ed in recent y ears, but Afghanis tan's drop (from 5.4 children p er w oman to 4.4) will lik ely b e the mos t imp actful20.1 • Demogr aphy and P opula tion 595 (World Bank 2019). Do these s tatistics surprise y ou? Ho w do y ou think the p opula tion mak eup a ffects the politic al clima te and ec onomics o f the diff erent c ountries? Demogr aphic Theories Sociologis ts ha ve long lo oked at popula tion is sues as c entral to unders tanding human interactions . Belo w w e will lo ok a t four theories a bout p opula tion tha t inf orm so ciologic al thought: Malthusian , zero p opula tion growth , cornuc opian , and demographic transition theories . Malthusian Theory Thomas Malthus (1766–1834) w as an English clerg yman who made dire pre dictions a bout e arth’s ability to sustain its gro wing p opula tion . According to Malthusian theor y, three factors w ould c ontrol human popula tion tha t exceeded the e arth’scarrying c apacit y, or ho w man y people c an liv e in a giv en are a considering the amount o f available resourc es. Malthus identifie d these factors as w ar, famine , and dise ase (Malthus 1798). He terme d them “p ositiv e checks” b ecause the y incre ase mor tality ra tes, thus k eeping the popula tion in check . The y are c ountere d by “prev entiv e checks ,” which also c ontrol the p opula tion but b y reducing f ertility ra tes; prev entiv e checks include bir th control and c elib acy. Thinking practic ally, Malthus sa w that people c ould pro duce only so much f ood in a giv en y ear, yet the p opula tion w as incre asing a t an exponential ra te. Eventually , he thought p eople w ould r un out o f food and b egin to s tarve. The y would g o to w ar over incre asingly sc arce resourc es and re duce the p opula tion to a mana geable lev el, and then the cy cle w ould begin anew . Of c ourse , this has not e xactly happ ened. The human p opula tion has c ontinue d to gro w long p ast Malthus’ s predictions . So wha t happ ened? Wh y didn ’t we die o ff? There are three re asons so ciologis ts believ e we are continuing to e xpand the p opula tion o f our planet . First, technologic al incre ases in f ood pro duction ha ve incre ased both the amount and quality o f calories w e can pro duce per p erson . Sec ond , human ing enuity has develop ed new me dicine to cur tail de ath from dise ase. Finally , the dev elopment and widespre ad use o f contrac eption and other f orms o f family planning ha ve decre ased the sp eed at which our p opula tion incre ases . But wha t about the future? Some s till b eliev e Malthus w as c orrect and tha t ample resourc es to supp ort the earth’s popula tion will so on r un out . Zer o Population Gr owth A neo -Malthusian rese archer name d Paul Ehrlich brought Malthus’ s pre dictions into the tw entieth c entur y. However, according to Ehrlich , it is the en vironment , not sp ecific ally the f ood supply , tha t will pla y a cr ucial role in the c ontinue d he alth o f the planet ’s popula tion (Ehrlich 1968). Ehrlich 's ide as sugg est tha t the human popula tion is mo ving rapidly to ward c omplete en vironmental c ollapse , as privileg ed people use up or p ollute a numb er o f environmental resourc es such as w ater and air . He adv ocated for a g oal ofzero p opulat ion gro wth (ZPG), in which the numb er o f people entering a p opula tion through bir th or immigra tion is e qual to the numb er o f people le aving it via de ath or emigra tion . While supp ort for this c oncept is mix ed, it is s till considere d a p ossible solution to glob al overpopula tion . Cornucopian Theory Of c ourse , some theories are les s focuse d on the p essimis tic h ypothesis tha t the w orld ’s popula tion will meet a detrimental challeng e to sus taining itself. Cornuc opian theor yscoffs a t the ide a of humans wiping themselv es out; it as serts tha t human ing enuity c an resolv e an y en vironmental or so cial is sues tha t dev elop . As an example , it p oints to the is sue o f food supply . If w e nee d more f ood, the theor y contends , agricultural scientis ts will figure out ho w to gro w it, as the y ha ve alre ady b een doing f or c enturies . After all , in this p ersp ectiv e, human ing enuity has b een up to the task f or thousands o f years and there is no re ason f or tha t pattern not to continue (Simon 1981). Demogr aphic T ransition Theory Whether y ou b eliev e tha t we are he aded for en vironmental disas ter and the end o f human e xistenc e as w e596 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. kno w it, or y ou think p eople will alw ays adapt to changing circums tanc es, we can see cle ar p atterns in popula tion gro wth . Societies dev elop along a pre dicta ble c ontinuum as the y ev olve from unindus trializ ed to postindus trial .Demographic transit ion theor y(Caldw ell and C aldw ell 2006) sugg ests tha t future p opula tion growth will dev elop along a pre dicta ble f our-stage mo del. In Sta ge 1, bir th, death, and infant mor tality ra tes are all high , while lif e expectancy is shor t. An e xample o f this s tage is the 1800s in the Unite d Sta tes. As c ountries b egin to indus trializ e, the y enter Sta ge 2, where bir th rates are higher while infant mor tality and the de ath ra tes drop . Lif e expectancy also incre ases . Afghanis tan is currently in this s tage. Sta ge 3 o ccurs onc e a so ciety is thoroughly indus trializ ed; bir th ra tes decline , while lif e expectancy c ontinues to incre ase. De ath ra tes c ontinue to decre ase. Me xico’s popula tion is a t this s tage. In the final phase , Sta ge 4, w e see the p ostindus trial era o f a so ciety . Bir th and de ath ra tes are lo w, people are healthier and liv e long er, and so ciety enters a phase o f popula tion s tability . Overall p opula tion ma y ev en decline . For e xample , Sw eden is c onsidere d to b e in Sta ge 4. The Unite d Nations P opula tion F und (2008) c ategoriz es na tions as high f ertility , interme diate fertility , or lo w fertility . The Unite d Nations (UN) anticip ates the p opula tion gro wth will triple b etween 2011 and 2100 in high- fertility c ountries , which are currently c oncentra ted in sub -Saharan Afric a. For c ountries with interme diate fertility ra tes (the Unite d Sta tes, India, and Me xico all fall into this c ategory), gro wth is e xpecte d to b e about 26 percent. And lo w-fertility c ountries lik e China, A ustralia, and mos t of Europ e will actually see p opula tion declines o f appro xima tely 20 p ercent. The graphs b elow illus trate this trend . Changes in U.S. Immigr ation P atterns and Attitudes FIGURE 20.6 Projected P opulation in Africa This gr aph sho ws the population gr owth o f countries locat ed on the African c ontinent, man y of which ha ve high f ertility r ates. (Cr edit: USAID)20.1 • Demogr aphy and P opula tion 597 FIGURE 20.7 Projected P opulation in the United States The Unit ed Stat es has an int ermediat e fertility r ate, and ther efore, a c ompar atively moder ate project ed population gr owth. (Cr edit: USAID) FIGURE 20.8 Projected P opulation in Eur ope This char t sho ws the pr oject ed population gr owth o f Eur ope f or the remainder o f this c entur y. (Cr edit: USAID) Worldwide p atterns o f migra tion ha ve chang ed, though the Unite d Sta tes remains the mos t popular destina tion . From 1990 to 2013, the numb er o f migrants living in the Unite d Sta tes incre ased from one in six to one in fiv e (The P ew R esearch C enter 2013). O verall , the Unite d Sta tes is home to a bout 45 million f oreign- born p eople , while only a bout 3 million U .S. citiz ens liv ed abroad. Of f oreign-b orn citiz ens emigra ting to the Unite d Sta tes, 55 p ercent origina ted in La tin Americ a and the C aribb ean. Ho wever, over the p ast few y ears, more p eople from Asian c ountries ha ve entere d than from La tin Americ an ones (B udiman 2020). While there are more f oreign-b orn p eople residing in the Unite d Sta tes leg ally, as o f 2017 a bout 10.5 million reside d here without leg al status (B udiman 2020). Mos t immigrants in the U .S. liv e in either T exas, Florida, or California. Even b efore p olicy chang es and C OVID-19 a ffecte d refug ee admit tanc e, a rela tively small numb er o f people formally entere d the c ountr y as refug ees. In 2016, a bout 85,000 refug ees w ere admit ted to the U .S. (o f over one million total immigrants), with the larg est portion arriving from the Demo cratic R epublic o f Cong o; in 2020, the numb er o f refug ees w as re duced to 18,000. Mos t citiz ens a gree tha t our na tional immigra tion p olicies are nee d adjus tment . More than tw o-thirds (69 percent) o f those in a rec ent na tional sur vey believ ed illeg al immigrants should ha ve a p ath to citiz enship provide d the y meet other re quirements , such as p aying tax es and p assing a b ackground check . Even more598 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. people (72 p ercent) supp orted passing a DREAM A ct, which w ould allo w people who immigra ted as children to earn citiz enship . In b oth p arts of the sur vey, majorities o f both R epublic ans and Demo crats as w ell as indep endents supp orted the p athway to citiz enship ( Vox and Da ta for P rogres s 2021). 20.2 Urbaniz ation LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe the pr ocess of urbanization in the Unit ed Stat es and the gr owth o f urban populations w orldwide •Anal yze the function o f suburbs , exurbs , and c oncentric z ones •Discus s urbanization fr om v arious sociological perspectiv es FIGURE 20.9 The lights o f Ne w York City ar e an ic onic imag e of city lif e. (Cr edit: Jauher Ali Nasir
🏙️ Urban Evolution and Challenges
🌆 Urbanization transforms social, political, and economic relationships as populations concentrate, with cities emerging when favorable environments, advanced technology, and strong social organization converge
🏘️ Suburban development created concentric zones around cities, leading to sprawl, increased commuting times, and resource consumption, while gentrification reshapes urban cores as cities transition to postindustrial economies
🌍 Global urbanization continues accelerating with 55% of the world's population now living in urban areas, shifting from the global north to south, creating urgent challenges for sustainable development
👥 Sociological perspectives offer contrasting views: functionalists examine human ecology and spatial organization patterns, while conflict theorists analyze how political and economic power shapes urban development to benefit upper classes
🌱 Environmental sociology examines human-environment interactions through concepts like carrying capacity, revealing how shared resources face degradation when individual interests override collective responsibility
🚨 Displacement crises force millions to flee as refugees, asylum-seekers, or internally displaced persons, creating complex humanitarian challenges requiring coordinated international responses
/flickr) Urb anizat ion is the s tudy o f the so cial, politic al, and ec onomic rela tionships in cities , and someone specializing in urb an so ciolog ystudies those rela tionships . In some w ays, cities c an b e micro cosms o f univ ersal human b ehavior , while in others the y pro vide a unique en vironment tha t yields its o wn brand o f human b ehavior . There is no s trict dividing line b etween r ural and urb an; ra ther , there is a c ontinuum where one blee ds into the other . Ho wever, onc e a g eographic ally c oncentra ted popula tion has re ache d appro xima tely 100,000 p eople , it typic ally b ehaves lik e a city reg ardles s of wha t its designa tion might b e. The Gr owth of Cities According to so ciologis t Gideon Sjob erg (1965), there are three prere quisites f or the dev elopment o f a city: First, good en vironment with fresh w ater and a fa vorable clima te; sec ond , adv anced technolog y, which will produce a f ood surplus to supp ort nonfarmers; and third , strong so cial org aniza tion to ensure so cial s tability and a s table ec onom y. Mos t scholars a gree tha t the firs t cities w ere dev elop ed somewhere in ancient Mesop otamia, though there are disa greements a bout e xactly where . Mos t early cities w ere small b y today’s standards , and the larg est was mos t lik ely R ome , with a bout 650,000 inha bitants (Chandler and F ox 1974). The factors limiting the siz e of ancient cities include d lack o f ade qua te sew age control , limite d food supply , and immigra tion res trictions . For e xample , ser fs w ere tie d to the land , and transp ortation w as limite d and20.2 • Urbaniza tion 599 inefficient . Today, the primar y influenc e on cities’ gro wth is ec onomic f orces. Sinc e the rec ent ec onomic recession re duced housing pric es, rese archers ha ve been w aiting to see wha t happ ens to urb an migra tion patterns in resp onse . FIGURE 20.10 Percent o f U.S. P opulation. As this char t illustrates, the shift fr om rur al to urban living in the Unit ed Stat es has been dr amatic and c ontinuous . (Cr edit: the U .S. Census Bur eau) Urbaniz ation in the United States Urb aniza tion in the Unite d Sta tes pro ceeded rapidly during the Indus trial Era. As more and more opp ortunities f or w ork app eared in factories , workers left farms (and the r ural c ommunities tha t house d them) to mo ve to the cities . From mill to wns in Mas sachuset ts to tenements in N ew Y ork, the indus trial era sa w an influx o f poor w orkers into U .S. cities . At various times throughout the c ountr y’s his tory, certain demographic groups , from p ost-Civil W ar southern Black p eople to more rec ent immigrants , have made their w ay to urb an centers to seek a b etter lif e in the city . Managing R efugees and Asylum-Seek ers in the Modern W orld In 2013, the number o f refug ees, asylum-seek ers, and int ernal ly displac ed people w orldwide e xceeded 50 mil lion people f or the firs t time sinc e the end o f World W ar II. Half these people w ere childr en. A refug eeis defined as an individual who has been f orced to lea ve his or her c ountr y in or der t o escape w ar, persecution, or natur al disas ter, while asylum-seek ersare those whose claim t o refug ee s tatus has not been v alidat ed. An internal ly displac ed person , on the other hand, is neither a r efug ee nor an as ylum-seek er. Displac ed persons ha ve fled their homes while remaining inside their c ountr y’s bor ders . The w ar in Syria caused mos t of the 2013 incr ease , forcing 2.5 mil lion people t o seek r efug ee s tatus while int ernal ly displacing an additional 6.5 mil lion. Violenc e in Centr al African R epublic and South Sudan also c ontribut ed a lar ge number o f people t o the t otal ( The Unit ed Nations R efug ee Ag ency 2014). The r efug ees need help in the f orm o f food, w ater, shel ter, and medical car e, which has w orldwide implications f or nations c ontributing f oreign aid, the nations hos ting the r efug ees, and the non-g overnment or ganizations (NGOs) working with individuals and gr oups on sit e (The Unit ed Nations R efug ee Ag ency 2014). Wher e wil l this lar ge mo ving population, including sick, elderl y, childr en, and people with v ery few pos sessions and no long-t erm plan, g o?SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD600 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Suburbs and Exurbs As cities grew more cro wded, and o ften more imp overishe d and c ostly, more and more p eople b egan to migra te back out o f them . But ins tead o f returning to r ural small to wns ( like the y’d reside d in b efore mo ving to the city ), these p eople nee ded close ac cess to the cities f or their jobs . In the 1850s , as the urb an p opula tion greatly e xpande d and transp ortation options impro ved, suburbs dev elop ed.Suburbs are the c ommunities surrounding cities , typic ally close enough f or a daily c ommute in , but far enough a way to allo w for more sp ace than city living a ffords . The buc olic suburb an landsc ape of the e arly tw entieth c entur y has larg ely disapp eared due to spra wl. Suburb an spra wl c ontributes to tra ffic c ong estion , which in turn c ontributes to c ommuting time . And c ommuting times and dis tanc es ha ve continue d to incre ase as new suburbs dev elop ed far ther and farther from city c enters . Simultaneously , this dynamic c ontribute d to an e xponential incre ase in na tural resourc e use , like petroleum , which se quentially incre ased pollution in the f orm o f carbon emis sions . As the suburbs b ecame more cro wded and los t their charm , those who c ould a fford it turne d to the exurbs , communities tha t exist outside the ring o f suburbs and are typic ally p opula ted by ev en w ealthier families who want more sp ace and ha ve the resourc es to lengthen their c ommute . Together , the suburbs , exurbs , and metrop olitan are as all c ombine to f orm a metrop olis . New Y ork w as the firs t U.S.meg alop olis , a hug e urb an corridor enc omp assing multiple cities and their surrounding suburbs . These metrop olises use v ast quantities of na tural resourc es and are a gro wing p art of the U .S. landsc ape. FIGURE 20.11 The spr awl in L os Ang eles means long c ommut es and tr affic c ongestion. (Cr edit: Doc Searles/flickr) Suburbs Ar e Not All White Pick et F ences: The Banlieues of P aris What mak es a suburb a suburb? Simpl y, a suburb is a c ommunity surr ounding a city . But when y ou pictur e a suburb in your mind, y our imag e ma y vary widel y depending on which nation y ou cal l home . In the Unit ed Stat es, mos t consider the suburbs home t o upper — and middle —clas s people with priv ate homes . In other c ountries , like France, the suburbs ––or “banlieues” –– ar e synon ymous with housing pr ojects and impo verished c ommunities . In fact, the banlieues o f Paris ar e not orious f or their ethnic violenc e and crime , with higher unemplo yment and mor e residents living in po verty than in the city c enter. Further, the banlieues ha ve a much higher immigr ant population, which in Paris is mos tly Arabic and African immigr ants . This c ontr adicts the clichéd U .S. imag e of a typical whit e-pick et-fence suburb . In 2005, serious riots br oke out in the banlieue o f Clich y-sous -Bois aft er tw o bo ys were electr ocut ed while hiding from the polic e. The y were hiding , it is belie ved, because the y were in the wr ong plac e at the wr ong time , near the scene o f a br eak-in, and the y were afr aid the polic e would not belie ve in their innoc ence. Onl y a f ew da ys earlier , interior minis ter Nic olas Sark ozy (who lat er became pr esident), had giv en a speech t outing ne w measur es ag ains tSOCIAL POLICY AND DEB ATE20.2 • Urbaniza tion 601 urban violenc e and r eferring t o the people o f the banlieue as “ rabble ” (BBC 2005). Aft er the deaths and subsequent riots , Sark ozy reiterated his z ero-tolerance policy t oward violenc e and sent in mor e polic e. Ultimat ely, the violenc e spread acr oss mor e than thir ty towns and cities in F rance. Thousands o f cars w ere burned, man y hundr eds o f people w ere arr ested, and both polic e and pr otesters suff ered serious injuries . Then-P resident Jac ques Chir ac responded b y pledging mor e mone y for housing pr ograms , jobs pr ograms , and education pr ograms t o help the banlieues sol ve the underl ying pr oblems that led t o such disas trous unr est. But none o f the ne wly launched pr ograms w ere eff ectiv e. Sark ozy ran for pr esident on a plat form o f tough r egulations toward young o ffenders , and in 2007 the c ountr y elect ed him. Mor e riots ensued as a r esponse t o his election. In 2010, Sark ozy pr omised “ war without mer cy” agains t the crime in the banlieues (F rance24 2010). Six y ears aft er the Clich y-sous -Bois riot, cir cums tanc es ar e no bet ter for those in the banlieues . As the So cial P olicy & Deb ate feature illus trates, the suburbs also ha ve their share o f socio-economic problems . In the Unite d Sta tes,White flight refers to the migra tion o f economic ally secure White p eople from racially mix ed urb an are as and to ward the suburbs . This o ccurre d throughout the tw entieth c entur y, due to c auses as diverse as the leg al end o f racial segreg ation es tablishe d byBrown v . Bo ard o f Educ ation to the Mariel b oatlift of people fleeing Cub a for Miami . Current trends include middle -clas s Afric an-Americ an families f ollowing White flight p atterns out o f cities , while a ffluent White p eople return to cities tha t ha ve his toric ally had a majority o f Black p eople . The result is tha t the is sues o f rac e, socio-economics , neighb orho ods, and communities remain c omplic ated and challenging . Urbaniz ation ar ound the W orld During the Indus trial Era, there w as a gro wth spur t worldwide . The dev elopment o f factories brought p eople from r ural to urb an are as, and new technolog y incre ased the efficiency o f transp ortation , food pro duction , and food preser vation . For e xample , from the mid-1670s to the e arly 1900s , London 's popula tion incre ased from 550,000 to 7 million (Old Baile y Proceedings Online 2011). Glob al fa vorites lik e New Y ork, London , and T okyo are all e xamples o f postindus trial cities . As cities ev olve from manufacturing-b ased indus trial to ser vice- and informa tion-b ased postindus trial so cieties , gentrific ation b ecomes more c ommon .Gentrific ation occurs when memb ers o f the middle and upp er clas ses enter and reno vate city are as tha t ha ve been his toric ally les s affluent while the p oor urb an underclas s are f orced by resulting pric e pres sures to le ave those neighb orho ods for incre asingly dec aying p ortions o f the city . Glob ally, 55 p ercent o f the w orld ’s people currently reside in urb an are as, with the mos t urb aniz ed region being N orth Americ a (82 p ercent), f ollowed by La tin Americ a/the C aribb ean (81 p ercent), with Europ e coming in third (74 p ercent). In c omp arison , Afric a is only 40 p ercent urb aniz ed, though one o f its na tions , Nig eria, is projecte d to signific antly urb aniz e in the c oming y ears. With 37 million p eople , Tokyo is the w orld ’s larg est city by popula tion , and N ew Delhi is the sec ond larg est with 29 million . The w orld ’s mos t densely p opula ted cities are no w larg ely c oncentra ted in the glob al south , a mark ed chang e from sev eral dec ades a go when the bigg est cities w ere f ound in the glob al nor th. In the ne xt forty years, the bigg est glob al challeng e for urb aniz ed popula tions , particularly in les s dev elop ed countries , will b e to achiev e dev elopment tha t occurs without depleting or dama ging the na tural en vironment , also c alledsustainable de velopment (Unite d Nations 2018). Theor etical P erspectives on Urbaniz ation The is sues o f urb aniza tion pla y signific ant roles in the s tudy o f sociolog y. Rac e, economics , and human behavior intersect in cities . Let ’s look a t urb aniza tion through the so ciologic al persp ectiv es o f functionalism and c onflict theor y. Functional p ersp ectiv es on urb aniza tion g enerally f ocus on the ec olog y of the city , while conflict p ersp ectiv e tends to f ocus on p olitic al ec onom y. Human ec olog yis a functionalis t field o f study tha t looks a t the rela tionship b etween p eople and their built and na tural ph ysical en vironments (P ark 1915). Generally sp eaking , urb an land use and urb an p opula tion distribution o ccur in a pre dicta ble p attern onc e we unders tand ho w people rela te to their living en vironment .602 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. For e xample , in the Unite d Sta tes, we ha ve a transp ortation s ystem g eared to ac commo date individuals and families in the f orm o f inters tate high ways built f or c ars. In c ontras t, mos t parts of Europ e emphasiz e public transp ortation such as high-sp eed rail and c ommuter lines , as w ell as w alking and bicy cling . The challeng e for a human ec ologis t working in U .S. urb an planning is to design landsc apes and w atersc apes with na tural beauty, while also figuring out ho w to pro vide f or free -flowing transp ort of innumera ble v ehicles , not to mention p arking! The conc entric z one mo del (Burgess 1925) is p erhaps the mos t famous e xample o f human ec olog y. This model view s a city as a series o f concentric circular are as, expanding outw ard from the c enter o f the city , with various “z ones” in vading adjac ent z ones (as new c ategories o f people and busines ses o verrun the e dges o f nearby zones) and suc ceeding (then a fter in vasion , the new inha bitants repurp ose the are as the y ha ve invaded and push out the previous inha bitants). In this mo del, Zone A , in the he art of the city , is the c enter o f the busines s and cultural dis trict . Zone B , the c oncentric circle surrounding the city c enter , is c omp osed of formerly w ealth y homes split into che ap ap artments f or new immigrant p opula tions; this z one also houses small manufacturers , pawn shops , and other marginal busines ses. Zone C c onsis ts of the homes o f the w orking clas s and es tablishe d ethnic encla ves. Zone D holds w ealth y homes , white -collar w orkers, and shopping centers . Zone E c ontains the es tates o f the upp er clas s (in the e xurbs) and the suburbs . FIGURE 20.12 This il lustration depicts the z ones that mak e up a city in the c oncentric z one model . (Cr edit: Zeimusu/Wikimedia Commons) In contras t to the functionalis t appro ach, theoretic al mo dels in the c onflict p ersp ectiv e focus on the w ay urb an areas chang e ac cording to sp ecific decisions made b y politic al and ec onomic le aders . These decisions generally b enefit the middle and upp er clas ses while e xploiting the w orking and lo wer clas ses. For e xample , sociologis ts Feagin and P arker (1990) sugg ested three factors b y which p olitic al and ec onomic leaders c ontrol urb an gro wth . First, these le aders w ork alongside e ach other to influenc e urb an gro wth and decline , determining where mone y flo ws and ho w land use is regula ted. Sec ond , exchang e value and use v alue of land are b alanc ed to fa vor the middle and upp er clas ses so tha t, for e xample , public land in p oor neighb orho ods ma y be re zone d for use as indus trial land . Finally , urb an dev elopment is dep endent on b oth structure ( groups such as lo cal government) and a gency (individuals including busines smen and activis ts), and these groups eng age in a push-pull dynamic tha t determines where and ho w land is actually use d. For example , Not In My Back Y ard (NIMB Y) mo vements are more lik ely to emerg e in middle and upp er-clas s neighb orho ods as eng aged citiz ens protes t poor en vironmental practic es the y fear will a ffect them , so these groups ha ve more c ontrol o ver the use o f local land .20.2 • Urbaniza tion 603 20.3 The Envir onment and Society LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe climat e chang e and its impor tanc e •Appl y the c oncept of carr ying capacity t o en vironmental c oncerns •Explain the chal leng es pr esent ed b y pol lution, g arbag e, e-waste, and t oxic hazar ds •Discus s real-world ins tanc es o f environmental r acism The subfield o fenvironmental so ciolog ystudies the w ay humans interact with their en vironments . This field is closely rela ted to human ec olog y, which f ocuses on the rela tionship b etween p eople and their built and natural en vironment . This is an are a tha t is g arnering more a ttention as e xtreme w eather p atterns and p olicy battles o ver clima te chang e domina te the new s. A k ey factor o f environmental so ciolog y is the c oncept o f carrying c apacity , which describ es the maximum amount o f life tha t can b e sus taine d within a giv en are a. While this c oncept c an ref er to grazing lands or to riv ers, we can also apply it to the e arth as a whole . FIGURE 20.13 Too lit tle land f or gr azing means s tarving cat tle. (Cr edit: ne wbeatphot o/flickr) The T ragedy of the Commons You might ha ve hear d the e xpression “ the tr agedy o f the c ommons .” In 1968, an ar ticle o f the same title writ ten by Garr ett Har din described ho w a c ommon pas ture was ruined b y overgrazing . But Har din w as not the firs t to notic e the phenomenon. Back in the 1800s , Oxf ord ec onomis t Wil liam F orster Llo yd look ed at the de vastated public gr azing c ommons and the unheal thy cat tle subject t o such limit ed resour ces, and sa w, in es senc e, that the carr ying capacity o f the c ommons had been e xceeded. Ho wever, sinc e no one w as held r esponsible f or the land (as it w as open t o all), no one w as wil ling t o mak e sacrific es to impr ove it. Cat tle gr azers benefit ted fr om adding mor e cat tle to their her ds, but the y did not ha ve to tak e on the r esponsibility o f the lands that w ere being damag ed b y overgrazing . So ther e was an inc entiv e for them t o add mor e head o f cat tle, and no inc entiv e for restraint. Satellite phot os o f Africa tak
🌍 Environmental Tragedy of Commons
🚧 Private vs. shared resources demonstrate stark differences in sustainability - fenced private lands flourish with careful management while common areas suffer from overgrazing and exploitation, creating visible ecological devastation
🌡️ Climate change has shifted from controversial topic to accepted reality, with extreme weather events and rising temperatures driving increased public concern, though deep divides remain about solutions and responsibility between post-industrial and developing nations
💧 Water pollution and scarcity threaten billions worldwide, with contamination from industrial processes, agriculture, and inadequate sanitation creating health crises, while everyday products (from coffee to almonds) require surprising amounts of water to produce
🗑️ E-waste represents the fastest-growing garbage problem globally, with toxic electronics often shipped to developing nations where recycling exposes workers to dangerous chemicals, prompting increased regulation and corporate responsibility initiatives
🏙️ Air pollution severely impacts quality of life in rapidly industrializing nations like China, where smog regularly disrupts daily activities, while individual choices about transportation and consumption collectively contribute to atmospheric degradation
🌱 Soil degradation through erosion, desertification, and chemical contamination threatens food security, with modern agricultural methods sometimes creating long-term damage despite short-term production gains
en in the 1970s sho wed this pr actic e to dramatic eff ect. The imag es depict ed a dark irregular ar ea o f mor e than 300 squar e miles . Ther e was a lar ge fenced ar ea, wher e plenty o f grass was gr owing . Outside the f ence, the gr ound w as bar e and de vastated. The r eason w as simple: the f enced land w as priv ately owned b y inf ormed farmers who car efully rotat ed their gr azing animals and al lowed the fields t o lie fal low periodical ly. Outside the f ence was land used b y nomads . Like the her dsmen in 1800s Oxf ord, the nomadsBIG PICTURE604 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. increased their heads o f cat tle without planning f or its impact on the gr eater good. The soil er oded, the plants died, then the cat tle died, and, ul timat ely, some o f the people died. How does this les son aff ect those o f us who don ’t need t o graze our cat tle? W ell, like the c ows, we all need f ood, water, and clean air t o sur vive. With the incr easing w orld population and the e ver-larger meg alopolises with t ens of mil lions o f people , the limit o f the ear th’s carr ying capacity is cal led int o ques tion. When t oo man y tak e while giving t oo lit tle thought t o the r est of the population, whether cat tle or humans , the r esul t is usual ly tragedy. Climate Change While y ou might b e more familiar with the phrase “ glob al w arming ,”climate chang eis the term no w use d to refer to long-term shifts in temp eratures due to human activity and , in p articular , the rele ase o f greenhouse gases into the en vironment . The planet as a whole is w arming , but the term clima te chang e ackno wledges tha t the shor t-term v aria tions in this pro cess can include b oth higher and lo wer temp eratures , despite the overarching trend to ward w armth . Clima te chang e is a deeply c ontro versial subject , despite dec ades o f scientific rese arch and a high degree o f scientific c onsensus tha t supp orts its e xistenc e. For e xample , according to N ASA scientis ts, 2020 es sentially tied with 2016 as the w armes t year on rec ord, continuing the o verall trend o f incre asing w orldwide temp eratures (N ASA 2021). One eff ect o f clima te chang e is more e xtreme w eather . There are incre asingly more rec ord-bre aking w eather phenomena, from the numb er o f Category 4 hurric anes to the amount o f snowfall in a giv en winter . These e xtremes , while the y mak e for drama tic television c overage, can c ause imme asura ble dama ge to crops , prop erty, and liv es. So wh y is there a c ontro versy? Until rela tively rec ently , the Unite d Sta tes w as v ery divide d on the e xistenc e of clima te chang e as an imme diate thre at, as w ell as whether or not human activity c auses or c ontributes to it . But no w it app ears tha t the U .S. has joine d the ranks o f man y countries where citiz ens are c oncerne d about clima te chang e; the na tion is divide d on wha t to do a bout it . Research c onducte d in 2020 and 2021 indic ated tha t at least 60 p ercent o f Americ ans b eliev e clima te chang e is a re al and imme diate thre at (UNDP 2021 and Glob al Stra tegy Group 2021). Citiz ens are also more supp ortive of cle an energ y and taking p art in interna tional eff orts, such as the P aris Clima te A ccord, which is intende d to engage countries in actions to limit the activity tha t leads to clima te chang e. Wha t's chang ed these opinions? It may be tha t young er p eople are more represente d in these p olls, and the y tend to supp ort clima te chang e initia tives more c onsis tently . It ma y be tha t the c ontinue d sev erity o f weather and the c ostly and widespre ad imp act is more difficult to ignore than it w as previously . And p art of the changing opinions might b e driv en b y the prev alenc e of green energ y sourc es, from wind p ower to solar p ower to electric c ars, which are more evident to p eople acros s the c ountr y. Ho wever, deep divides remain . The addition o f cle an energ y pro ducers, such as o ffshore wind farms , typic ally meet s tiff lo cal opp osition (similar to the "not in m y backy ard" discus sion e arlier in the chapter). And an y punitiv e or pric e-raising metho ds o f controlling emis sions are unlik ely to b e welcome b y U.S. citiz ens. Finally , glob al agreements lik e the P aris A ccord will ha ve limite d imp act b ecause the y are not s trictly enf orceable. World s ystems analy sis sugg ests tha t while , his toric ally, core na tions ( like the Unite d Sta tes and W estern Europ e) w ere the gre atest sourc e of greenhouse g ases , the y ha ve no w ev olved into p ostindus trial so cieties . Indus trializ ed semi-p eripheral and p eripheral na tions are rele asing incre asing quantities o f greenhouse gases , such as c arbon dio xide . The c ore na tions , now post-indus trial and les s dep endent on greenhouse -gas- causing indus tries , wish to enact s trict proto cols reg arding the c auses o f glob al w arming , but the semi- peripheral and p eripheral na tions rightly p oint out tha t the y only w ant the same ec onomic chanc e to ev olve their ec onomies . Sinc e the y were unduly a ffecte d by the progres s of core na tions , if the c ore na tions no w insis t on "green " policies , the y should p ay offsets or subsidies o f some kind . There are no e asy ans wers to this conflict . It ma y well not b e "fair " tha t the c ore na tions b enefite d from ignoranc e during their indus trial b oom.20.3 • The En vironment and Society 605 Pollution Pollut ion describ es wha t happ ens when c ontaminants are intro duced into an en vironment ( water, air, land) a t levels tha t are dama ging . En vironments c an o ften sus tain a limite d amount o f contaminants without mark ed chang e, and w ater, air, and soil c an “he al” themselv es to a c ertain degree . Ho wever, onc e contaminant lev els reach a c ertain p oint , the results c an b e catastrophic . Water Typhoid , cholera, and diarrhe a from unsa fe water kill hundre ds o f thousands o f children e ach y ear, and o ver 160 million children suff er from malnutrition and gro wth is sues due to w ater is sues . An es tima ted 3 billion people do not ha ve ac cess to cle an w ater a t home f or hand-w ashing (CD C 2016). C onsider the imp act o f tha t, kno wing tha t man y of those without w ater f or hand-w ashing liv e in a gricultural so cieties in which the y work with animals or liv e in cities with man y other p eople . The w ater crisis is e xacerbated by man y of the other is sues w e've discus sed. Glob al pandemics , pollution , and clima te chang e all ha ve more sev ere imp acts when c ouple d with lack o f access to cle an w ater. Finally , the c ost of obtaining tha t cle an w ater c an inter fere with other imp ortant asp ects o f sur vival and so cial mobility . Children ser ve as w ater ha ulers , tra veling long dis tanc es on f oot to c ollect p otable w ater f or their family . Those same children (as w ell as those who similarly c ollect firew ood) are les s able to f ocus on their e duc ation , either mis sing scho ol or not c ompleting the as sociated work ( Water.org 2021). R egular w ater ha uling–which f or some people in volves c arrying 20 kilograms (40 p ounds) f or 30 minutes or more –also has neg ative eff ects on people 's bodies , esp ecially pregnant w omen who o ften under take the task . The situa tion is only g etting more dire as the glob al popula tion incre ases . Water is a k ey resourc e battleground in the tw enty -firs t centur y. As ev ery child le arns in scho ol, 70 p ercent o f earth is made o f water. Despite tha t figure , there is a finite amount o f water usa ble b y humans and it is c onstantly use d and reuse d in a sus taina ble w ater cy cle. The w ay we use this a bundant na tural resourc e, however, renders much o f it unsuita ble f or c onsumption and una ble to sustain lif e. Oil and na tural g as pro duction , discus sed at the b eginning o f the chapter , require so much w ater that there 's no sa fe plac e to put the w astewater other than deep underground . But more c ommon activities use far more w ater than man y people unders tand . The immense amount o f water to pro duce almonds (8 p ercent o f California 's water supply , equa ting to roughly one g allon p er individual almond) has made he adlines , as ha ve the 37 g allons tha t it tak es to pro duce a cup o f coffee. But all crops and liv estock ha ve a " water f ootprint ." Dair y milk is actually kno wn to tak e more w ater to pro duce than do es almond milk , for e xample . And s teak ma y tak e up to 900 g allons o f water to pro duce (WaterCalculua tor.org 2020). Those w ater c osts are imp ortant to c onsider , particularly if the crops are pro duced in a p art of the w orld where access to sa fe water is also an is sue. But re ducing irrig ation w ater usa ge for U .S. crops w ould ha ve very limite d effects in sub -Saharan Afric a. Mos t experts focus on impro ving w ater quality and sanita tion in g eneral , as w ell as re ducing the dis tanc e people nee d to tra vel in order to obtain sa fe water. Water p ollution has alw ays been a b ypro duct o f indus trializa tion , incre ased popula tion , and urb aniza tion . Clev eland's Cuy ahog a Riv er caught fire sev eral times due to p ollution , and w as p art of wha t inspire d the Unite d States' turn to cle aner w ater. Other c ountries are currently underg oing the same crises . As a c onse quenc e of popula tion c oncentra tions , water close to human set tlements is fre quently p ollute d with untre ated or p artially treated human w aste (sew age), chemic als, radio activity , and lev els o f he at sufficient to cre ate larg e “dead zones” inc apable o f supp orting aqua tic lif e. The metho ds o f food pro duction use d by man y core na tions rely on liberal doses o f nitrog en and p esticides , which end up b ack in the w ater supply . In some c ases , water p ollution affects the quality o f the aqua tic lif e consume d by water and land animals . As w e mo ve along the f ood chain , the p ollutants tra vel from pre y to pre dator. Sinc e humans c onsume a t all lev els o f the f ood chain , we ultima tely consume the c arcinog ens, such as mercur y, accumula ted through sev eral branches o f the f ood web.606 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Soil You might ha ve re adThe Grap es o f Wrathin English clas s at some p oint in time . Steinb eck’s tale o f the J oads, driv en out o f their home b y the Dus t Bo wl, is s till pla ying out to day. In China, as in Depres sion-era Oklahoma, over-tilling soil in an a ttempt to e xpand a griculture has resulte d in the disapp earanc e of larg e patches o f topsoil . Soil erosion and deser tific ation are jus t two of the man y forms o f soil p ollution . In addition , all the chemic als and p ollutants tha t harm our w ater supplies c an also le ach into soil with similar eff ects . Bro wn z ones where nothing c an gro w are c ommon results o f soil p ollution . One demand the p opula tion b oom mak es on the planet is a re quirement f or more f ood to b e pro duced. The so -called “Green R evolution ” in the 1960s sa w chemis ts and w orld aid org aniza tions w orking tog ether to bring mo dern farming metho ds, complete with p esticides , to developing c ountries . The imme diate result w as p ositiv e: food yields w ent up and burg eoning p opula tions were f ed. But as time has g one on , these are as ha ve fallen into ev en more difficult s traits as the dama ge done by mo dern metho ds le ave traditional farmers with les s than the y had to s tart. Dredging c ertain b eaches in an a ttempt to sa ve valua ble b eachfront prop erty from c oastal erosion has resulte d in gre ater s torm imp act on shorelines , and dama ge to b each ec osystems ( Turneff e Atoll T rust 2008). These dredging projects ha ve dama ged reefs , sea gras s beds, and shorelines and c an kill o ff larg e swaths o f marine life. Ultima tely, this dama ge thre atens lo cal fisheries , tourism , and other p arts of the lo cal ec onom y. Garbage FIGURE 20.14 Wher e should g arbag e go when y ou’ve run out o f room? This is a ques tion that is incr easingl y pressing the planet. (Cr edit: Depar tment o f Environmental P rotection R ecycling /flickr) Where is y our las t cell phone? Wha t about the one b efore tha t? Or the hug e old television set y our family had before fla t screens b ecame p opular? F or mos t of us, the ans wer is a sheepish shr ug. We don ’t pay attention to the demise o f old items , and sinc e electronics drop in pric e and incre ase in inno vation a t an incre dible clip , we have been traine d by their manufacturers to upgrade fre quently . Garbage cre ation and c ontrol are major is sues f or mos t core and indus trializing na tions , and it is quickly becoming one o f the mos t critic al en vironmental is sues fac ed in the Unite d Sta tes. People in the Unite d Sta tes buy pro ducts , use them , and then thro w them a way. Did y ou disp ose o f your old electronics ac cording to government sa fety guidelines? Chanc es are g ood you didn ’t even kno w there are guidelines . Multiply y our electronics times a f ew million , tak e into ac count the numerous to xic chemic als the y contain , and then ima gine either bur ying those chemic als in the ground or lighting them on fire .20.3 • The En vironment and Society 607 Those are the tw o primar y me ans o f waste disp osal in the Unite d Sta tes: landfill and incinera tion . When it comes to g etting rid o f dang erous to xins , neither is a g ood choic e. Styro foam and plas tics tha t man y of us use every da y do not dis solv e in a na tural w ay. Burn them , and the y rele ase c arcinog ens into the air . Their improp er incinera tion (intentional or not) adds to air p ollution and incre ases smog . Dump them in landfills , and the y do not dec omp ose. As landfill sites fill up , we risk an incre ase in groundw ater c ontamina tion . What Should Apple (and Friends) Do about E-W aste? FIGURE 20.15 A parking lot fil led with electr onic w aste, kno wn as e -waste. (Cr edit: U .S. Arm y En vironmental Command/flickr) The mountains o f broken plas tic and rus ty metal that plag ue the en vironment ar e not the mos t problematic types of garbag e.E-w asteor obsolet e, broken, and w orn-out electr onics is the fas test growing segment o f garbag e production in the w orld. It is made up o f household applianc es, bat teries , contr ol de vices, comput ers, phones , and similar pr oducts . Ironical ly, one o f the lar gest pot ential e -waste problems wil l come fr om e xpended solar panels , which, al though onl y a fr action o f total w aste, wil l requir e a c omple x recycling pr ocess (St one 2020). Al l of these pr oducts ha ve toxic chemicals and dang erous metals in them, as w ell as a significant amount o f plas tic that does not biodegr ade. So wher e do the y go? Man y companies ship their e -waste to de veloping nations in Africa and Asia t o be “recycled. ” While the y are, in some senses , recycled, the r esul t is not e xactl y clean. In fact, it is one o f the dir tiest jobs ar ound. Ov erseas , without the benefit o f environmental r egulation, e -waste dumps bec ome a kind o f boomt own f or entr epreneurs wil ling t o sor t thr ough endles s stack s of broken-do wn electr onics f or tin y bits o f valuable c opper , silver, and other pr ecious metals . Unf ortunat ely, in their hunt, these w orkers ar e exposed t o deadl y toxins . Governments ar e beginning t o tak e notic e of the impending disas ter, and the Eur opean Union, as w ell as the state of Calif ornia , put s trict er regulations in plac e. These r egulations both limit the amount o f toxins al lowed in electr onics and addr ess the is sue o f end-o f-life recycling . But not surprisingl y, corpor ations , while insis ting the yBIG PICTURE608 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. are greening their process, often fight stricter regulations. Meanwhile, many environmental groups, including the activist group Greenpeace, have taken up the cause. Greenpeace states that it is working to get companies to: 1.measure and reduce emissions with energy efficiency, renewable energy, and energy policy advocacy 2.make greener, efficient, longer lasting products that are free of hazardous substances 3.reduce environmental impacts throughout company operations, from choosing production materials and energy sources right through to establishing global take-back programs for old products (Greenpeace 2011). Companies like Amazon, Samsung, Canon, Sprint, and Dell are noted for effective and forward-thinking programs (Sadoff 2019). Air China’s fast-growing economy and burgeoning industry have translated into notoriously poor air quality. Smog hangs heavily over the major cities, sometimes grounding aircraft that cannot navigate through it. Pedestrians and cyclists wear air-filter masks to protect themselves. In Beijing, citizens are skeptical that the government- issued daily pollution ratings are trustworthy. Increasingly, they are taking their own pollution measurements in the hopes that accurate information will galvanize others to action. Given that some days they can barely see down the street, they hope action comes soon (Papenfuss 2011). Humanity, with its growing numbers, use of fossil fuels, and increasingly urbanized society, is putting too much stress on the earth’s atmosphere. The amount of air pollution varies from locale to locale, and you may be more personally affected than you realize. How often do you check air quality reports before leaving your house? Depending on where you live, this question can sound utterly strange or like an everyday matter. Along with oxygen, most of the time we are also breathing in soot, hydrocarbons, carbon, nitrogen, and sulfur oxides. Much of the pollution in the air comes from human activity. How many college students move their cars across campus at least once a day? Who checks the environmental report card on how many pollutants each company throws into the air before purchasing a cell phone? Many of us are guilty of taking our environment for granted without concern for how everyday decisions add up to a long-term global problem. How many minor adjustments can you think of, like walking instead of driving, that would reduce your overall carbon footprint? Remember the “tragedy of the commons.” Each of us is affected by air pollution.
🏭 Environmental Injustice Crisis
🌫️ Air pollution accumulates in human bodies like cigarette smoke, causing chronic illnesses while simultaneously damaging crops and increasing energy costs—revealing how the true price of fossil fuels extends far beyond what consumers pay directly
☢️ Nuclear waste presents a persistent danger requiring centuries of careful management, with disasters like Fukushima demonstrating how quickly "safe" energy can become catastrophic for surrounding communities and ecosystems
🔥 Environmental disasters create long-term devastation, as evidenced by Centralia, Pennsylvania's underground coal fire that has burned since 1962, forcing evacuation and creating uninhabitable sinkholes that continue expanding decades later
🧬 Environmental racism systematically burdens minority communities with toxic facilities and pollution—research shows race is more significant than socioeconomic status in predicting hazardous waste facility locations, with Black children five times more likely to suffer lead poisoning
🏹 Native American communities face disproportionate environmental harm through forced relocations, uranium contamination, and toxic waste dumping on tribal lands, complicated by sovereignty issues and institutional disenfranchisement
💰 NIMBY protests ("Not In My Back Yard") perpetuate environmental inequality as wealthier communities successfully push unwanted facilities toward disadvantaged areas with fewer resources to resist harmful development
But like the herder who adds one more head of cattle to realize the benefits of owning more cows but who does not have to pay the price of the overgrazed land, we take the benefit of driving or buying the latest cell phones without worrying about the end result. Air pollution accumulates in the body, much like the effects of smoking cigarettes accumulate over time, leading to more chronic illnesses. And in addition to directly affecting human health, air pollution affects crop quality as well as heating and cooling costs. In other words, we all pay a lot more than the price at the pump when we fill up our tank with gas. Toxic and Radioactive Waste Radioactivity is a form of air pollution. While nuclear energy promises a safe and abundant power source, increasingly it is looked upon as a danger to the environment and to those who inhabit it. We accumulate nuclear waste, which we must then keep track of long term and ultimately figure out how to store the toxic waste material without damaging the environment or putting future generations at risk. The 2011 earthquake in Japan illustrates the dangers of even safe, government-monitored nuclear energy. When disaster occurs, how can we safely evacuate the large numbers of affected people? Indeed, how can we even be sure how far the evacuation radius should extend? Radiation can also enter the food chain, causing damage from the bottom (phytoplankton and microscopic soil organisms) all the way to the top. Once again, the price paid for cheap power is much greater than what we see on the electric bill.20.3 • The Environment and Society 609 FIGURE 20.16 An aerial vie w of the Gulf Coas t, tak en in Ma y 2010, il lustrates the damag e done b y the BP Deep Water Horiz onspill. (Cr edit: Jeff W arren/flickr) The enormous oil disas ter tha t hit the Louisiana Gulf C oast in 2010 is jus t one o f a high numb er o f environmental crises tha t ha ve led to to xic residue . The y include the p ollution o f the Lo ve Canal neighb orho od of the 1970s to the Exx onValde zoil tank er crash o f 1989, the Chernob yl disas ter o f 1986, and J apan’s Fukushima nucle ar plant incident f ollowing the e arthquak e in 2011. Often , the s tories are not new smak ers, but simply an unple asant p art of life for the p eople who liv e ne ar to xic sites such as C entralia, P enns ylvania and Hinkle y, California. In man y cases , people in these neighb orho ods c an b e part of acanc er clus terwithout realizing the c ause.610 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 20.17 Oil on the g ulf shor e beaches caused gr eat des truction, kil ling marine and land animals and devastating local busines s. (Cr edit: A V8ter/flickr) The Fir e Burns On: Centr alia, P ennsylv ania Ther e used t o be a plac e cal led Centr alia, Penns ylvania . The t own inc orpor ated in the 1860s and onc e had se veral thousand r esidents , largely coal w orkers. But the s tory of its demise begins a c entur y lat er in 1962. That y ear, a trash-burning fir e was lit in the pit o f the old abandoned c oal mine outside o f town. The fir e mo ved do wn the mineshaft and ignit ed a v ein o f coal. It is s till burning . For mor e than tw enty y ears , people tried t o exting uish the under ground fir e, but no mat ter what the y did, it returned. Ther e was lit tle g overnment action, and people had t o abandon their homes as t oxic g ases eng ulfed the area and sinkholes de veloped. The situation dr ew national at tention when the gr ound c ollapsed under tw elve-year- old T odd Domboski in 1981. T odd w as in his y ard when a sinkhole f our f eet wide and 150 f eet deep opened beneath him. He clung t o exposed tr ee roots and sa ved his lif e; if he had fal len a f ew feet far ther, the heat or carbon mono xide w ould ha ve kil led him. In 1983, engineers s tudying the fir e concluded that it c ould burn f or another c entur y or mor e and c ould spr ead o ver nearl y 4,000 acr es. At this point, the g overnment o ffered to buy out the t own’s residents and w anted them t o relocat e to nearb y towns . A few det ermined Centr alians r efused t o lea ve, even though the g overnment bought their homes , and the y are the onl y ones who r emain. In one field, signs w arn people t o ent er at their o wn risk, because the gr ound is hot and uns table . And the fir e burns on (DeK ok 1986). Envir onmental R acism Environmental racism refers to the w ay in which minority group neighb orho ods (p opula ted primarily b y people o f color and memb ers o f low so cioeconomic groups) are burdene d with a disprop ortiona te numb er o fSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD20.3 • The En vironment and Society 611 hazards , including to xic w aste facilities , garbage dumps , and other sourc es o f environmental p ollution and foul o dors tha t lower the quality o f life. All around the glob e, memb ers o f minority groups b ear a gre ater burden o f the he alth problems tha t result from higher e xposure to w aste and p ollution . This c an o ccur due to unsa fe or unhe alth y work c onditions where no regula tions e xist (or are enf orced) for p oor w orkers, or in neighb orho ods tha t are unc omf ortably close to to xic ma terials . The s tatistics on en vironmental racism are sho cking . Research sho ws tha t it p ervades all asp ects o f Afric an Americ ans' lives: en vironmentally unsound housing , scho ols with asb estos problems , facilities and playgrounds with le ad p aint . A tw enty -year comp arative study le d by so ciologis t Robert Bullard determine d “rac e to b e more imp ortant than so cioeconomic s tatus in pre dicting the lo cation o f the na tion ’s commercial hazardous w aste facilities” (B ullard et al . 2007). His rese arch f ound , for e xample , tha t Black children are fiv e times more lik ely to ha ve lead p oisoning (the le ading en vironmental he alth thre at for children) than their White c ounterp arts, and tha t a disprop ortiona te numb er o f people o f color reside in are as with hazardous waste facilities (B ullard et al . 2007). So ciologis ts with the project are e xamining ho w en vironmental racism is addres sed in the long-term cle anup o f the en vironmental disas ters c aused by Hurric ane K atrina. Nativ e American T ribes and Envir onmental R acism Nativ e Americans ar e unques tionabl y victims o f environmental r acism. The Commis sion f or R acial Jus tice found that about 50 per cent o f all Nativ e Americans liv e in c ommunities with unc ontr olled hazar dous w aste sit es (Asian P acific Environmental Netw ork 2002). Ther e’s no ques tion that, w orldwide , indig enous populations ar e suff ering fr om similar fat es. For Nativ e American tribes , the is sues can be c omplicat ed—and their solutions har d to attain—because o f the complicat ed g overnmental is sues arising fr om a his tory of ins titutionaliz ed disenfr anchisement. Unlik e other r acial minorities in the Unit ed Stat es, Nativ e American tribes ar e so vereign nations . Ho wever, much o f their land is held in “trust,” meaning that “ the f eder al government holds title t o the land in trus t on behalf o f the tribe ” (Bur eau o f Indian Affairs 2012). Some ins tanc es o f environmental damag e arise fr om this cr ossover, wher e the U .S. g overnment ’s title has meant it acts without appr oval of the tribal g overnment. Other significant c ontribut ors t o en vironmental r acism as e xperienc ed b y tribes ar e forcible r emo val and bur densome r ed tape t o receive the same r epar ation benefits afforded t o non-Indians . To bet ter unders tand ho w this happens , let’s consider a f ew example cases . The home o f the Sk ull Valley Band o f Goshut e Indians w as tar geted as the sit e for a high-le vel nuclear w aste dumping gr ound, amid al legations o f a payoff of as high as $200 mil lion (K amps 2001). K eith L ewis, an indig enous adv ocat e for Nativ e American rights , comment ed on this buy out, aft er his people endur ed decades o f uranium c ontamination, sa ying that “ ther e is nothing mor al about t emp ting a s tarving man with mone y” (Kamps 2001). In another e xample , the W estern Shoshone ’s Yucca Mountain ar ea has been pursued b y mining c ompanies f or its rich ur anium s tores, a thr eat that adds t o the e xisting r adiation e xposur e this ar ea suff ers fr om U .S. and British nuclear bomb t esting (En vironmental Justice Case Studies 2004). In the “ four c orners” ar ea wher e Color ado, Utah, Ariz ona, and Ne w Me xico meet, a group o f Hopi and Na vajo families ha ve been f orcibly remo ved fr om their homes so the land c ould be mined b y the Peabody Mining Compan y for coal v alued at $10 bil lion (American Indian Cul tural Suppor t 2006). Y ears o f uranium mining on the lands o f the Na vajo o f Ne w Me xico ha ve led t o serious heal th consequenc es, and r epar ations ha ve been difficul t to secur e; in addition t o the los s of life, people ’s homes and other facilities ha ve been c ontaminat ed (Frosch 2009). In y et another case , members o f the Chippe wa near Whit e Pine , Michig an, w ere unable t o stop the transpor t of hazar dous sulfuric acid acr oss reser vation lands , but their activism helped bring an end t o the mining project that used the acid (En vironmental Jus tice Case Studies 2004). These e xamples ar e onl y a f ew of the hundr eds o f incidents that Nativ e American tribes ha ve fac ed and c ontinue t o battle ag ains t. Sadl y, the mis treatment o f the land’ s original inhabitants c ontinues via this ins titution o fSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD612 20 • P opula tion, Urbaniza tion, and the En vironment Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. environmental r acism. Ho w might the w ork o f sociologis ts help dr aw at tention t o—and e ventual ly mitig ate—this social pr oblem? Why do es en vironmental racism e xist? The re ason is simple . Those with resourc es c an raise a warenes s, mone y, and public a ttention to ensure tha t their c ommunities are unsullie d. This has le d to an ine quita ble distribution o f environmental burdens . Another metho d of keeping this ine quity aliv e is NIMB Y protes ts. Chemic al plants , airp orts, landfills , and other municip al or c orporate projects are o ften the subject o f NIMB Y demons trations . And e qually o ften , the NIMB Yists win , and the objectiona ble project is mo ved closer to those who ha ve fewer resourc es to fight it .20.3 • The En vironment and Society 613 Key T erms sustainable de velopment development tha t occurs without depleting or dama ging the na tural en vironment asylum-seek ers those whose claim to refug ee s tatus ha ve not b een v alida ted canc er clus ter a geographic are a with high lev els o f cancer within its p opula tion carrying c apacit y the amount o f people tha t can liv e in a giv en are a considering the amount o f available resourc es climate chang e long-term shifts in temp erature and clima te due to human activity conc entric z one mo del a mo del o f human ec olog y tha t view s cities as a series o f circular rings or z ones cornuc opian theor y a theor y tha t asserts human ing enuity will rise to the challeng e of pro viding ade qua te resourc es for a gro wing p opula tion demographic transit ion theor y a theor y tha t describ es four s tages o f popula tion gro wth , following p atterns that connect bir th and de ath ra tes with s tages o f indus trial dev elopment demograph y the s tudy o f popula tion e-waste the disp osal o f brok en, obsolete , and w orn-out electronics environmental racism the burdening o f economic ally and so cially disadv anta ged communities with a disprop ortiona te share o f environmental hazards environmental so ciolog y the so ciologic al subfield tha t addres ses the rela tionship b etween humans and the environment exurbs communities tha t arise far ther out than the suburbs and are typic ally p opula ted by residents o f high socioeconomic s tatus fertility rate a me asure noting the actual numb er o f children b orn fracking hydraulic fracturing , a metho d use d to rec over g as and oil from shale b y drilling do wn into the earth and directing a high-pres sure mixture o f water, sand , and proprietar y chemic als into the ro ck gentrific ation the entr y of upp er- and middle -clas s residents to city are as or c ommunities tha t ha ve been historic ally les s affluent human ec olog y a functional p ersp ectiv e tha t looks a t the rela tionship b etween p eople and their built and natural en vironment internally displac ed person someone who fle d his or her home while remaining inside the c ountr y’s borders Malthusian theor y a theor y as serting tha t popula tion is c ontrolle d through p ositiv e checks ( war, famine , dise ase) and prev entiv e checks (me asures to re duce fertility ) meg alop olis a larg e urb an c orridor tha t enc omp asses sev eral cities and their surrounding suburbs and exurbs metrop olis the are a tha t includes a city and its suburbs and e xurbs mor talit y rate a me asure o f the numb er o f people in a p opula tion who die NIMB Y “Not In My Back Y ard,” the tendency o f people to protes t poor en vironmental practic es when those practic es will a ffect them directly pollut ion the intro duction o f contaminants into an en vironment a t lev els tha t are dama ging populat ion c omp osit ion a snapshot o f the demographic pro file o f a p opula tion b ased on f ertility , mor tality , and migra tion ra tes populat ion p yramid a graphic representa tion tha t depicts p opula tion dis tribution ac cording to a ge and se x refug ee an individual who has b een f orced to le ave their c ountr y in order to esc ape war, persecution , or natural disas ter sex rat io the ra tio o f men to w omen in a giv en p opula tion suburbs the c ommunities surrounding cities , typic ally close enough f or a daily c ommute urb an so ciolog y the subfield o f sociolog y tha t focuses on the s tudy o f urb aniza tion urb anizat ion the s tudy o f the so cial, politic al, and ec onomic rela tionships o f cities white flight the migra tion o f economic ally secure white p eople from racially mix ed urb an are as to ward the suburbs614 20 • K ey Terms Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. zero p opulat ion gro wth a theoretic al goal in which the numb er o f people entering a p opula tion through birth or immigra tion is e qual to the numb er o f people le aving it via de ath or emigra tion Section Summary 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation Scholars unders tand demograph y through v arious analy ses. Malthusian , zero p opula tion gro wth , cornuc opian theor y, and demographic transition theories all help so ciologis ts study demograph y. The e arth’s human popula tion is gro wing quickly , esp ecially in p eripheral c ountries . Factors tha t imp act p opula tion include birthra tes, mor tality ra tes, and migra tion , including immigra tion and emigra tion . There are numerous potential outc omes o f the gro wing p opula tion , and so ciologic al persp ectiv es v ary on the p otential eff ect o f these incre ased numb ers. The gro wth will pres sure the alre ady tax ed planet and its na tural resourc es. 20.2 Urbaniz ation Cities pro vide numerous opp ortunities f or their residents and o ffer signific ant b enefits including ac cess to goods to numerous job opp ortunities . At the same time , high p opula tion are as c an le ad to tensions b etween demographic groups , as w ell as en vironmental s train . While the p opula tion o f urb an dw ellers is c ontinuing to rise , sourc es o f social s train are rising along with it . The ultima te challeng e for to day’s urb anites is finding an equita ble w ay to share the city ’s resourc es while re ducing the p ollution and energ y use tha t neg atively imp acts the en vironment . 20.3 The Envir onment and Society The are a of environmental so ciolog y is gro wing as e xtreme w eather p atterns and c oncerns o ver clima te chang e incre ase. Human activity le ads to p ollution o f soil , water, and air , compromising the he alth o f the entire food chain . While ev eryone is a t risk , poor and disadv anta ged neighb orho ods and na tions b ear a gre ater burden o f the planet ’s pollution , a dynamic kno wn as en vironmental racism . Section Quiz 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation 1.The p opula tion o f the planet double d in fifty y ears to re ach _______ in 1999? a.6 billion b.7 billion c.5 billion d.10 billion 2.A functionalis t would addres s which is sue? a.The w ay inner -city are as b ecome ghet toized and limit a vailability to jobs b.The w ay immigra tion and emigra tion trends s trengthen glob al rela tionships c.The w ay racism and se xism imp act the p opula tion c omp osition o f rural c ommunities d.The w ay humans interact with en vironmental resourc es on a daily b asis 3.Wha t do es c arrying c apacity ref er to? a.The a bility o f a c ommunity to w elcome new immigrants b.The c apacity f or glob alism within a giv en ethnic group c.The amount o f life tha t can b e supp orted sus taina bly in a p articular en vironment d.The amount o f weight tha t urb an c enters c an b ear if v ertical gro wth is manda ted20 • Section Summar y615 4.Wha t three factors did Malthus b eliev e would limit human p opula tion? a.Self -preser vation , old a ge, and illnes s b.Natural cy cles , illnes s, and immigra tion c.Violenc e, new dise ases , and old a ge d.War, famine , and dise ase 5.Wha t do es c ornuc opian theor y believ e? a.Tha t human ing enuity will solv e an y issues tha t overpopula tion cre ates b.Tha t new dise ases will alw ays keep p opula tions s table c.Tha t the e arth will na turally pro vide enough f or wha tever numb er o f humans e xist d.Tha t the gre atest risk is p opula tion re duction , not p opula tion gro wth 20.2 Urbaniz ation 6.In the c oncentric z one mo del, Zone B is lik ely to house wha t? a.The city ’s indus trial c enter b.Wealth y commuter homes c.Formerly w ealth y homes split into che ap ap artments d.Rural outp osts 7.Wha t are the prere quisites f or the e xistenc e of a city? a.Good en vironment with w ater and a fa vorable clima te b.Advanced agricultural technolog y c.Strong so cial org aniza tion d.All of the a bove 8.In 2014, wha t was the larg est city in the w orld? a.Delhi b.New Y ork c.Shanghai d.Tokyo 9.Wha t led to the cre ation o f the e xurbs? a.Urb an spra wl and cro wds mo ving into the city b.The high c ost of suburb an living c.The housing b oom o f the 1980s d.Gentrific ation 10.How are the suburbs o f Paris diff erent from those o f mos t U.S. cities? a.The y are c onnecte d by public transp ortation . b.There are more indus trial and busines s opp ortunities there . c.The y are s ynon ymous with housing projects and urb an p oor. d.The y are les s popula ted. 11.How do es g entrific ation a ffect cities? a.The y become more cro wded. b.Less affluent residents are pushe d into les s
🌍 Environmental and Urban Challenges
🏙️ Urbanization transforms societies through concentrated population growth, creating distinct zones with unique socioeconomic characteristics and environmental impacts
🔄 Population dynamics shape resource allocation and social structures, with demographic transitions reflecting shifts from high birth/death rates to lower, more stable patterns
🗑️ Environmental justice issues arise when hazardous waste, pollution, and resource depletion disproportionately affect marginalized communities, creating patterns of environmental racism
💧 Resource management challenges include water contamination, e-waste disposal, and the "tragedy of the commons" where public resources are depleted through unregulated individual use
🌱 Sustainable solutions require addressing NIMBY (Not In My Backyard) protests while developing responsible waste management systems for electronics, chemicals, and other pollutants
🌡️ Climate change impacts intensify these challenges, requiring coordinated global responses and policy changes to mitigate environmental degradation
desira ble are as. c.Traffic is sues , including p ollution , become w orse . d.All of the a bove616 20 • Section Quiz Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 12.Wha t do es human ec olog y theor y addres s? a.The rela tionship b etween humans and their en vironments b.The w ay humans a ffect technolog y c.The w ay the human p opula tion re duces the v ariety o f nonhuman sp ecies d.The rela tionship b etween humans and other sp ecies 13.Urb aniza tion includes the so ciologic al study o f wha t? a.Urb an ec onomics b.Urb an p olitics c.Urb an en vironments d.All of the a bove 20.3 The Envir onment and Society 14.The “ tragedy o f the c ommons” is a ref erenc e to wha t? a.Glob al w arming b.Afric an lando wners c.The c ommon grazing lands in Oxf ord d.The misuse o f priv ate sp ace 15.Wha t are w ays tha t human activity imp acts the w ater supply? a.Creating sew age b.Spreading chemic als c.Incre asing radio activity d.All of the a bove 16.Which is an e xample o f environmental racism? a.The fact tha t a disprop ortiona te p ercenta ge of people o f color liv e in en vironmentally hazardous are as b.Greenp eace protes ts c.The prev alenc e of asb estos in f ormerly “ whites only ” scho ols d.Prejudic e similar to racism a gains t people with diff erent en vironmental view s than one ’s own 17.Wha t isnot a neg ative outc ome o f shoreline dre dging? a.Dama ged coral reefs b.Death o f marine lif e c.Ruine d se a gras s beds d.Reduction o f human p opula tion 18.Wha t are the tw o primar y metho ds o f waste disp osal? a.Landfill and incinera tion b.Incinera tion and c omp ost c.Dec omp osition and incinera tion d.Marine dumping and landfills 19.Where do es a larg e percenta ge of e-waste wind up? a.Incinera tors b.Recycled in p eripheral na tions c.Repurp osed into new electronics d.Dump ed into o cean rep ositories20 • Section Quiz 617 20.Wha t typ es o f municip al projects o ften result in en vironmental racism? a.Toxic dumps or other objectiona ble projects b.The lo cation o f scho ols, libraries , and other cultural ins titutions c.Hospitals and other he alth and sa fety sites d.Public transp ortation options Short Answer 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation 1.Given wha t we kno w about p opula tion gro wth , wha t do y ou think o f China ’s policy tha t limits the numb er o f children a family c an ha ve? Do y ou a gree with it? Wh y, or wh y not? Wha t other w ays might a c ountr y of over 1.3 billion p eople mana ge its p opula tion? 2.Describ e the eff ect o f immigra tion or emigra tion on y our lif e or in a c ommunity y ou ha ve seen . Wha t are the positiv e eff ects? Wha t are the neg ative eff ects? 3.Wha t resp onsibility do es the Unite d Sta tes ha ve toward undera ge as ylum-seek ers? 20.2 Urbaniz ation 4.Wha t are the diff erenc es b etween the suburbs and the e xurbs , and who is mos t lik ely to liv e in e ach? 5.How will the gro wth in urb an p opula tions a ffect the w orld o ver the ne xt ten y ears? 6.Considering the c oncentric z one mo del, wha t typ e of zone w ere y ou raise d in? Is this the same or diff erent as tha t of earlier g enera tions in y our family? Wha t typ e of zone do y ou reside in no w? Do y ou find tha t people from one z one s tereotyp e those from another? If so , how? 20.3 The Envir onment and Society 7.After re ading this section , will y ou chang e the w ay you tre at your household w aste? Explain . 8.How do y ou think the is sue o f e-waste should b e de alt with? Should the resp onsibility fall to the c omp anies that mak e the pro ducts or the c onsumer who buy s them? W ould y our buying ha bits b e diff erent if y ou had to p ay to recy cle old electronics? 9.Can y ou think o f a mo dern e xample o f the tra gedy o f the c ommons , where public use without ac counta bility has cre ated a neg ative outc ome? 10.NIMB Y protes ts occur when c oncerne d citiz ens b and tog ether to sp eak up a gains t something tha t will imp act them neg atively. Is this a p ositiv e or neg ative trend? Giv e an e xample o f a NIMB Y protes t and whether y ou supp ort it or not . Further R esear ch 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation To learn more a bout p opula tion c oncerns , from the new-era ZPG adv ocates to the Unite d Nations rep orts, check out the Popula tion C onnection w eb site (http://openstax.org/l/popula tion_ connection) . Explore an interactiv e version o f the popula tion p yramid (http://openstax.org/l/2EDemoN ow)for e ach c ountr y, and to see up dates and chang es o ver time: at this w ebsite (https:/ /openstax.org/l/popula tionp yramid) . 20.2 Urbaniz ation Interes ted in le arning more a bout the la test rese arch in the field o f human ec olog y? V isit the Society f or Human E colog y web site (http://openstax.org/l/human_ ecolog y)to disc over wha t’s emerging in this field . Getting from plac e to plac e in urb an are as might b e more c omplic ated than y ou think . Read the la test on618 20 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. pedestrian-tra ffic c oncerns a t the Streetsblog w eb site (http://openstax.org/l/pedestrian_ traffic) . 20.3 The Envir onment and Society Visit the Cleanups in My C ommunity w eb site (http://openstax.org/l/community _cleanup) to see where environmental hazards ha ve been identifie d in y our b acky ard, and wha t is b eing done a bout them . Wha t is y our c arbon f ootprint? F ind out using the carbon f ootprint c alcula tor(http://openstax.org/l/ carbon_ footprint _calcula tor) . Find out using the water f ootprint c alcula tor(https:/ /openstax.org/l/w aterc alcula tor) . References Intr oduction Colborn, Theo , Carol K wiatkowski, Kim Schultz, and Mar y Bachran . 2011. “N atural G as Op erations from a Public He alth P ersp ectiv e.”Human & E cologic al Risk As sessment 17 (5): 1039-1056. Environmental P rotection Ag ency . 2014. “EP A’s Study o f Hy draulic F racturing and Its P otential Imp act on Drinking W ater R esourc es.” U.S. EP A, Septemb er 14. R etriev ed Octob er 29, 2014. ( http://www2.epa.gov/ hfstudy ). Henr y, Terrenc e. 2012. “Ho w Fracking Disp osal W ells Are C ausing Ear thquak es in Dallas -Fort Worth.” Texas RSS. N .p., Augus t 6. R etriev ed Octob er 29, 2014 ( http://stateimp act.npr .org/texas/2012/08/06/ho w-fracking- disp osal-w ells-are -causing-e arthquak es-in-dallas -fort-worth/). IHS Glob al Insights . 2012. “ The E conomic and Emplo yment C ontributions o f Unc onventional G as Dev elopment in Sta te E conomies .” Prepared forAmeric a’s Natural G as A llianc e, June 2012. R etriev ed Octob er 29, 2014 ( http://www.ang a.us/me dia/content /F7D4500D -DD3A -1073-D A3480BE3C A41595/files / state_unc onv_gas_economic _contribution .pdf). Mone y Illusion . 2016. “ Coal jobs w ere los t to a utoma tion , not trade .” TheMone yIllusion .com. Dec emb er 21 2016. ( https:/ /www.themone yillusion .com/c oal-jobs -were-lost-to-automa tion-not -trade/) USGS. “Do es F racking C ause Ear thquak es.” Unite d Sta tes Geologic al Sur vey. Retriev ed April 1, 2021. (https:/ /www.usgs.gov/faqs /does-fracking-c ause-earthquak es) Vavra, Shannon . 2017. “Mining B y Machine: A utoma tion Hits C oal Indus try.” June 29 2017. (https:/ /www.axios .com/mining-b y-machine -automa tion-hits -coal- indus try-1513303325-b a4cf237- d636-4987-88f c-0b277410fa79.html) 20.1 Demogr aphy and P opulation Budiman , Abb y. 2020. “K ey Findings Ab out US Immigrants .” Pew R esearch C enter . Augus t 20, 2020. (https:/ /www.pewrese arch .org/fact -tank /2020/08/20/k ey-findings -about-u-s -immigrants /) Caldw ell, John Charles and Br uce Caldw ell. 2006. Demographic T ransition Theor y.The N etherlands: S pring er. CIA W orld F actb ook. 2014. “ Guide to C ountr y Comp arisons .”Central Intellig ence Ag ency W orld F actb ook. Retriev ed Octob er 31, 2014 ( https:/ /www.cia.gov/librar y/public ations /the -world-factb ook/rank order / rank orderguide .html). Colborn, Theo , Carol K wiatkowski, Kim Schultz, and Mar y Bachran . 2011. “N atural G as Op erations from a Public He alth P ersp ectiv e.”Human & E cologic al Risk As sessment . 17 (5): 1039-1056 Connor , Phillip , D'Vera C ohn , and Ana Gonzale z-Barrera. 2013. “ Changing P atterns o f Glob al Migra tion and Remit tanc es.” Pew R esearch C enters So cial Demographic T rends P roject RS S. N .p., Retriev ed Octob er 31, 2014 ( http://www.pewsocialtrends .org/2013/12/17/changing-p atterns -of-glob al-migra tion-and-20 • R eferences 619 remit tanc es/). Dart, Tom. 2014. " Child Migrants a t Texas Border: An Immigra tion C risis Tha t's Hardly N ew." The Guardian [Hous ton]. w ww.theguardian .com. Guardian N ews and Me dia Limite d. Retriev ed Octob er 30, 2014 (http://www.theguardian .com/w orld/2014/jul/09/us -immigra tion-undo cumente d-children-te xas). Ehrlich , Paul R . 1968. The P opula tion Bomb . New Y ork: Ballantine . Environmental P rotection Ag ency . 2014. "EP A's Study o f Hy draulic F racturing and Its P otential Imp act on Drinking W ater R esourc es." U.S. EP A, Septemb er 14. R etriev ed Octob er 29, 2014. ( http://www2.epa.gov/ hfstudy ). Fox News, and As sociated Press. 2014. "P rotes ts Turn Back B uses C arrying Illeg al Immigrant Children ." Fox News. FOX News Network. Retriev ed Octob er 30, 2014 ( http://www.foxnew s.com/us /2014/07/02/protes ts- force-buses -carrying-illeg al-immigrant -children-to -be-reroute d/). Gome z, Alan. 2014. " Obama Seeks Chang e to La w Tha t Protects Immigrant Kids ." US A Today. July 2 2014. (https:/ /www.usatoday.com/s tory/new s/nation/2014/07/02/immigra tion-ob ama-dep ortation-children- border /11915723/) Henr y, Terrenc e. 2012. "Ho w Fracking Disp osal W ells Are C ausing Ear thquak es in Dallas -Fort Worth." Texas RSS. N .p., Augus t 6. R etriev ed Octob er 29, 2014 ( http://stateimp act.npr .org/texas/2012/08/06/ho w-fracking- disp osal-w ells-are -causing-e arthquak es-in-dallas -fort-worth/). IHS Glob al Insights . 2012. " The E conomic and Emplo yment C ontributions o f Unc onventional G as Dev elopment in Sta te E conomies ." Prepared forAmeric a's Natural G as A llianc e, June 2012. R etriev ed Octob er 29, 2014. ( http://www.ang a.us/me dia/content /F7D4500D -DD3A -1073-D A3480BE3C A41595/files / state_unc onv_gas_economic _contribution .pdf). Kanno -Youngs , Zolan and Ma ggie Ha berman . 2020. “ Trump A dminis tration Mo ves to Solidif y Restrictiv e Immigra tion P olicies .”New Y ork Times , June 12, 2020. Malthus , Thomas R . 1965 [1798]. An Es say on P opula tion . New Y ork: A ugus tus K elley. Monto ya-Galvez, Camilo . 2021. 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Dougher ty, Connor . 2008. “ The End o f White Flight .”Wall Street J ournal , July 19. R etriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2011 (http://online .wsj.com/ar ticle/SB121642866373567057.html). Feagin, Joe, and R obert Parker. 1990. Building Americ an Cities: The Urb an R eal Es tate G ame . 2nd e d. Englew ood Cliffs , NJ: Prentic e Hall . Franc e24. 2010. “ Sark ozy P romises W ar without Mercy f or P aris Suburbs .”Franc e 24 , April 10. R etriev ed Dec emb er 9, 2011 ( http://www.franc e24. com/en/20100420-sark ozy-war-suburbs -drugs-crime -violenc e- truancy -trembla y-en-franc e-saint -denis -franc e). LeBlanc , Adrien Nic ole. 2003. Random F amily: Lo ve, Drugs, Trouble and C oming o f Ag e in the Bronx . New York: Scribner . Park, Robert. 1934 [1915]. “ The City: Sugg estions f or In vestigations o f Human Beha vior in the City .”Americ an Journal o f Sociolog y20:577–612. Park, Robert. 1936. “Human E colog y.”Americ an J ournal o f Sociolog y42:1–15. Old Baile y Proceedings Online . 2011. “P opula tion His tory of London .” Retriev ed Dec emb er 11, 2011 (http://www.oldb aileyonline .org/static/Popula tion-his tory-of-london .jsp). Sciolino , Elaine , and Ariane Bernand . 2006. “ Ang er F estering in F rench Are as Sc arre d in Riots .”New Y ork Times , Octob er 21. R etriev ed Dec emb er 11, 2011 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2006/10/21/w orld/europ e/ 21franc e.html?scp=2&sq=p aris+suburb&s t=nyt). Sjob erg, Gideon . 1965. The P reindus trial City: P ast and P resent . New Y ork: F ree P ress. Talbot, Marg aret . 2003. “R eview: Random F amily . Love, Drugs, Trouble and C oming o f Ag e in the Bronx .”New York Times , February 9. R etriev ed Dec emb er 12, 2011 ( http://www.nytimes .com/2003/02/09/b ooks/in-the - other -countr y.html?p agewante d=all&src=pm). Unite d Nations , Dep artment o f Economic and So cial Affairs , Popula tion Division . 2014. “ World Urb aniza tion Prosp ects: The 2014 R evision , Highlights” (S T/ESA/SER .A/352). R etriev ed Novemb er 3, 2014 (http://esa. un.org/unp d/wup/Highlights /WUP2014-Highlights .pdf).20 • R eferences 621 Unite d Nations , Dep artment o f Economic and So cial Affairs , Popula tion Division . 2018. "68% o f the w orld popula tion projecte d to liv e in urb an are as b y 2050, sa ys UN ." Ma y 16, 2018. ( https:/ /www.un.org/ development /desa /en/new s/popula tion/2018-revision-o f-world-urb aniza tion-prosp ects .html) Unite d Sta tes C ensus B ureau. 2014, "2010 C ensus Urb an and R ural Clas sific ation and Urb an Are a Criteria. " Retriev ed Dec emb er 16, 2014 ( http://www.census .gov/geo/ref erenc e/ua /urb an-r ural-2010.html). 20.3 The Envir onment and Society Americ an Indian Cultural Supp ort. 2006. “ Shor t His tory of Big Mountain—Black Mesa. ” Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 ( http://www.aics .org/BM/bm .html). Bertoluc ci, Jeff. 2009. “Ho w Green Is Y our A pple? ”Macw orld , April 22. R etriev ed Dec emb er 14, 2011 (http://www.macw orld .com/ar ticle/140122/2009/04/greenapple3.html). Blanchard , Ben . 2007. “ Coke Vows to R educe Water U sed in Drink P roduction .”Reuters , June 5. R etriev ed Dec emb er 14, 2011 ( http://www.reuters .com/ar ticle/2007/06/05/en vironment -coke-water-dc- idUS SP28630420070605). Bullard , Robert D., Paul Mohai , Robin Saha, and Bev erly W right . 2007. Toxic W astes and Rac e at Tw enty: 1987–2007 . Unite d Church o f Chris t Commis sion f or Racial J ustice. Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 (http://www.ucc.org/assets /pdfs/toxic20. pdf). Bureau of Indian Affairs . 2012. “F AQs.” Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 ( http://www.bia.gov/FAQ/inde x/htm). Centers f or Dise ase C ontrol . 2016. " Glob al W ASH F ast Facts ." Up dated 2016. ( https:/ /www.cdc.gov/ health ywater/glob al/w ash_ statistics.html) DeK ok, David. 1986. Unseen Dang er: A T ragedy o f People , Go vernment , and the C entralia Mine F ire. Philadelphia, P A: Univ ersity o f Penns ylvania P ress. Environmental J ustice Case Studies . 2004. Univ ersity o f Michig an. Retriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 (http://www.umich .edu/~snre492/cses .html). Frosch , Dan . 2009. “Uranium C ontamina tion Ha unts N avajo C ountr y.”New Y ork Times , July 27. R etriev ed Januar y 22, 2012 ( http://www.new yorktimes .com/2009/07/27/us /navajo.html). Greenp eace. 2011. “ Greenp eace Guide to Greener Electronics .” Novemb er. Retriev ed Dec emb er 13, 2011 (http://www.greenp eace.org/interna tional/en/c amp aigns /toxics /electronics). Greenp eace. 2012. 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🌊 Social Movements Unleashed
🔄 Collective behavior emerges when people voluntarily engage in non-institutionalized group activities, ranging from casual crowds to flash mobs, with theories explaining these gatherings as either irrational outbursts or rational responses to changing circumstances
🔥 Social movements are purposeful, organized groups working toward common social goals, operating at local, national, and global levels to create meaningful change through sustained collective action
📊 The Occupy Wall Street movement demonstrated how modern protests can defy traditional expectations—lacking a single message and formal leadership while using social media to highlight income inequality and corporate influence
🧩 Successful movements typically progress through distinct stages of development (emergence, coalescence, bureaucratization, decline) and require specific conditions including structural conduciveness, strain, shared beliefs, and mobilization
🛠️ Resource mobilization theory explains how movements depend on money, media attention, and leadership to succeed, while framing shapes how issues are presented to gain public support
🌐 Social change occurs when middle-class citizens with unmet expectations join forces with those at society's margins, creating powerful coalitions that can transform social structures and institutions
Sweet/flickr) INTRODUCTION TO SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AND SOCIAL CHANGECHAPTER OUTLINE 21.1 Collective Behavior 21.2 Social Movements 21.3 Social Change When considering social movements, the images that come to mind are often the most dramatic and dynamic: the Boston Tea Party, Martin Luther King's speech at the 1963 March on Washington, anti-war protesters putting flowers in soldiers' rifles, and Gloria Richardson brushing away a bayonet in Cambridge, Maryland. Or perhaps more violent visuals: burning buildings in Watts, protestors fighting with police, or a lone citizen facing a line of tanks in Tiananmen Square. But social movement occurs every day, often without any pictures or fanfare, by people of all backgrounds and ages. Organizing an awareness event, volunteering at a shelter, donating to a cause, speaking at a school board meeting, running for office, or writing an article are all ways that people participate in or promote social movements. Some people drive social change by educating themselves through books or trainings. Others find one person to help at a time. Occupy Wall Street (OWS) was a unique movement that defied some of the theoretical and practical expectations regarding social movements. OWS is set apart by its lack of a single message, its leaderless organization, and its target—financial institutions instead of the government. OWS baffled much of the public, and certainly the media, leading many to ask, "Who are they, and what do they want?"21Social Movements and Social Change On J uly 13, 2011, the org aniza tion A dbus ters p osted on its blog , "Are y ou re ady f or a T ahrir moment? On Septemb er 17th , flood into lo wer Manha ttan, set up tents , kitchens , peaceful b arric ades and o ccup y Wall Street " (Castells 2012). The " Tahrir moment " was a ref erenc e to the 2010 p olitic al uprising tha t began in T unisia and spre ad throughout the Middle Eas t and N orth Afric a, including E gypt’s Tahrir Square in C airo . Although O WS was a reaction to the c ontinuing financial chaos tha t resulte d from the 2008 mark et meltdo wn and not a p olitic al movement , the Ara b Spring w as its c atalyst. Manuel C astells (2012) notes tha t the y ears le ading up to the Oc cup y mo vement had witnes sed a dizzying incre ase in the disp arity o f wealth in the Unite d Sta tes, stemming b ack to the 1980s . The top 1 p ercent in the nation had secure d 58 p ercent o f the ec onomic gro wth in the p erio d for themselv es, while re al hourly w ages for the a verage worker had incre ased by only 2 p ercent. The w ealth o f the top 5 p ercent had incre ased by 42 percent. The a verage pay of a CEO w as a t tha t time 350 times tha t of the a verage worker, comp ared to les s than 50 times in 1983 (AFL -CIO 2014). The c ountr y’s leading financial ins titutions , to man y cle arly to blame f or the crisis and dubb ed "to o big to fail ," were in trouble a fter man y poorly qualifie d borro wers defa ulte d on their mor tgage loans when the lo ans’ interes t rates rose . The b anks w ere ev entually "b ailed" out b y the g overnment with $700 billion o f taxp ayer mone y. According to man y rep orts, tha t same y ear top e xecutiv es and traders received larg e bonuses . On Septemb er 17, 2011, an anniv ersar y of the signing o f the U .S. C onstitution , the o ccup ation b egan. Ab out one thousand protes tors desc ende d up on W all Street , and up to 20,000 p eople mo ved into Z uccotti Park, only two blo cks a way, where the y began building a villa ge of tents and org anizing a s ystem o f communic ation . The protes t soon b egan spre ading throughout the na tion , and its memb ers s tarted calling themselv es "the 99 percent." More than a thousand cities and to wns had Oc cup y demons trations . Wha t did the y want? C astells has dubb ed OWS "A non-demand mo vement: The pro cess is the mes sage." Using Facebook, Twit ter, Tumblr , and liv e-stream video , the protes ters c onveyed a multif old mes sage with a long lis t of ref orms and so cial chang e, including the nee d to addres s the rising disp arity o f wealth , the influenc e of mone y on election outc omes , the notion o f "corporate p ersonho od," a c orporatized politic al system (to b e replac ed by "direct demo cracy ”), p olitic al fa voring o f the rich , and rising s tudent debt . Wha t did the y ac complish? Despite he adlines a t the time so ftly mo cking O WS for lack o f cohesion and lack o f clear mes saging , the mo vement is cre dite d with bringing a ttention to inc ome ine quality and the seemingly pref erential tre atment o f financial ins titutions ac cuse d of wrong doing . Recall from the chapter on C rime and Devianc e tha t man y financial crimes are not prosecute d, and their p erpetra tors rarely fac e jail time . It is lik ely that the g eneral p opula tion is more sensitiv e to those is sues than the y were b efore the Oc cup y and rela ted movements made them more visible . Wha t is the long-term imp act? Has the Unite d Sta tes chang ed the w ay it mana ges ine quality? C ertainly not . As discus sed in sev eral chapters , inc ome ine quality has g enerally incre ased. But is a major shift in our future? The la te James C . Davies sugg ested in his 1962 p aper, "Toward a Theor y of Revolution " tha t major chang e dep ends up on the mo od of the p eople , and tha t it is e xtremely unlik ely those in a bsolute p overty will b e able to overturn a g overnment , simply b ecause the g overnment has infinitely more p ower. Instead, a shift is more p ossible when those with more p ower b ecome in volved. When f ormerly prosp erous people b egin to ha ve unmet nee ds and unmet e xpecta tions , the y become more dis turb ed: their mo od chang es. Eventually an intolera ble p oint is re ache d, and rev olution o ccurs . Thus , chang e comes not from the v ery bottom o f the so cial hierarch y, but from somewhere in the middle (Da vies 1962). F or e xample , the Ara b Spring was driv en b y mos tly y oung , educated people whose promise and e xpecta tions w ere th warted by corrupt autocratic g overnments . OWS to o came not from the b ottom but from p eople in the middle , who e xploite d the power o f social me dia to enhanc e communic ation .626 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 21.1 Collective Behavior LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Describe diff erent f orms o f collectiv e beha vior •Differentiat e betw een types o f crowds •Discus s emer gent norm, v alue -added, and as sembling perspectiv e anal yses o f collectiv e beha vior Flash Mobs and Challenges FIGURE 21.2 Is this a g ood time had b y all? Some flash mobs ma y function as political pr otests, while others ar e for fun. (Cr edit Richar d Wood/flickr) In Mar ch 2014, a gr oup o f musicians g ot together in a fish mark et in Odes sa for a spontaneous per formanc e of Beetho ven's “Ode t o Jo y” from his Ninth Symphon y. While t ensions w ere building o ver Ukr aine 's eff orts to join the European Union, and e ven as Rus sian tr oops had tak en c ontr ol of the Ukr ainian airbase in Belbek, the Odes sa Philharmonic Or ches tra and Oper a Chorus tried t o light en the tr oubled times f or shoppers with music and song . Spontaneous g atherings lik e this ar e cal ledflash mobs . The y are often recorded or liv e streamed, and ar e sometimes planned t o celebr ate an e vent or person. While flash mobs ar e often int ensel y designed and r ehearsed in or der t o giv e the impr ession o f spontaneity , chal leng es don 't always go ac cording t o plan: Cinnamon is t oo int ense , buck ets ma y fal l on people 's heads , or a bottle br eaks on the floor . But suc cesses and failur es on social media can tie people t ogether . Chal leng es can lead t o chats , recollections , and r epeats . Humans seek c onnections and shar ed e xperienc es. Perhaps e xperiencing a flash mob e vent enhanc es this bond. It certainl y int errup ts our other wise mundane r outine with a r eminder that w e are social animals . Forms of Collective Behavior Flash mobs are e xamples o fcollect ive beha vior , nonins titutionaliz ed activity in which sev eral or man y people voluntarily eng age. Other e xamples are a group o f commuters tra veling home from w ork and a p opula tion o f teens adopting a fa vorite sing er’s hairs tyle. In shor t, collectiv e behavior is an y group b ehavior tha t is notSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD21.1 • Col lectiv e Beha vior 627 manda ted or regula ted by an ins titution . There are three primar y forms o f collectiv e behavior: the cro wd, the mas s, and the public . It tak es a fairly larg e numb er o f people in close pro ximity to f orm a crowd(Lofland 1993). Examples include a group o f people a ttending an Ani DiF ranc o concert, tailg ating a t a P atriots g ame , or a ttending a w orship service. Turner and Killian (1993) identifie d four typ es o f cro wds.Casual cro wdsconsis t of people who are in the same plac e at the same time but who aren ’t really interacting , such as p eople s tanding in line a t the p ost office.Conventional cro wdsare those who c ome tog ether f or a sche dule d ev ent tha t occurs regularly , like a religious ser vice.Expres sive cro wdsare p eople who join tog ether to e xpres s emotion , often a t funerals , weddings , or the lik e. The final typ e,acting cro wds,focuses on a sp ecific g oal or action , such as a protes t movement or riot . In addition to the diff erent typ es o f cro wds, collectiv e groups c an also b e identifie d in tw o other w ays. Amas sis a rela tively larg e numb er o f people with a c ommon interes t, though the y ma y not b e in close pro ximity (Lofland 1993), such as pla yers o f the p opular F acebook g ame F arm ville . Apublic , on the other hand , is an unorg aniz ed, rela tively diffuse d group o f people who share ide as, such as the Lib ertarian p olitic al party. While these tw o typ es o f cro wds are similar , the y are not the same . To dis tinguish b etween them , rememb er tha t memb ers o f a mas s share interes ts, where as memb ers o f a public share ide as. Theor etical P erspectives on Collective Behavior Early c ollectiv e behavior theories (LeBon 1895; Blumer 1969) f ocuse d on the irra tionality o f cro wds. Eventually , those theoris ts who view ed cro wds as unc ontrolle d groups o f irra tional p eople w ere supplante d by theoris ts who view ed the b ehavior some cro wds eng aged in as the ra tional b ehavior o f logic al beings . Emergent-Norm P erspective FIGURE 21.3 According t o the emer gent-norm perspectiv e, Hurricane K atrina victims sought needed supplies f or survival, but t o some outsiders their beha vior w as normal ly seen as looting . (Cr edit: Infr ogmation/Wikimedia Commons) Sociologis ts Ralph T urner and Lewis Killian (1993) built on e arlier so ciologic al ide as and dev elop ed wha t is kno wn as emerg ent norm theor y. The y believ e tha t the norms e xperienc ed by people in a cro wd ma y be disp arate and fluctua ting . The y emphasiz e the imp ortanc e of these norms in shaping cro wd behavior , especially those norms tha t shift quickly in resp onse to changing e xternal factors .Emer gent norm theor y asserts tha t, in this circums tanc e, people p erceive and resp ond to the cro wd situa tion with their p articular (individual) set o f norms , which ma y chang e as the cro wd experienc e ev olves. This f ocus on the individual comp onent o f interaction reflects a s ymb olic interactionis t persp ectiv e. For T urner and Killian , the pro cess begins when individuals suddenly find themselv es in a new situa tion , or when an e xisting situa tion suddenly b ecomes s trang e or unfamiliar . For e xample , think a bout human b ehavior during Hurric ane K atrina. N ew Orle ans w as decima ted and p eople w ere trapp ed without supplies or a w ay to evacua te. In these e xtraordinar y circums tanc es, wha t outsiders sa w as “lo oting ” was define d by those in volved628 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. as seeking nee ded supplies f or sur vival. Normally , individuals w ould not w ade into a c orner g as s tation and take canne d goods without p aying , but giv en tha t the y were suddenly in a gre atly chang ed situa tion , the y establishe d a norm tha t the y felt w as re asona ble. Onc e individuals find themselv es in a situa tion ung overne d by previously es tablishe d norms , the y interact in small groups to dev elop new guidelines on ho w to b ehave. According to the emerg ent-norm p ersp ectiv e, crowds are not view ed as irra tional , impulsiv e, unc ontrolle d groups . Ins tead, norms dev elop and are ac cepte d as the y fit the situa tion . While this theor y offers insight into wh y norms dev elop , it le aves undefine d the na ture of norms , how the y come to b e ac cepte d by the cro wd, and ho w the y spre ad through the cro wd. Value-Added Theory Neil Smelser ’s (1962) meticulous c ategoriza tion o f cro wd behavior , calledvalue -adde d theor y,is a p ersp ectiv e within the functionalis t tradition b ased on the ide a tha t sev eral c onditions mus t be in plac e for c ollectiv e behavior to o ccur. Each c ondition adds to the lik eliho od tha t collectiv e behavior will o ccur. The firs t condition isstructural c onduciv enes s,which o ccurs when p eople are a ware o f the problem and ha ve the opp ortunity to gather , ide ally in an op en are a.Structural s train , the sec ond c ondition , ref ers to p eople ’s expecta tions a bout the situa tion a t hand b eing unmet , causing tension and s train . The ne xt condition is the growth and spre ad o f a generaliz ed belief , wherein a problem is cle arly identifie d and a ttribute d to a p erson or group . Fourth,precipita ting factors spur c ollectiv e behavior; this is the emerg ence of a drama tic ev ent. The fifth condition is mobiliza tion f or action , when le aders emerg e to direct a cro wd to action . The final c ondition rela tes to action b y the a gents . Calledsocial c ontrol , it is the only w ay to end the c ollectiv e behavior episo de (Smelser 1962). A re al-lif e example o f these c onditions o ccurre d after the fa tal p olice sho oting o f teena ger Michael Bro wn, an unarme d eighteen-y ear-old Afric an Americ an, in F erguson , MO on A ugus t 9, 2014. The sho oting drew na tional attention almos t imme diately. A larg e group o f mos tly Black , local residents as semble d in protes t—a clas sic example o f structural c onduciv enes s. When the c ommunity p erceived tha t the p olice were not acting in the people 's interes t and w ere withholding the name o f the o fficer, structural s train b ecame evident . A gro wing generaliz ed belief ev olved as the cro wd of protes ters w ere met with he avily arme d police in militar y-style protectiv e unif orms ac comp anie d by an armore d vehicle . The precipita ting factor o f the arriv al of the p olice spurre d gre ater c ollectiv e behavior as the residents mobiliz ed by as sembling a p arade do wn the s treet . Ultima tely the y were met with te ar g as, pepp er spra y, and r ubb er bullets use d by the p olice acting as a gents o f social c ontrol . The element o f social c ontrol esc alated over the f ollowing da ys until A ugus t 18, when the governor c alled in the N ational Guard .21.1 • Col lectiv e Beha vior 629 FIGURE 21.4 Agents o f social c ontr ol bring c ollectiv e beha vior t o an end. (Cr edit: ho zinja /flickr) Assembling P erspective Interactionis t sociologis t Clark McPhail (1991) dev elop edassembling p ersp ective,another s ystem f or unders tanding c ollectiv e behavior tha t cre dite d individuals in cro wds as ra tional b eings . Unlik e previous theories , this theor y ref ocuses a ttention from c ollectiv e behavior to c ollectiv e action . Rememb er tha t collectiv e behavior is a nonins titutionaliz ed gathering , where as c ollectiv e action is b ased on a share d interes t. McPhail ’s theor y focuse d primarily on the pro cesses as sociated with cro wd behavior , plus the lif ecycle o f gatherings . He identifie d sev eral ins tanc es o f convergent or c ollectiv e behavior , as sho wn on the char t below. Type o f crowd Descrip tion Example Convergence clus tersFamil y and friends who tr avel togetherCarpooling par ents tak e se veral childr en to the mo vies Convergent orientationGroup al l facing the same dir ection A semi-cir cle ar ound a s tage Collectiv e vocalizationSounds or noises made c ollectiv ely Screams on a r oller c oaster Collectiv e verbalizationCollectiv e and simul taneous par ticipation in a speech or songPledg e of Allegianc e in the school clas sroom Collectiv e gesticulationBody par ts forming s ymbols The YMCA danc e Collectiv e manipulationObjects c ollectiv ely mo ved ar ound Holding signs at a pr otest rally TABLE 21.1 Clark McPhail identified v arious cir cums tanc es o f convergent and c ollectiv e beha vior (McPhail 1991).630 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Type o f crowd Descrip tion Example Collectiv e locomotionThe dir ection and r ate of mo vement t o the eventChildr en running t o an ic e cream truck TABLE 21.1 Clark McPhail identified v arious cir cums tanc es o f convergent and c ollectiv e beha vior (McPhail 1991). As useful as this is f or unders tanding the c omp onents o f ho w cro wds c ome tog ether , man y so ciologis ts criticiz e its lack o f attention on the larg e cultural c onte xt of the describ ed behaviors , ins tead focusing on individual actions . 21.2 Social Movements LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Demons trate awarenes s of social mo vements on a s tate, national , and global le vel •Distinguish betw een diff erent types o f social mo vements •Identif y stages o f social mo vements •Discus s theor etical perspectiv es on social mo vements , like resour ce mobilization, fr aming , and ne w social movement theor y Social mo vements are purp oseful , org aniz ed groups tha t strive to w ork to ward a c ommon so cial g oal. While mos t of us le arne d about so cial mo vements in his tory clas ses, we tend to tak e for grante d the fundamental chang es the y caused —and w e ma y be completely unfamiliar with the trend to ward glob al so cial mo vements . But from the antitob acco mo vement tha t has w orked to outla w smoking in public buildings and raise the c ost of cig aret tes, to p olitic al uprisings throughout the Ara b world , mo vements are cre ating so cial chang e on a glob al sc ale. Levels of Social Movements Movements happ en in our to wns , in our na tion , and around the w orld . Let ’s tak e a lo ok a t examples o f social movements , from lo cal to glob al. No doubt y ou c an think o f others on
🚀 Social Movements Across Scales
🏫 Local movements emerge in specific communities like college campuses, where students at Cooper Union occupied buildings to protest tuition implementation, while Wisconsin university staff organized against collective bargaining restrictions
🗺️ State and national movements pursue broader change, from Texas secession campaigns ("Texit") to Religious Freedom Restoration Acts responding to same-sex marriage legalization
🌍 Global activism addresses universal concerns through NGOs like OXFAM (poverty) and movements like Fair Trade and Occupy Wall Street, demonstrating how local actions can spread internationally
📱 Social media transforms movement dynamics by accelerating awareness, enabling leader emergence, facilitating organization, and creating complex relationships between hashtags (#MeToo, #BlackLivesMatter) and formal organizations
📊 Movement classification helps understand activism through categories (reform, revolutionary, religious/redemptive, alternative, resistance) and lifecycle stages (preliminary, coalescence, institutionalization, decline)
💰 Resource mobilization theory explains movement success through ability to acquire time, money and supporters, as demonstrated by the civil rights movement's strategic organization of boycotts and transportation alternatives
all o f these lev els, esp ecially sinc e modern technolog y has allo wed us a ne ar-constant s tream o f inf orma tion a bout the ques t for so cial chang e around the w orld . FIGURE 21.5 Staff at Univ ersity o f Wisc onsin pr otest a pr oposed la w that w ould significantl y reduc e their ability t o bargain f or bet ter pa y and benfits . (Cr edit: mar ctasman/flickr)21.2 • Social Mo vements 631 Local Local so cial mo vements typic ally ref er to those in cities or to wns , but the y can also a ffect smaller constituencies , such as c olleg e campuses . Sometimes c olleg es are smaller hubs o f a na tional mo vement , as seen during the V ietnam W ar protes ts or the Black Liv es Ma tter protes ts. Other times , colleg es are mana ging a more lo cal is sue. In 2012, The C ooper Union in N ew Y ork City announc ed tha t, due to financial mismana gement and unf oreseen do wnturns from the Gre at Recession , the c olleg e had a mas sive shor tfall; it would b e forced to charg e tuition f or the firs t time . To students a t mos t other c olleg es, tuition w ould not seem out o f line , but C ooper Union w as founde d (and initially funde d) under the principle tha t it w ould not charg e tuition . When the scho ol formally announc ed the plan to charg e tuition , students o ccupie d a building and , later, the c olleg e president 's office. Student action ev entually c ontribute d to the president 's resigna tion and a financial rec overy plan in p artnership with the s tate attorne y general . Another e xample o ccurre d in W isconsin . After announcing a signific ant budg et shor tfall , Go vernor Sc ott Walker put f orth a financial rep air bill tha t would re duce the c ollectiv e bargaining a bilities o f unions and other organiza tions in the s tate. (Collectiv e bargaining w as use d to a ttain w orkplac e protections , benefits , healthc are, and fair p ay.) Faculty a t the s tate's colleg e system w ere not in unions , but te aching as sistants , rese archers , and other s taff had regularly c ollectiv ely b argaine d. Faced with the prosp ect o f reduced job protections , pay, and b enefits , the s taff memb ers b egan one o f the e arlies t protes ts agains t Walker's action , by protes ting on c ampus and sending an ironic mes sage of love to the g overnor on V alentine 's Da y. Over time , these eff orts w ould spre ad to other org aniza tions in the s tate. State FIGURE 21.6 Texas Sec ede! is an or ganization which w ould lik e Texas t o sec ede fr om the Unit ed Stat es. (Cr edit: Tim P earce/flickr) The mos t imp actful s tate-lev el protes t would b e to c ease b eing a s tate, and org aniza tions in sev eral s tates are working to ward tha t goal. Texas sec ession has b een a rela tively c onsis tent mo vement sinc e about 1990. The past dec ade has seen an incre ase in rhetoric and c amp aigns to driv e interes t and supp ort for a public referendum (a direct v ote on the ma tter b y the p eople). The T exas N ationalis t Mo vement , Texas Sec ede!, and other groups ha ve pro vide d formal prop osals and programs designe d to mak e the ide a seem more f easible . Texit has b ecome a widely use d nickname and hashta g for the mo vement . And in F ebruary 2021, a bill w as intro duced to hold a ref erendum tha t would b egin f ormal discus sions on cre ating an indep endent632 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. nation—though the bill's sp onsor indic ated tha t it w as mainly intende d to b egin c onversa tion and ev alua tions rather than directly le ad to sec ession (De A lba 2021). States also g et in volved before and a fter na tional decisions . The leg aliza tion o f same -sex marria ge throughout the Unite d Sta tes le d some p eople to f eel their religious b eliefs w ere under a ttack . Following s wiftly up on the heels o f the Supreme C ourt Ob ergefell r uling , the Indiana legisla ture p assed a R eligious F reedom R estora tion Act (RFR A, pronounc ed "rifra "). Originally cra fted dec ades a go with the purp ose o f preser ving the rights o f minority religious p eople , more rec ent RFR A la ws allo w individuals , busines ses, and other org aniza tions to decide whom the y will ser ve based on religious b eliefs . For e xample , Arkansas 's 2021 la w allo wed do ctors to refuse to tre at patients b ased on the do ctor 's religious b eliefs (As sociated Press 2021). In this w ay, state-lev el organiza tions and so cial mo vements are resp onding to a na tional decision . FIGURE 21.7 At the time o f this writing , mor e than thir ty states and the Dis trict o f Columbia al low marriag e for same -sex couples . Stat e constitutional bans ar e mor e difficul t to overturn than mer e state bans because o f the higher thr eshold o f votes requir ed to chang e a c onstitution. No w that the Supr eme Cour t has s trick en a k ey par t of the Def ense o f Marriag e Act, same -sex couples married in s tates that al low it ar e no w entitled t o feder al benefits afforded t o het erosexual c ouples (CNN 2014). (Cr edit: Jose Ant onio Na vas/flickr). Global Social org aniza tions w orldwide tak e stands on such g eneral are as o f concern as p overty, sex tra fficking , and the use o f genetic ally mo difie d org anisms (GMOs) in f ood.Nong overnmental or ganizat ions (NG Os) are sometimes f orme d to supp ort such mo vements , such as the Interna tional F edera tion o f Org anic Agriculture Movement (F OAM). Glob al eff orts to re duce poverty are represente d by the Oxf ord C ommit tee f or F amine Relief (O XFAM), among others . The F air T rade mo vement e xists to protect and supp ort food pro ducers in developing c ountries . Occup y Wall Street , although initially a lo cal mo vement , also w ent glob al throughout Europ e and , as the chapter ’s intro ductor y photo sho ws, the Middle Eas t. Types of Social Movements We kno w tha t social mo vements c an o ccur on the lo cal, national , or ev en glob al stage. Are there other p atterns or clas sific ations tha t can help us unders tand them? So ciologis t Da vid Ab erle (1966) addres ses this ques tion by dev eloping c ategories tha t dis tinguish among so cial mo vements b ased on wha t the y want to chang e and how much chang e the y want.Reform mo vements seek to chang e something sp ecific a bout the so cial structure . Examples include antinucle ar groups , Mothers Ag ains t Dr unk Driving (MADD), the Dre amers movement f or immigra tion ref orm , and the Human Rights C amp aign ’s adv ocacy f or Marria ge Equality . Revolut ionar y mo vements seek to c ompletely chang e ev ery asp ect o f society . These include the 1960s counterculture mo vement , including the rev olutionar y group The W eather Underground , as w ell as anarchis t collectiv es. Texas Sec ede! is a rev olutionar y mo vement .Religious /Redempt ive mo vements are “me aning seeking ,” and their g oal is to pro voke inner chang e or spiritual gro wth in individuals . Org aniza tions pushing these mo vements include He aven’s Gate or the Branch Da vidians . The la tter is s till in e xistenc e despite21.2 • Social Mo vements 633 government in volvement tha t led to the de aths o f numerous Branch Da vidian memb ers in 1993. Alternat ive movements are f ocuse d on self -impro vement and limite d, specific chang es to individual b eliefs and b ehavior . These include trends lik e transc endental me dita tion or a macrobiotic diet .Resis tanc e mo vements seek to prev ent or undo chang e to the so cial s tructure . The K u Klux Klan , the Minutemen , and pro -life mo vements fall into this c ategory. Stages of Social Movements Later so ciologis ts studie d the lif ecycle o f social mo vements —ho w the y emerg e, gro w, and in some c ases , die out. Blumer (1969) and Tilly (1978) outline a f our-stage pro cess. In the preliminar y stage, people b ecome aware o f an is sue, and le aders emerg e. This is f ollowed by the coalesc ence stagewhen p eople join tog ether and organiz e in order to publiciz e the is sue and raise a warenes s. In the institutionaliza tion s tage, the mo vement no long er re quires gras sroots v olunteerism: it is an es tablishe d org aniza tion , typic ally with a p aid s taff. When people fall a way and adopt a new mo vement , the mo vement suc cessfully brings a bout the chang e it sought , or when p eople no long er tak e the is sue seriously , the mo vement falls into the decline s tage. Each so cial movement discus sed earlier b elongs in one o f these f our s tages. Where w ould y ou put them on the lis t? Social Media and Social Movements FIGURE 21.8 Are these activis ts mos t likely to ha ve a lar ger impact thr ough people who see their sign fr om the shor e, or thr ough people who wil l see pictur es o f their e vent on social media? (Cr edit: Backbone Campaign/flickr) As w e ha ve mentione d throughout this te xt, and lik ely as y ou ha ve experienc ed in y our lif e, social me dia is a widely use d mechanism in so cial mo vements . In the Groups and Org aniza tions chapter , we discus sed Tarana Burke firs t using "Me T oo" in 2006 on a major so cial me dia v enue o f the time (My Space). The phrase la ter grew into a mas sive mo vement when p eople b egan using it on Twit ter to driv e emp athy and supp ort reg arding experienc es o f sexual haras sment or se xual as sault. In a similar w ay, Black Liv es Ma tter b egan as a so cial media mes sage after Georg e Zimmerman w as ac quit ted in the sho oting de ath o f 17- year-old T rayvon Mar tin, and the phrase burg eone d into a f ormaliz ed (though dec entraliz ed) mo vement in subse quent y ears. Social me dia has the p otential to drama tically trans form ho w people g et in volved in mo vements ranging from634 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. local scho ol dis trict decisions to presidential c amp aigns . As discus sed above, mo vements g o through sev eral stages, and so cial me dia adds a dynamic to e ach o f them . In the the preliminar y stage, people b ecome a ware o f an is sue, and le aders emerg e. Comp ared to mo vements o f 20 or 30 y ears a go, social me dia c an ac celera te this stage subs tantially . Issue a warenes s can spre ad a t the sp eed of a click , with thousands o f people acros s the glob e becoming inf orme d at the same time . In a similar v ein, those who are sa vvy and eng aged with so cial media ma y emerg e as le aders , even if, f or e xample , the y are not gre at public sp eakers. At the ne xt stage, the coalesc ence stage, social me dia is also trans forma tive. Coalesc ence is the p oint when people join tog ether to publiciz e the is sue and g et org aniz ed. President Ob ama ’s 2008 c amp aign w as a c ase study in org anizing through so cial me dia. U sing Twit ter and other online to ols, the c amp aign eng aged volunteers who had typic ally not b othere d with p olitics . Combine d with c omprehensiv e da ta tracking and the ability to micro -targ et, the c amp aign b ecame a blueprint f or others to build on . The 2020 elections f eature d a level of data analy sis and rapid resp onse c apabilities tha t, while echoing the Ob ama c amp aign 's early w ork, made the 2008 c amp aign lo ok quaint . The c amp aigns and p olitic al analy sts could me asure the lev el of social media interaction f ollowing an y camp aign s top, deb ate, statement b y the c andida te, new s mention , or an y other ev ent, and me asure whether the tone or "sentiment " was p ositiv e or neg ative. Politic al polls are s till imp ortant , but so cial me dia pro vides ins tant f eedback and opp ortunities f or c amp aigns to act , react, or—on a daily b asis —ask f or dona tions b ased on something tha t had o ccurre d jus t hours e arlier (K nowledge at Whar ton 2020). Interes tingly , social me dia c an ha ve interes ting outc omes onc e a mo vement re aches the institutionaliza tion stage. In some c ases , a formal org aniza tion might e xist alongside the hashta g or g eneral sentiment , as is the case with Black Liv es Ma tter. At an y one time , BLM is es sentially three things: a s tructure d org aniza tion , an idea with deep and p ersonal me aning f or p eople , and a widely use d phrase or hashta g. It's possible tha t users of the hashta g are not ref erring to the f ormal org aniza tion . It's ev en p ossible tha t people who hold a s trong belief tha t Black liv es ma tter do not a gree with all o f the org aniza tion 's principles or its le adership . And in other c ases , people ma y be very aligne d with all three c onte xts o f the phrase . Social me dia is s till cr ucial to the social mo vement , but its interpla y is b oth c omple x and ev olving . In a similar w ay, Me Too activis ts, including T arana B urke herself, ha ve sought to clarif y the inter weaving o f different asp ects o f the mo vement . She told the Har vard G azette in 2020: I think w e ha ve to b e careful a bout wha t we’re calling the mo vement . And I think one o f the things I’ ve learne d in the las t two years is tha t folks don ’t really unders tand wha t a mo vement is or ho w it’s define d. The p eople using the hashta g on the internet w ere the imp etus f or Me T oo being put into the public sphere . The me dia c overage of the viralnes s of Me T oo and the p eople b eing ac cuse d are me dia coverage of a p opular s tory tha t deriv ed from the hashta g. The mo vement is the w ork tha t our organiza tion and others lik e us are doing to b oth supp ort sur vivors and mo ve people to action ( Walsh 2020). Sociologis ts ha ve identifie d high-risk activism , such as the civil rights mo vement , as a “ strong-tie ” phenomenon , me aning tha t people are far more lik ely to s tay eng aged and not r un home to sa fety if the y ha ve close friends who are also eng aged. The p eople who dropp ed out o f the mo vement —who w ent home a fter the dang er b ecame to o gre at—did not displa y an y les s ideologic al commitment . But the y lack ed the s trong-tie connection to other p eople who w ere s taying . Social me dia had b een c onsidere d “weak-tie” (Mc Adam 1993 and Bro wn 2011). P eople f ollow or friend p eople the y ha ve nev er met . Weak ties are imp ortant f or our so cial structure , but the y seeme d to limit the lev el of risk w e’ll tak e on their b ehalf. F or some p eople , social me dia remains tha t way, but f or others it c an rela te to or build s trong er ties . For e xample , if p eople , who had f or y ears kno wn e ach other only through an online group , meet in p erson a t an ev ent, the y ma y feel far more c onnecte d at tha t event and a fterward than p eople who had nev er interacte d before. And as w e discus sed in the Groups chapter , social me dia itself, ev en if p eople nev er meet , can bring p eople into primar y group s tatus, forming strong er ties .21.2 • Social Mo vements 635 Another w ay to c onsider the imp act o f social me dia on activism is through something tha t ma y or ma y not b e emotional , has lit tle implic ations reg arding tie s trength , and ma y be fleeting ra ther than p ermanent , but s till be one o f the larg est considera tions o f an y formal so cial mo vement: mone y. Returning to p olitics , think o f the mas sive amounts o f camp aign mone y raise d in e ach election cy cle through so cial me dia. In the 2020 Presidential election and its a fterma th, hundre ds o f millions o f dollars w ere raise d through so cial me dia. Likewise , 55 p ercent o f people who eng age with nonpro fits through so cial me dia tak e some sor t of action; and for 60 p ercent o f them (or 33 p ercent o f the total) tha t action is to giv e mone y to supp ort the c ause (N onpro fit Sourc e 2020). Theor etical P erspectives on Social Movements Mos t theories o f social mo vements are c alled collectiv e action theories , indic ating the purp oseful na ture o f this form o f collectiv e behavior . The f ollowing three theories are but a f ew o f the man y clas sic and mo dern theories develop ed by so cial scientis ts. Resour ce Mobiliz ation McC arthy and Zald (1977) c onceptualiz eresourc e mobilizat ion theor yas a w ay to e xplain mo vement suc cess in terms o f the a bility to ac quire resourc es and mobiliz e individuals . Resourc es are primarily time and mone y, and the more o f both, the gre ater the p ower o f org aniz ed mo vements . Numb ers o f social mo vement organiza tions (SMOs), which are single so cial mo vement groups , with the same g oals c onstitute a so cial movement indus try (SMI). T ogether the y cre ate wha t McC arthy and Zald (1977) ref er to as "the sum o f all so cial movements in a so ciety ." Resour ce Mobiliza tion and the Civil Rights Mo vement An e xample o f resourc e mobiliza tion theor y is activity o f the civil rights mo vement in the dec ade b etween the mid 1950s and the mid 1960s . Social mo vements had e xisted before, nota bly the W omen 's Suffra ge Mo vement and a long line o f labor mo vements , thus c onstituting an existing so cial mo vement sector , which is the multiple so cial mo vement indus tries in a so ciety , even if the y ha ve widely v arying c onstituents and g oals. The civil rights mo vement had also e xisted well b efore R osa P arks refuse d to giv e up her bus se at to a white man . Less kno wn is tha t Parks w as a memb er o f the N AACP and traine d in le adership (A &E T elevision N etworks , LLC. 2014). B ut her action tha t day was sp ontaneous and unplanne d (Schmitz 2014). Her arres t trigg ered a public outcr y tha t led to the famous Mont gomer y bus b oycott, turning the mo vement into wha t we no w think o f as the " civil rights mo vement " (Schmitz 2014). Mobiliza tion had to b egin imme diately. Boycotting the bus made other me ans o f transp ortation nec essary, which w as pro vide d through c ar p ools. Churches and their minis ters joine d
🌍 Civil Rights Movement Evolution
🔄 Social movement industries form when multiple organizations like NAACP, SCLC, and SNCC unite around shared goals, creating powerful collective action networks that drive social change
🖼️ Framing processes shape how movements communicate their message through diagnostic (identifying problems), prognostic (proposing solutions), and motivational (calling for action) approaches
🤝 Frame alignment strengthens movements through bridging (connecting separate groups), amplification (broadening appeal), extension (mutual promotion), and transformation (evolving goals)
🌐 Technology serves as a primary driver of social change, enabling new forms of activism like crowdsourcing while creating challenges such as cyberbullying and digital divides
👨👩👧👦 Social institutions, population shifts, and environmental factors interconnect to produce complex patterns of change, with alterations in one area triggering cascading effects across society
🔄 New social movement theory explains how postmodern movements address complex identity, cultural, and political issues that traditional theories struggle to analyze
the s truggle , and the protes t organiza tion In F riendship w as forme d as w ell as The F riendly Club and the Club F rom N owhere . Asocial movement indus try, which is the c ollection o f the so cial mo vement org aniza tions tha t are s triving to ward similar g oals, was gro wing . Mar tin L uther King Jr . emerg ed during these ev ents to b ecome the charisma tic le ader o f the mo vement , gaine d resp ect from elites in the f ederal g overnment , and aide d by ev en more emerging SMOs such as the Student Non-V iolent C oordina ting C ommit tee (SNC C), the C ongres s of Racial E quality (C ORE), the N ational As sociation for the A dvancement o f Colore d People (N AACP), and the Southern Chris tian Le adership C onferenc e (SCL C), among others . Sev eral s till e xist today. Although the mo vement in tha t perio d was an o verall suc cess, and la ws were chang ed (ev en if not a ttitudes), the "mo vement " continues . So do s truggles to k eep the g ains tha t were made , even as the U .S. Supreme C ourt has rec ently w eakened the V oter Rights A ct of 1965, onc e again making it more difficult f or Black Americ ans and other minorities to v ote.636 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. FIGURE 21.9 Multiple social mo vement or ganizations c oncerned about the same is sue f orm a social mo vement indus try. A society ’s man y social mo vement indus tries c omprise its social mo vement sect or. With so man y op tions , to whom wil l you giv e your time and mone y? Framing/Fr ame Analysis Over the p ast sev eral dec ades , sociologis ts ha ve dev elop ed the c oncept o f frames to e xplain ho w individuals identif y and unders tand so cial ev ents and which norms the y should f ollow in an y giv en situa tion (Go ffman 1974; Sno w et al . 1986; Benf ord and Sno w 2000). Ima gine entering a res taurant . Your “frame ” imme diately provides y ou with a b ehavior templa te. It prob ably do es not o ccur to y ou to w ear p ajamas to a fine -dining establishment , thro w food at other p atrons , or spit y our drink onto the ta ble. Ho wever, eating f ood at a sleep over pizza p arty pro vides y ou with an entirely diff erent b ehavior templa te. It might b e perfectly accepta ble to e at in y our p ajamas and ma ybe ev en thro w popcorn a t others or guzzle drinks from c ans. Successful so cial mo vements use three kinds o f frames (Sno w and Benf ord 1988) to fur ther their g oals. The first typ e,diagnos tic framing , states the problem in a cle ar, easily unders tood way. When applying dia gnos tic frames , there are no shades o f gra y: ins tead, there is the b elief tha t wha t “they” do is wrong and this is ho w “we” will fix it . The anti-g ay marria ge mo vement is an e xample o f dia gnos tic framing with its unc ompromising insis tenc e tha t marria ge is only b etween a man and a w oman .Prognos tic framing , the sec ond typ e, offers a solution and s tates ho w it will b e implemente d. Some e xamples o f this frame , when lo oking a t the is sue o f marria ge equality as frame d by the anti-g ay marria ge mo vement , include the plan to res trict marria ge to “ one man/one w oman ” or to allo w only “ civil unions” ins tead o f marria ges. As y ou c an see , there ma y be man y comp eting prognos tic frames ev en within so cial mo vements adhering to similar dia gnos tic frames . Finally , mot ivational framing is the c all to action: wha t should y ou do onc e you a gree with the dia gnos tic frame and believ e in the prognos tic frame? These frames are action-oriente d. In the g ay marria ge mo vement , a c all to action might enc oura ge you to v ote “no ” on P roposition 8 in C alifornia (a mo ve to limit marria ge to male - female c ouples), or c onversely , to c ontact y our lo cal congres sperson to e xpres s your viewp oint tha t marria ge should b e res tricte d to male -female c ouples . With so man y similar dia gnos tic frames , some groups find it b est to join tog ether to maximiz e their imp act. When so cial mo vements link their g oals to the g oals o f other so cial mo vements and merg e into a single group , aframe alignment pro cess(Sno w et al . 1986) o ccurs —an ong oing and intentional me ans o f recr uiting particip ants to the mo vement . This frame alignment pro cess has f our asp ects: bridging , amplific ation , extension , and trans forma tion .21.2 • Social Mo vements 637 Bridging describ es a “bridg e” tha t connects unin volved individuals and unorg aniz ed or ineff ectiv e groups with social mo vements tha t, though s tructurally unc onnecte d, nonetheles s share similar interes ts or g oals. These organiza tions join tog ether to cre ate a new , strong er so cial mo vement org aniza tion . Can y ou think o f examples of diff erent org aniza tions with a similar g oal tha t ha ve bande d tog ether? In the amplific ation model, org aniza tions seek to e xpand their c ore ide as to g ain a wider , more univ ersal app eal. By expanding their ide as to include a bro ader rang e, the y can mobiliz e more p eople f or their c ause. For example , the Slo w Food mo vement e xtends its arguments in supp ort of local food to enc omp ass reduced energ y consumption , pollution , obesity from e ating more he althfully , and more . Inextension , social mo vements a gree to mutually promote e ach other , even when the tw o so cial mo vement organiza tion ’s goals don ’t nec essarily rela te to e ach other ’s imme diate goals. This o ften o ccurs when organiza tions are s ymp athetic to e ach others’ c auses , even if the y are not directly aligne d, such as w omen ’s equal rights and the civil rights mo vement . FIGURE 21.10 Extension oc curs when social mo vements ha ve sympathetic causes . Women ’s rights , racial equality , and L GBT adv ocacy ar e all human rights is sues . (Cr edit: Phot os (a) and (b) Wikimedia Commons; Phot o (c) Charlie Nguyen/flickr) Trans forma tion means a c omplete revision o f goals. Onc e a mo vement has suc ceeded, it risks losing relev ance. If it w ants to remain activ e, the mo vement has to chang e with the trans forma tion or risk b ecoming obsolete . For ins tanc e, when the w omen ’s suffra ge mo vement g aine d women the right to v ote, memb ers turne d their attention to adv ocating e qual rights and c amp aigning to elect w omen to o ffice. In shor t, trans forma tion is an evolution in the e xisting dia gnos tic or prognos tic frames tha t generally achiev es a total c onversion o f the movement . New Social Movement Theory New so cial mo vement theor y, a dev elopment o f Europ ean so cial scientis ts in the 1950s and 1960s , attempts to explain the prolif eration o f postindus trial and p ostmo dern mo vements tha t are difficult to analyz e using traditional so cial mo vement theories . Rather than b eing one sp ecific theor y, it is more o f a p ersp ectiv e tha t revolves around unders tanding mo vements as the y rela te to p olitics , identity , culture , and so cial chang e. Some of these more c omple x interrela ted mo vements include ec ofeminism , which f ocuses on the p atriarchal so ciety as the sourc e of environmental problems , and the trans gender rights mo vement . Sociologis t Stev en B uechler (2000) sugg ests tha t we should b e looking a t the bigg er picture in which these mo vements arise —shifting to a macro -lev el, glob al analy sis o f social mo vements . 21.3 Social Change LEARNING OBJEC TIVES By the end o f this section, y ou should be able t o: •Explain ho w technolog y, social ins titutions , population, and the en vironment can bring about social chang e •Discus s the impor tanc e of modernization in r elation t o social chang e Collectiv e behavior and so cial mo vements are jus t two of the f orces driving social chang e, which is the chang e in so ciety cre ated through so cial mo vements as w ell as e xternal factors . Essentially , any disr uptiv e shift in the status quo , be it intentional or random , human-c aused or na tural , can le ad to so cial chang e.638 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Causes of Social Change Throughout this te xt, we ha ve discus sed various c auses and eff ects o f social chang e. Belo w is a rec ap o f some major driv ers, including technolog y, social ins titutions , popula tion , and the en vironment . Alone or in combina tion , these a gents c an dis turb , impro ve, disr upt, or other wise influenc e so ciety . Technology Some w ould sa y tha t impro ving technolog y has made our liv es e asier . Ima gine wha t your da y would b e lik e without the Internet , the a utomobile , or electricity . InThe W orld Is Fla t, Thomas F riedman (2005) argues tha t technolog y is a driving f orce behind glob aliza tion , while the other f orces o f social chang e (so cial ins titutions , popula tion , environment) pla y comp aratively minor roles . He sugg ests tha t we can view glob aliza tion as occurring in three dis tinct p erio ds. First, glob aliza tion w as driv en b y militar y expansion , powered by horsep ower and wind p ower. The c ountries b est able to tak e adv anta ge of these p ower sourc es e xpande d the mos t, and e xert control o ver the p olitics o f the glob e from the la te fifteenth c entur y to around the y ear 1800. The sec ond shor ter p erio d from appro xima tely 1800 C .E. to 2000 C .E. c onsis ted of a glob alizing ec onom y. Steam and rail p ower w ere the guiding f orces o f social chang e and glob aliza tion in this p erio d. Finally , Friedman brings us to the p ost-millennial era. In this p erio d of glob aliza tion , chang e is driv en b y technolog y, particularly the Internet (F riedman 2005). Technolog y can chang e other so cietal f orces. For e xample , adv ances in me dical technolog y allo w people to liv e long er, have more children , and sur vive some na tural disas ters or problems . Advances in a gricultural technolog y ha ve allo wed us to alter f ood pro ducts , which imp acts our he alth as w ell as the en vironment . A given technolog y can cre ate beneficiaries , but tha t same technolog y—especially if it is disr uptiv e—can le ad others to lose their jobs , suff er from p ollution , or b e monitore d or victimiz ed. The digital divide —the incre asing g ap b etween the technologic al ha ves and ha ve-nots —exists both lo cally and glob ally. Adde d security is sues include theft o f personal inf orma tion , cyb er a ggres sion , and los s of priv acy. The constant chang e in technolog y leads to an almos t inevita ble lack o f prep aration f or new risks on b oth p ersonal and so cietal sc ales . Crowdsour cing: Using the W eb to Get Things Done Millions o f people t oday walk ar ound with their heads til ted toward a smal l device held in their hands . Perhaps y ou are reading this t extbook on a phone or tablet. P eople in de veloped societies no w tak e communication t echnolog y for gr anted. Ho w has this t echnolog y aff ected social chang e in our society and others? One v ery positiv e way is crowdsour cing . Thank s to the w eb, digital crowdsour cing is the pr ocess of obtaining needed ser vices, ideas , or c ontent b y soliciting contributions fr om a lar ge group o f people , and especial ly from an online c ommunity r ather than fr om tr aditional emplo yees or suppliers . Web-based c ompanies such as Kick starter ha ve been cr eated pr ecisel y for the purposes o f raising lar ge amounts o f mone y in a shor t period o f time , notabl y by sides tepping the tr aditional financing pr ocess. This book, or vir tual book, is the pr oduct o f a kind o f crowdsour cing eff ort. It has been writ ten and r eviewed b y several authors in a v ariety o f fields t o giv e you fr ee ac cess to a lar ge amount o f data pr oduc ed at a lo w cost. The mos t common e xample o f crowdsour ced data is Wikipedia , the online ency clopedia , which is the r esul t of thousands of volunt eers adding and c orrecting mat erial . Perhaps the mos t striking use o f crowdsour cing is disas ter relief . By tracking tw eets and e -mails and or ganizing the data in or der o f urgency and quantity , relief ag encies can addr ess the mos t urgent cal ls for help , such as f or medical aid, f ood, shel ter, or r escue . On Januar y 12, 2010 a de vastating ear thquak e hit the nation o f Haiti. B y Januar y 25, a crisis map had been cr eated fr om mor e than 2,500 incident r epor ts, and mor e repor ts w ere added e very da y. The same t echnolog y was used t o as sist victims o f the Japanese ear thquak e and tsunami in 2011.SOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD21.3 • Social Chang e639 The Dark er Side of T echnology : Electr onic Aggr ession in the Inf ormation Age The U .S. C enter f or Dise ase C ontrol (CD C) uses the term " electronic a ggres sion " to describ e "an y typ e of haras sment or bullying tha t occurs through e -mail , a cha t room, ins tant mes saging , a w ebsite (including blogs), or te xt mes saging " (CD C, n.d.) W e generally think o f this as cyb erbullying . A 2011 s tudy b y the U .S. Dep artment o f Education f ound tha t 27.8 p ercent o f students a ged tw elve through eighteen rep orted experiencing bullying . From the same sample 9 p ercent sp ecific ally rep orted ha ving b een a victim o f cyberbullying (R obers et al . 2013). Cyb erbullying represents a p owerful chang e in mo dern so ciety . William F . Ogburn (1922) might ha ve been describing it ne arly a c entur y ago when he define d "cultural la g," which o ccurs when ma terial culture prec edes nonma terial culture . Tha t is, society ma y not fully c omprehend all the c onse quenc es o f a new technolog y and so ma y initially reject it (such as s tem c ell rese arch) or embrac e it, sometimes with unintende d neg ative conse quenc es (such as p ollution). Cyb erbullying is a sp ecial f eature o f the Internet . Unique to electronic a ggres sion is tha t it c an happ en tw enty - four hours a da y, every da y; it c an re ach a child (or an adult) ev en though she or he might other wise f eel sa fe in a locked house . The mes sages and ima ges ma y be posted anon ymously and to a v ery wide a udienc e, and the y might ev en b e imp ossible to trac e. Finally , onc e posted, the te xts and ima ges are v ery hard to delete . Its eff ects rang e from the use o f alc ohol and dr ugs to lo wer self -esteem , health problems , and ev en suicide (CD C, n.d.). Social Institutions Each chang e in a single so cial ins titution le ads to chang es in all so cial ins titutions . For e xample , the indus trializa tion o f society me ant tha t there w as no long er a nee d for larg e families to pro duce enough manual labor to r un a farm . Further , new job opp ortunities w ere in close pro ximity to urb an c enters where living sp ace was a t a premium . The result is tha t the a verage family siz e shr unk signific antly . This same shift to ward indus trial c orporate entities also chang ed the w ay we view g overnment in volvement in the priv ate sector , cre ated the glob al ec onom y, pro vide d new p olitic al pla tforms , and ev en spurre d new religions and new f orms o f religious w orship lik e Scientolog y. It has also inf orme d the w ay we educ ate our children: originally scho ols w ere set up to ac commo date an a gricultural c alendar so children c ould b e home to work the fields in the summer , and ev en to day, teaching mo dels are larg ely b ased on prep aring s tudents f or indus trial jobs , despite tha t being an outda ted nee d. A shift in one are a, such as indus trializa tion , me ans an interc onnecte d imp act acros s so cial ins titutions . Population Popula tion c omp osition is changing a t every lev el of society . Bir ths incre ase in one na tion and decre ase in another . Some families dela y childbir th while others s tart bringing children into their f olds e arly . Popula tion chang es c an b e due to random e xternal f orces, like an epidemic , or shifts in other so cial ins titutions , as describ ed above. But reg ardles s of wh y and ho w it happ ens, popula tion trends ha ve a tremendous interrela ted imp act on all other asp ects o f society . In the Unite d Sta tes, we are e xperiencing an incre ase in our senior p opula tion as Ba by Bo omers retire , which will in turn chang e the w ay man y of our so cial ins titutions are org aniz ed. For e xample , there is an incre ased demand f or housing in w armer clima tes, a mas sive shift in the nee d for elder c are and as sisted living facilities , and gro wing incidenc e of elder a buse . Retiring Bo omers ma y also le ad to la bor or e xpertise shor tages, and (as discus sed extensiv ely in the chapter on Aging and the Elderly ) healthc are c osts will incre ase to b ecome a larg er and larg er p ortion o f our ec onom y. Glob ally, often the c ountries with the highes t fertility ra tes are le ast able to a bsorb and a ttend to the nee ds o f a growing p opula tion . Family planning is a larg e step in ensuring tha t families are not burdene d with more children than the y can c are f or. On a macro lev el, the incre ased popula tion , particularly in the p oores t parts of the glob e, also le ads to incre ased stres s on the planet ’s resourc es.640 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. The Envir onment As discus sed extensiv ely in the chapter on P opula tion , Urb aniza tion , and the En vironment , chang es in the environment and our interaction with it c an ha ve promising or dev astating eff ects . Access to sa fe water is a primar y determinant o f he alth and prosp erity . And as human p opula tions e xpand in more vulnera ble are as while na tural disas ters o ccur with more fre quency , we see an incre ase in the numb er o f people a ffecte d by those disas ters . Overall he alth and w ellb eing are deeply a ffecte d by the en vironment ev en in urb aniz ed are as. Man y typ es o f cancers, which are c ollectiv ely the le ading c ause o f
🌪️ Hurricane Katrina's Perfect Storm
🌊 Hurricane Katrina revealed how environmental disasters combine with technological failures, institutional breakdowns, and demographic inequalities to create catastrophic social outcomes
👥 The storm disproportionately impacted African American communities through inadequate evacuation plans, failed levees in low-income areas, and discriminatory recovery efforts
💰 The aftermath exemplified disaster capitalism through Naomi Klein's "triple shock" theory: initial disaster, privatization of public services, and intense policing of remaining public spaces
🏙️ New Orleans underwent dramatic demographic transformation as displaced African Americans were relocated, public housing was reduced, and the city's racial makeup permanently shifted
🔄 Modernization processes bring technological advancement but often reinforce existing inequalities and carry ethnocentric biases about what constitutes "progress"
🌐 Core nations must balance technological development with cultural preservation when engaging with peripheral nations, avoiding both capitalist imperialism and romanticized views of traditional societies
death in higher -inc ome c ountries , have en vironmental influenc es (Mahase 2019). Hurricane K atrina: When It All Comes T ogether The f our k ey elements that aff ect social chang e that ar e described in this chap ter ar e the en vironment, t echnolog y, social ins titutions , and population. In 2005, Ne w Orleans w as struck b y a de vastating hurricane . But it w as not jus t the hurricane that w as disas trous. It w as the c onverging o f all four o f these elements , and the t ext belo w wil l connect the elements b y put ting the w ords in par entheses . Before Hurricane K atrina (en vironment) hit, poorl y coordinat ed e vacuation eff orts had left about 25 per cent o f the population, almos t entir ely African Americans who lack ed priv ate transpor tation, t o suff er the c onsequenc es o f the coming s torm (demogr aphics). Then "aft er the s torm, when the le vees br oke, thousands mor e [refug ees] came . And the city buses , meant t o tak e them t o proper shel ters, were under water" (Sul livan 2005). No public tr anspor tation was pr ovided, drinking w ater and c ommunications w ere dela yed, and FEMA , the F eder al Emer gency Manag ement Agency (ins titutions), w as headed b y an appoint ee with no r eal e xperienc e in emer gency manag ement. Those who were eventual ly evacuat ed did not kno w wher e the y were being sent or ho w to contact famil y members . African Americans w ere sent the far thes t from their homes . When the displac ed beg an to return, public housing had not been r eestablished, y et the Super dome s tadium, which had ser ved as a t empor ary disas ter shel ter, had been rebuil t. Homeo wners r eceived financial suppor t, but r enters did not. As it turns out, it w as not entir ely the hurricane that c ost the liv es o f 1,500 people , but the fact that the city ’s storm levees (t echnolog y), which had been buil t too lo w and which failed t o meet numer ous other saf ety specifications , gave way, flooding the lo wer por tions o f the city , occupied almos t entir ely by African Americans . Journalis t Naomi Klein, in her book The Shock Doctrine: The Rise o f Disas ter Capitalism, pr esents a theor y of a "triple shock, " consis ting o f an initial disas ter, an ec onomic shock that r eplac es public ser vices with priv ate (for- profit) ones , and a thir d shock c onsis ting o f the int ense policing o f the r emaining public. Klein suppor ts her claim b y quoting then-Congr essman Richar d Bak er as sa ying , "We final ly cleaned up public housing in Ne w Orleans . We couldn 't do it, but God did. " She quot es de veloper Joseph Canizar o as s tating , "I think w e ha ve a clean sheet t o start again. And with that clean sheet w e ha ve some v ery big oppor tunities ." One clean sheet w as that Ne w Orleans beg an to replac e public schools with char ters, breaking the t eachers’ union and firing al l public school t eachers (Mul lins 2014). Public housing w as seriousl y reduc ed and the poor w ere forced out al together or int o the suburbs far fr om medical and other facilities ( The Adv ocat e 2013). Final ly, by relocating African Americans and changing the r atio o f African Americans t o whit es, New Orleans chang ed its entir e demogr aphic mak eup. Moderniz ation Modernizat ion describ es the pro cesses tha t incre ase the amount o f specializa tion and diff erentia tion o f structure in so cieties resulting in the mo ve from an undev elop ed so ciety to a dev elop ed, technologic ally driv en society (Ir win 1975). B y this definition , the lev el of mo dernity within a so ciety is judg ed by the sophis tication o fSOCIOL OGY IN THE REAL W ORLD21.3 • Social Chang e641 its technolog y, particularly as it rela tes to infras tructure , indus try, and the lik e. Ho wever, it is imp ortant to note the inherent ethno centric bias o f such as sessment . Wh y do w e as sume tha t those living in semi-p eripheral and peripheral na tions w ould find it so w onder ful to b ecome more lik e the c ore na tions? Is mo derniza tion alw ays positiv e? One c ontradiction o f all kinds o f technolog y is tha t the y often promise time -saving b enefits , but someho w fail to deliv er. Ho w man y times ha ve you ground y our teeth in fr ustration a t an Internet site tha t refuse d to lo ad or at a dropp ed call on y our c ell phone? Despite time -saving devic es such as dish washers , washing machines , and , now, remote c ontrol v acuum cle aners , the a verage amount o f time sp ent on housew ork is the same to day as it w as fifty y ears a go. And the dubious b enefits o f 24/7 e -mail and imme diate inf orma tion ha ve simply incre ased the amount o f time emplo yees are e xpecte d to b e resp onsiv e and a vailable. While onc e busines ses had to tra vel at the sp eed of the U .S. p ostal s ystem , sending something o ff and w aiting until it w as rec eived before the ne xt stage, today the imme diacy o f inf orma tion trans fer me ans there are no such bre aks. Further , the Internet b ought us inf orma tion , but a t a c ost. The moras s of inf orma tion me ans tha t there is as much p oor inf orma tion a vailable as tr ustworthy sourc es. There is a delic ate line to w alk when c ore na tions seek to bring the as sume d benefits o f mo derniza tion to more traditional cultures . For one , there are ob vious procapitalis t biases tha t go into such a ttempts , and it is shor t-sighte d for w estern g overnments and so cial scientis ts to as sume all other c ountries aspire to f ollow in their f ootsteps . Additionally , there c an b e a kind o f neo -liberal def ense o f rural cultures , ignoring the o ften cr ushing p overty and dise ases tha t exist in p eripheral nations and f ocusing only on a nos talgic m ytholog y of the happ y peasant . It tak es a v ery careful hand to unders tand b oth the nee d for cultural identity and preser vation as w ell as the hop es for future gro wth .642 21 • Social Mo vements and Social Chang e Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Key T erms acting cro wds crowds o f people who are f ocuse d on a sp ecific action or g oal alternat ive mo vements social mo vements tha t limit themselv es to self -impro vement chang es in individuals assembling p ersp ective a theor y tha t cre dits individuals in cro wds as b ehaving as ra tional think ers and view s cro wds as eng aging in purp oseful b ehavior and c ollectiv e action casual cro wds people who share close pro ximity without re ally interacting collect ive beha vior a nonins titutionaliz ed activity in which sev eral p eople v oluntarily eng age conventional cro wds people who c ome tog ether f or a regularly sche dule d ev ent crowd a fairly larg e numb er o f people who share close pro ximity crowdsourcing the pro cess of obtaining nee ded ser vices, ide as, or c ontent b y soliciting c ontributions from a larg e group o f people diagnos tic framing a the so cial problem tha t is s tated in a cle ar, easily unders tood manner emer gent norm theor y a persp ectiv e tha t emphasiz es the imp ortanc e of social norms in cro wd behavior expres sive cro wds crowds who share opp ortunities to e xpres s emotions flash mob a larg e group o f people who g ather tog ether in a sp ontaneous activity tha t las ts a limite d amount of time frame alignment pro cess using bridging , amplific ation , extension , and trans forma tion as an ong oing and intentional me ans o f recr uiting p articip ants to a mo vement mas s a rela tively larg e group with a c ommon interes t, even if the y ma y not b e in close pro ximity modernizat ion the pro cess tha t incre ases the amount o f specializa tion and diff erentia tion o f structure in societies mot ivational framing a call to action new so cial mo vement theor y a theor y tha t attempts to e xplain the prolif eration o f postindus trial and postmo dern mo vements tha t are difficult to unders tand using traditional so cial mo vement theories NGO nong overnmental org aniza tions w orking glob ally f or numerous humanitarian and en vironmental causes prognos tic framing social mo vements tha t state a cle ar solution and a me ans o f implementa tion public an unorg aniz ed, rela tively diffuse group o f people who share ide as reform mo vements movements tha t seek to chang e something sp ecific a bout the so cial s tructure religious /redempt ive mo vements movements tha t work to promote inner chang e or spiritual gro wth in individuals resis tanc e mo vements those who seek to prev ent or undo chang e to the so cial s tructure resourc e mobilizat ion theor y a theor y tha t explains so cial mo vements’ suc cess in terms o f their a bility to acquire resourc es and mobiliz e individuals revolut ionar y mo vements movements tha t seek to c ompletely chang e ev ery asp ect o f society social chang e the chang e in a so ciety cre ated through so cial mo vements as w ell as through e xternal factors like en vironmental shifts or technologic al inno vations social mo vement a purp oseful org aniz ed group hoping to w ork to ward a c ommon so cial g oal social mo vement indus try the c ollection o f the so cial mo vement org aniza tions tha t are s triving to ward similar g oals social mo vement or ganizat ion a single so cial mo vement group social mo vement sector the multiple so cial mo vement indus tries in a so ciety , even if the y ha ve widely varying c onstituents and g oals value -adde d theor y a functionalis t persp ectiv e theor y tha t posits tha t sev eral prec onditions mus t be in plac e for c ollectiv e behavior to o ccur21 • K ey Terms 643 Section Summary 21.1 Collective Behavior Collectiv e behavior is nonins titutionaliz ed activity in which sev eral p eople v oluntarily eng age. There are three different f orms o f collectiv e behavior: cro wd, mas s, and public . There are three main theories on c ollectiv e behavior . The firs t, the emerg ent-norm p ersp ectiv e, emphasiz es the imp ortanc e of social norms in cro wd behavior . The ne xt, the v alue -adde d theor y, is a functionalis t persp ectiv e tha t states tha t sev eral prec onditions mus t be in plac e for c ollectiv e behavior to o ccur. Finally the as sembling p ersp ectiv e focuses on c ollectiv e action ra ther than c ollectiv e behavior , addres sing the pro cesses as sociated with cro wd behavior and the lifecycle and v arious c ategories o f gatherings . 21.2 Social Movements Social mo vements are purp oseful , org aniz ed groups , either with the g oal of pushing to ward chang e, giving politic al voice to those without it , or g athering f or some other c ommon purp ose. Social mo vements intersect with en vironmental chang es, technologic al inno vations , and other e xternal factors to cre ate so cial chang e. There are a m yriad o f catalysts tha t cre ate so cial mo vements , and the re asons tha t people join are as v arie d as the p articip ants themselv es. Sociologis ts lo ok a t both the macro - and micro analytic al re asons tha t social movements o ccur, tak e ro ot, and ultima tely suc ceed or fail . 21.3 Social Change There are numerous and v arie d causes o f social chang e. Four c ommon c auses , as rec ogniz ed by so cial scientis ts, are technolog y, social ins titutions , popula tion , and the en vironment . All four o f these are as c an imp act when and ho w so ciety chang es. And the y are all interrela ted: a chang e in one are a can le ad to chang es throughout . Mo derniza tion is a typic al result o f social chang e. Mo derniza tion ref ers to the pro cess of incre ased differentia tion and sp ecializa tion within a so ciety , particularly around its indus try and infras tructure . While this as sumes tha t more mo dern so cieties are b etter, there has b een signific ant pushb ack on this w estern- centric view tha t all p eripheral and semi-p eripheral c ountries should aspire to b e lik e North Americ a and Western Europ e. Section Quiz 21.1 Collective Behavior 1.Which o f the f ollowing org aniza tions is not an e xample o f a so cial mo vement? a.National F ootball Le ague b.Tea Party c.Greenp eace d.NAACP 2.Sociologis ts using c onflict p ersp ectiv e might s tudy wha t? a.How so cial mo vements dev elop b.Wha t social purp oses a mo vement ser ves c.Wha t motiv ates ine quita bly tre ated people to join a mo vement d.Wha t individuals hop e to g ain from taking p art in a so cial mo vement 3.Which o f the f ollowing is an e xample o f collectiv e behavior? a.A soldier ques tioning orders b.A group o f people interes ted in he aring an a uthor sp eak c.A clas s going on a field trip d.Going shopping with a friend644 21 • Section Summar y Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 4.The protes ters a t the E gypt uprising rally w ere: a.a casual cro wd b.a conventional cro wd c.a mas s d.an acting cro wd 5.According to emerg ent-norm theor y, cro wds are: a.irrational and impulsiv e b.often misinterprete d and misdirecte d c.able to dev elop their o wn definition o f the situa tion d.prone to criminal b ehavior 6.A boy thro wing ro cks during a demons tration might b e an e xample o f ___________. a.structural c onduciv enes s b.structural s train c.precipita ting factors d.mobiliza tion f or action 21.2 Social Movements 7.If we divide so cial mo vements ac cording to their p ositions among all so cial mo vements in a so ciety , we are using the __________ theor y to unders tand so cial mo vements . a.framing b.new so cial mo vement c.resourc e mobiliza tion d.value -adde d 8.While PET A is a so cial mo vement org aniza tion , tak en tog ether , the animal rights so cial mo vement organiza tions PET A, ALF , and Greenp eace are a __________. a.social mo vement indus try b.social mo vement sector c.social mo vement p arty d.social indus try 9.Social mo vements are: a.disr uptiv e and chaotic challeng es to the g overnment b.ineff ectiv e mas s mo vements c.the c ollectiv e action o f individuals w orking tog ether in an a ttempt to es tablish new norms b eliefs , or values d.the singular activities o f a c ollection o f groups w orking to challeng e the s tatus quo 10.When the Le ague o f Women V oters suc cessfully achiev ed its g oal of women b eing allo wed to v ote, the y had to underg o frame __________, a me ans o f completely changing their g oals to ensure c ontinuing relev ance. a.extension b.amplific ation c.bridging d.trans forma tion21 • Section Quiz 645 11.If a mo vement claims tha t the b est way to rev erse clima te chang e is to re duce carbon emis sions b y outla wing priv ately o wne d cars, “outla wing c ars” is the ________. a.prognos tic framing b.diagnos tic framing c.motiv ational framing d.frame trans forma tion 21.3 Social Change 12.Children in p eripheral na tions ha ve little to no daily ac cess to c omputers and the Internet , while children in core na tions are c onstantly e xposed to this technolog y. This is an e xample o f: a.the digital divide b.human ec olog y c.moderniza tion theor y d.dep endency theor y 13.When so ciologis ts think a bout technolog y as an a gent o f social chang e, which o f the f ollowing is not an example? a.Popula tion gro wth b.Medical adv ances c.The Internet d.Genetic ally engineere d food 14.China is underg oing a shift in indus try, incre asing la bor sp ecializa tion and the amount o f diff erentia tion present in the so cial s tructure . This e xemplifies: a.human ec olog y b.dep endency theor y c.moderniza tion d.conflict p ersp ectiv e 15.Core na tions tha t work to prop el peripheral na tions to ward mo derniza tion nee d to b e aware o f: a.preser ving p eripheral na tion cultural identity b.prep aring f or pitfalls tha t come with mo derniza tion c.avoiding heg emonis tic as sumptions a bout mo derniza tion d.all o f the a bove 16.In addition to so cial mo vements , social chang e is also c aused by technolog y, social ins titutions , popula tion and ______. a.the en vironment b.moderniza tion c.social s tructure d.new so cial mo vements Short Answer 21.1 Collective Behavior 1.Discus s the diff erenc es b etween a mas s and a cro wd. Wha t is an e xample o f each? Wha t sets them ap art? Wha t do the y share in c ommon? 2.Can y ou think o f a time when y our b ehavior in a cro wd was dicta ted by the circums tanc es? Giv e an e xample of emerg ent-norm p ersp ectiv e, using y our o wn e xperienc e.646 21 • Shor t Ans wer Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. 3.Discus s the diff erenc es b etween an acting cro wd and a c ollectiv e cro wd. Giv e examples o f each. 4.Ima gine y ou are a t a rally protes ting nucle ar energ y use . Walk us through the h ypothetic al rally using the value -adde d theor y, ima gining it meets all the s tages. 21.2 Social Movements 5.Think a bout a so cial mo vement indus try de aling with a c ause tha t is imp ortant to y ou. Ho w do the diff erent social mo vement org aniza tions o f this indus try seek to eng age you? Which techniques do y ou resp ond to? Why? 6.Do y ou think so cial me dia is an imp ortant to ol in cre ating so cial chang e? Wh y, or wh y not? Def end y our opinion . 7.Describ e a so cial mo vement in the decline s tage. Wha t is its is sue? Wh y has it re ache d this s tage? 21.3 Social Change 8.Consider one o f the major so cial mo vements o f the tw entieth c entur y, from civil rights in the Unite d Sta tes to G andhi ’s non violent protes ts in India. Ho w w ould technolog y ha ve chang ed it? W ould chang e ha ve come more quickly or more slo wly? Def end y our opinion . 9.Discus s the digital divide in the c onte xt of mo derniza tion . Is there a re al concern tha t poorer c ommunities are lacking in technolog y? Wh y, or wh y not? 10.Which theor y do y ou think b etter e xplains the glob al ec onom y: dep endency theor y (glob al ine quity is due to the e xploita tion o f peripheral and semi-p eripheral na tions b y core na tions) or mo derniza tion theor y? Rememb er to jus tify your ans wer and pro vide sp ecific e xamples . 11.Do y ou think tha t mo derniza tion is g ood or b ad? Explain , using e xamples . References Intr oduction to Social Movements and Social Change AFL -CIO . 2014. "Ex ecutiv e Paywatch." Retriev ed Dec emb er 17, 2014 ( http://www.aflcio .org/Corporate-Watch/ Paywatch-2014). Castells , Manuel . 2012. N etworks o f Outra ge and Hop e: So cial Mo vements in the Internet Ag e. Camgridg e, UK: Polity . Davies , James C . 1962. " Toward a Theor y of Revolution ." Americ an So ciologic al Review 27, no . 1. R etriev ed Dec emb er 17, 2014 ( http://www.jstor.org/disc over/ 2089714?sid=21104884442891&uid=3739256&uid=3739704&uid=4&uid=2). Gell , Aaron . 2011. " The W all Street P rotes ters: Wha t the Hell Do The y Want?" N ew Y ork Obser ver. Retriev ed Dec emb er 17, 2014 ( http://obser ver.com/2011/09/the -wall-s treet -protes ters -wha t-the -hell-do -the y-want/). Le T ellier , Alexandria. 2012. " Wha t Oc cup y Wall Street W ants ." Los Ang eles Times . Retriev ed Dec emb er 17, 2014 (
📚 Collective Behavior & Social Movements
🔍 Collective behavior emerges through spontaneous, unstructured social interactions like crowds, mobs, and flash mobs, driven by shared emotions and emergent norms
🌊 Social movements develop through strategic framing processes, resource mobilization, and network connections, transforming individual grievances into organized collective action
🔄 Digital activism has revolutionized mobilization through crowdsourcing, social media networks, and online coordination, though questions remain about its effectiveness compared to traditional organizing
🌍 Social change occurs through complex interactions between technological innovation, environmental pressures, demographic shifts, and collective action, often accelerating during periods of crisis
💡 Movement types range from reformist to revolutionary, with success depending on framing alignment, resource availability, political opportunities, and the strength of weak ties between participants
🧩 Theoretical frameworks including resource mobilization, new social movement theory, and frame alignment provide complementary perspectives on how movements emerge, sustain themselves, and create change
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ANS WER KEY Chapter 1 1.C3.A5.B7.B9.B11.D13.B15.D17.C Chapter 2 1.C3.C5.C7.D9.A11.B13.B15.A Chapter 3 1.D3.A5.D7.A9.A11.C13.A15.A17.B19.C21.B Chapter 4 1.C3.C5.C7.D9.A11.A Chapter 5 1.B3.C5.D7.D9.C11.D13.B15.A Chapter 6 1.C3.A5.D7.D9.C11.D13.D15.B17.D19.A Chapter 7 1.D3.A5.C7.B9.B11.C13.C15.B Chapter 8 1.C3.D5.C7.D9.D11.B13.D15.A17.A19.C Chapter 9 1.B3.B5.D7.A9.B11.A13.C15.B17.D Chapter 10 1.B3.D5.D7.B9.B11.A13.A15.D Chapter 11 1.D3.D5.B7.B9.B11.C13.B15.D17.A19.D Chapter 12 1.B3.B5.C7.B9.D11.C13.B15.A17.B Chapter 13 1.B3.B5.C7.A9.D11.B13.C15.B17.A19.A651 Chapter 14 1.A3.C5.B7.B9.A11.D13.C15.B Chapter 15 1.D3.B5.C7.B9.B11.A13.C15.C Chapter 16 1.A3.B5.A7.C9.D11.D13.C15.D17.C19.C Chapter 17 1.C3.B5.B7.B9.D11.B13.B15.D17.D19.D21.B23.A Chapter 18 1.B3.C5.C7.B9.A11.D13.D15.C17.C Chapter 19 1.C3.A5.A7.C9.B11.D13.B15.C17.D19.A Chapter 20 1.A3.C5.A7.D9.A11.B13.D15.D17.D19.B Chapter 21 1.A3.B5.C7.C9.C11.A13.A15.D652 Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. INDEX A absolute monarchies 502 Absolute p overty248 accuracy 39 achiev ed statuses 111 acting cro wds 628 activity theor y391 age stratific ation theor y394 Ageism 387 aggreg ate149 agricultural so cieties 101 Aliena tion 106 Alterna tive mo vements 634 Amalg ama tion 303 ambiline al413 anarch y502 Animism 450 ,451 anomie 104 anticip atory so cializa tion 135 anxiety disorders 568 ascrib ed111 assembling p ersp ectiv e630 Assimila tion 301 asylum-seek ers 600 Atheism 450 atheis ts451 authoritarian le aders 155 Authority 500 automa tion 543 B Baby Bo omers 374 bartering 526 beliefs 73 bigamy413 bila teral desc ent 413 biologic al determinism 350 bourg eoisie 105 bure aucracies 159 bystander eff ect 159 C cancer clus ter 610 Capital flight 268 capitalism 105 ,529career inheritanc e537 carrying c apacity 596 case s tudy 50 Caste systems 240 Casual cro wds 628 category149 charisma tic a uthority 501 Cha ttel sla very278 clas s240 clas s consciousnes s107 clas s system 240 Clas s traits 247 clear division o f labor160 clima te chang e605 Close d systems 239 code o f ethics 53 Coerciv e org aniza tions 159 cohabita tion 412 cohor t371 collectiv e behavior 627 collectiv e conscienc e103 Color -Avoidanc e Racism 299 Colorism 298 commo dific ation 575 concentric z one mo del 603 Conflict theor y20,180 ,180 Conformity 157 conspicuous c onsumption 253 constitutional monarchies 503 Constructivism 22 content analy sis 52 Contes ted illnes ses 561 continuity theor y391 Conventional cro wds 628 Convergence theor y534 Core na tions 267 Cornuc opian theor y596 corporate crime 187 corrections s ystem 191 correla tion 44 countercultures 81 court190 Credentialism 481 Crime 186 criminal jus tice system 189critic al theor y20 crowd628 crowdsourcing 639 Cults 448 cultural c apital 479 Cultural imp erialism 69 Cultural p atterns 9 Cultural Racism 298 cultural rela tivism 70 Cultural transmis sion 471 Cultural univ ersals 68 culture 9,66,88 culture la g83 Culture o f prejudic e296 culture sho ck 70 cyberfeminism 223 D Davis-Mo ore thesis 251 de facto segreg ation 300 debt ac cumula tion 270 debt b onda ge278 degrada tion c eremon y136 Deindus trializa tion 268 deme dicaliza tion 576 demo cracy 506 Demo cratic le aders 155 Demographic transition theor y597 demograph y592 denomina tion 449 dep endency ra tio 376 Dep endency theor y279 dep endent v aria ble (D V)38 depres sion 536 design p atent 208 devianc e174 diagnos tic framing 637 dicta torship 505 differential as sociation theor y184 diffusion 82,83 digital divide 203 Disa bility 570 discrimina tion 297Inde x653 diseng agement theor y390 doing g ender 350 dominant group 292 downward mobility 247 drama turgic al analy sis 22 dyad 154 dynamic e quilibrium 18 dysfunctions 19 E e-readines s203 E-waste608 ecclesia 449 econom y521 Education 469 Elder a buse 387 Emerg ent norm theor y628 empiric al evidenc e35 endog amous marria ge240 Environmental racism 611 environmental so ciolog y604 epidemiolog y575 establishe d sects 449 Ethnicity 291 ethno centrism 69 Ethnograph y48 evolutionar y mo del o f technologic al chang e208 exchang e theor y394 existing so cial mo vement sector 636 exogamous marria ge240 experiment 51 explicit r ules 160 Expres sive cro wds 628 expres sive functions 149 expres sive leaders 155 Expulsion 303 extreme p overty272 exurbs 601 F false c onsciousnes s107 family 411 family lif e course 415 family lif e cy cle 414 family o f orienta tion 411 family o f pro creation 411 feminiza tion o f poverty248 fertility ra te592feudal so cieties 101 Field rese arch 43 figura tion 10 filial piety 377 first world 267 flash mobs 627 folkw ays75 Formal e duc ation 471 formal org aniza tions 159 Formal sanctions 177 fourth w orld 267 Fracking 589 frame alignment pro cess637 function 18 Functionalism 18 G gatekeeping 221 Gender 331 Gender dy sphoria 338 Gender identity 336 gender role 334 generaliz ed other 123 generaliz ed others 16 Geno cide 303 Gentrific ation 602 geria trics 378 geronto cracy 387 Gerontolog y369 gerotransc endenc e396 Gini C oefficient 265 glob al as sembly lines 538 glob al commo dity chains 538 glob al ine quality 264 Glob al stratific ation 249 ,265 glob aliza tion 83,537 Grade infla tion 480 Grand theories 17 grief 383 group 149 H habitualiza tion 110 hate crimes 187 Hawthorne eff ect 51 Head Star t program 483 heterose xism 339 heterose xual 333 hidden curriculum 130 ,479 Hierarch y of authority 160high culture 80,80 high , low, and p op 80 Historic al Racism 298 Hor ticultural so cieties 100 hospic e384 Human ec olog y602 Hunter -gatherer so cieties 99 hypothesis 17,38 I ideal culture 73 ideolog y240 imp airment 570 imp ersonality 160 in-group 151 income 239 indep endent v aria bles (IV )38 individual manda te572 Individual or Interp ersonal Racism 298 indus trial so cieties 102 informal e duc ation 471 informal sanctions 177 Informa tion so cieties 102 inno vation 82,82 institutionaliza tion 110 instrumental function 149 instrumental le ader 155 interg enera tional mobility 247 internally displac ed person 600 interpretiv e framew ork 40 intersection theor y295 Interse x337 inter view 43 intima te p artner violenc e (IPV )425 intra genera tional mobility 247 iron c age108 Iron R ule o f Olig arch y161 K kinship 413 kno wledge gap 203 L Labeling theor y182 laissez-faire 155 Langua ge77 latent functions 19 Leadership function 155654 Inde x Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. leadership s tyles 155 legal codes 187 legitima tion 575 Liberation theolog y456 life course 378 life expectancy 373 litera ture review 38 looking-glas s self 113 low culture 80,80 M macro -lev el8 Malthusian theor y596 Manif est functions 18 Mark et so cialism 532 marria ge411 mas s628 Mas s me dia 132 mas ter s tatus 182 matriline al413 matrilo cal residenc e413 McDonaldiza tion o f Society 162 mechanic al solidarity 104 ,521 Media 207 Media c onsolida tion 216 media glob aliza tion 215 Medical so ciolog y560 Medicaliza tion 566 medicaliza tion o f devianc e576 meg achurch 456 meg alop olis 601 Merc antilism 527 merito cracies 160 Merito cracy 241 metrop olis 601 micro -lev el8 minority group 292 misog yny347 model minority 312 Moderniza tion 641 moderniza tion theor y278 ,393 monarch y502 Mone y526 monog amy412 Monotheism 450 ,451 mood disorders 568 Moral dev elopment 123 Morbidity 566 Mores 75 mor tality ra te592motiv ational framing 637 mutualism 533 N narc otizing dy sfunction 221 nature 125 Negative sanctions 177 Neo-Luddites 223 net neutrality 206 New me dia 212 New so cial mo vement theor y638 No Child Left Behind A ct484 Nong overnmental org aniza tions (NG Os) 633 Nonma terial culture 67 nonre activ e rese arch 52 Nonviolent crimes 187 Norma tive org aniza tions 159 norms 74 nucle ar family 416 nurture 125 O oligarch y503 oligopoly 216 one p erson , one v ote 508 Open s ystems 239 operational definition 39 organic solidarity 104 ,521 out-group 151 outsourcing 543 P panoptic sur veillanc e221 paradigms 17 particip ant obser vation 45 Pastoral so cieties 99 patriline al413 patrilo cal residenc e413 patrimonialism 501 peer group 129 Peripheral na tions 267 personality disorders 568 physician-as sisted suicide 384 planne d obsolesc ence212 Plant p atents 208 Pluralism 301 Polariza tion 543 Police189politics 507 Pollution 606 Polygamy412 Polytheism 450 polytheis tic 451 popular culture 80 popula tion 42 popula tion c omp osition 594 popula tion p yramid 594 Positiv e sanctions 177 positivism 12 power498 power elite 180 ,510 Prejudic e296 primar y aging 379 primar y da ta43 Primar y devianc e182 primar y groups 149 primog eniture 242 priv ate he althc are 572 Prognos tic framing 637 proletaria t105 public 628 public he althc are 572 Q qualita tive da ta42 quantita tive da ta42 Queer Theor y355 R racial pro filing 290 ,298 racial s teering 299 Racism 298 random sample 42 rational-leg al authority 501 rationaliza tion 108 real culture 73 recession 536 Redlining 300 referenc e group 152 Reform mo vements 633 refug ee600 Relative poverty249 ,272 relia bility 39 religion 441 Religious b eliefs 443 Religious e xperienc e443 Religious rituals 443 Religious /Redemptiv eInde x655 movements 633 representa tive demo cracy 506 Resis tanc e mo vements 634 reso cializa tion 135 resourc e mobiliza tion theor y636 Revolutionar y mo vements 633 role c onflict 111 Role p erformanc e112 role s train 111 role -set 111 Roles 111 S sample 42 sanctions 73,177 Sapir -Whor f hypothesis 77 Scapegoat theor y292 scientific metho d35 second w orld 267 secondar y aging 379 secondar y da ta analy sis 41,52 Secondar y devianc e182 secondar y groups 149 sect 448 sedimenta tion o f racial inequality 300 Segreg ation 304 selectiv e optimiza tion with comp ensa tion theor y395 self 122 self-fulfilling prophecy 110 self-rep ort study 188 Semi-p eripheral na tions 268 senesc ence385 Sex331 sex ra tio 594 Sexism 343 sexual orienta tion 332 sexuality 332 ,351 shak en-b aby syndrome 428 sick role 575 signific ant others 16 social chang e638 social c onstruction o f rac e290 social c onstruction o f sexuality 350 social c ontrol 73,177social disorg aniza tion theor y179 Social epidemiolog y563 social facts 9 Social g erontolog y369 social ins titution 10 social ins titutions 18,74 social integra tion 104 Social mobility 247 social mo vement indus try636 Social mo vements 631 social order 177 social plac ement 476 social solidarity 17 Social s tratific ation 237 Socialism 531 Socializa tion 121 socializ ed me dicine 573 society 8,88,98 socioeconomic s tatus (SES )237 sociologic al ima gina tion 9 Sociolog y8 sorting 478 standard o f living 248 status 111 status c onsis tency 241 stereotyp e interchang eability 571 Stereotyp es296 Stigma tization 570 stigma tization o f illnes s561 strain theor y179 street crime 187 Structural mobility 248 structural racism or ins titutional racism 298 structural unemplo yment 546 subculture 81 subculture o f aging theor y395 Subjectiv e poverty272 subordina te group 292 subsis tenc e farming 528 Suburbs 601 survey41 sustaina ble dev elopment 602 symb ols 77 Systemic Racism 298T technologic al diffusion 218 technologic al glob aliza tion 215 technolog y202 technophiles 223 thana tolog y384 third w orld 267 Thomas theorem 110 total ins titutions 159 totalitarian dicta torship 505 Totemism 451 ,451 tracking 479 traditional a uthority 501 Trans gender 336 triad 154 U underemplo yment 546 underground ec onom y273 Unila teral desc ent 413 univ ersal ac cess471 univ ersal he althc are 574 Upward mobility 247 urban so ciolog y599 Urb aniza tion 599 utilitarian org aniza tions 160 Utility p atents 208 V validity 39 value neutrality 53 value -adde d theor y629 values 73 victimles s crime 187 Violent crimes 187 voluntar y org aniza tions 159 W wealth 239 White flight 602 White privileg e297 X Xeno centrism 71 xenophobia 538 Z zero p opula tion gro wth 596656 Inde x Access for fr ee a t opens tax. org. Inde x657